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Our study is directed toward the examination of attitudinal grounds of political decision-making among young (≤ 24 years old) Lithuanian voters in the national parliamentary elections. The focus is on their attitudes regarding politically specific evaluative dimensions (competence, honesty and leadership). To estimate the prognostic values of explicit/implicit attitudes toward different Lithuanian political parties, we asked participants to fill out a questionnaire and to perform three sets of ST-IATs respectively. Due to the low voting diversity among participants, an elaborate data analysis could only be conducted regarding two Lithuanian parties: the Liberal Movement (LRLS) and Homeland Union – Lithuanian Christian Democrats (TS-LKD). The results of our study suggest that explicit attitudes are more important than implicit attitudes in predicting voting behavior. We found that positive explicit and positive implicit attitudes toward the LRLS competence and leadership, respectively, predicted the decision to vote for this party (reference group: non-voters). On the same note, our findings suggest that positive explicit and implicit attitudes toward the TS-LKD honesty predicted the decision to vote for this party (reference group: non-voters). Positive implicit attitudes toward the party's competence also predicted this decision. Finally, we found that political sophistication was an important factor by only considering explicit attitudes toward TS-LKD. Namely, the increase of explicit attitudes' prognostic power on the decision to vote for TS-LKD was associated with the decrease of voters' political sophistication (reference group: non-voters).

Our study is directed toward the examination of attitudinal grounds of political decision-making among young (≤ 24 years old) Lithuanian voters in the national parliamentary elections. The focus is on their attitudes regarding politically specific evaluative dimensions (competence, honesty and leadership). To estimate the prognostic values of explicit/implicit attitudes toward different Lithuanian political parties, we asked participants to fill out a questionnaire and to perform three sets of ST-IATs respectively. Due to the low voting diversity among participants, an elaborate data analysis could only be conducted regarding two Lithuanian parties: the Liberal Movement (LRLS) and Homeland Union – Lithuanian Christian Democrats (TS-LKD). The results of our study suggest that explicit attitudes are more important than implicit attitudes in predicting voting behavior. We found that positive explicit and positive implicit attitudes toward the LRLS competence and leadership, respectively, predicted the decision to vote for this party (reference group: non-voters). On the same note, our findings suggest that positive explicit and implicit attitudes toward the TS-LKD honesty predicted the decision to vote for this party (reference group: non-voters). Positive implicit attitudes toward the party's competence also predicted this decision. Finally, we found that political sophistication was an important factor by only considering explicit attitudes toward TS-LKD. Namely, the increase of explicit attitudes' prognostic power on the decision to vote for TS-LKD was associated with the decrease of voters' political sophistication (reference group: non-voters).

Our study is directed toward the examination of attitudinal grounds of political decision-making among young (≤ 24 years old) Lithuanian voters in the national parliamentary elections. The focus is on their attitudes regarding politically specific evaluative dimensions (competence, honesty and leadership). To estimate the prognostic values of explicit/implicit attitudes toward different Lithuanian political parties, we asked participants to fill out a questionnaire and to perform three sets of ST-IATs respectively. Due to the low voting diversity among participants, an elaborate data analysis could only be conducted regarding two Lithuanian parties: the Liberal Movement (LRLS) and Homeland Union – Lithuanian Christian Democrats (TS-LKD). The results of our study suggest that explicit attitudes are more important than implicit attitudes in predicting voting behavior. We found that positive explicit and positive implicit attitudes toward the LRLS competence and leadership, respectively, predicted the decision to vote for this party (reference group: non-voters). On the same note, our findings suggest that positive explicit and implicit attitudes toward the TS-LKD honesty predicted the decision to vote for this party (reference group: non-voters). Positive implicit attitudes toward the party's competence also predicted this decision. Finally, we found that political sophistication was an important factor by only considering explicit attitudes toward TS-LKD. Namely, the increase of explicit attitudes' prognostic power on the decision to vote for TS-LKD was associated with the decrease of voters' political sophistication (reference group: non-voters).

Our study is directed toward the examination of attitudinal grounds of political decision-making among young (≤ 24 years old) Lithuanian voters in the national parliamentary elections. The focus is on their attitudes regarding politically specific evaluative dimensions (competence, honesty and leadership). To estimate the prognostic values of explicit/implicit attitudes toward different Lithuanian political parties, we asked participants to fill out a questionnaire and to perform three sets of ST-IATs respectively. Due to the low voting diversity among participants, an elaborate data analysis could only be conducted regarding two Lithuanian parties: the Liberal Movement (LRLS) and Homeland Union – Lithuanian Christian Democrats (TS-LKD). The results of our study suggest that explicit attitudes are more important than implicit attitudes in predicting voting behavior. We found that positive explicit and positive implicit attitudes toward the LRLS competence and leadership, respectively, predicted the decision to vote for this party (reference group: non-voters). On the same note, our findings suggest that positive explicit and implicit attitudes toward the TS-LKD honesty predicted the decision to vote for this party (reference group: non-voters). Positive implicit attitudes toward the party's competence also predicted this decision. Finally, we found that political sophistication was an important factor by only considering explicit attitudes toward TS-LKD. Namely, the increase of explicit attitudes' prognostic power on the decision to vote for TS-LKD was associated with the decrease of voters' political sophistication (reference group: non-voters).

Šiuo straipsniu pradedama akademinė diskusija dėl to, ką Lietuvos partinei sistemai reiškė 2016 m. Seimo rinkimai. Atnaujinant rinkimų kaitu­mo rodiklius ir partijų konkurencinės erdvės žemėlapį (pagal rinkėjų verti­nimus) teigiama: stabilizacija, nurodoma kalbant apie 2012 m. Seimo rinki­mus, buvo labai santykinė (Vakarų politologai tikriausiai jos neįžvelgtų) ir, įvertinant visą 1992–2016 m. laikotarpį, panašesnė į išimtį. Taigi, 2016 m. rinkimai tiesiog grąžino nestabilią Lietuvos partinę sistemą į savas vėžes – nepaisant gana apgaulingos mažos naujų partijų sėkmės, matyti, kad padidė­jo tiek bendras, tiek išorinis (parodantis partinės sistemos silpnumą) nestabi­lumas. Konkurencinėje erdvėje išryškėjusios dvi dimensijos vėl meta iššūkį Lietuvos tradicinių partijų gebėjimui integruoti naujokus. Akivaizdu, kad yra niša ir kartu poreikis toliau tirti rinkėjų elgesį, tad antroje straipsnio dalyje aptariami esminiai klausimai, kuriuos rinkimų politologijai (politinei socio­logijai) pateikia 2016 m. Seimo rinkimai: rinkėjų kaitumo individo lygmeniu logika, (besikeičiantis?) rinkimų sistemos vaidmuo, partijų ir visuomenės (ne)susikalbėjimas, rinkimų kampanijos įtaka rinkimų rezultatui. Esant tiek nežinomųjų, siūloma kritiškai žiūrėti į galimybes prognozuoti rinkimų rezul­tatus ir vedama paralelė tarp politologų ir seismologų: smarkūs žemės dre­bėjimai, kaip ir tokie rinkimai, sunkiai numatomi iš anksto. Kaip sprendžiant trijų kūnų problemą, nestabilios sąveikos tarp pasiūlos, paklausos ir rinkimų sistemos veda į neprognozuojamą rinkimų rezultatą. Tačiau būtent dėl to ir reikia toliau tęsti tyrimus.

Makedonija - Istorija - 1914-1944 - Sobiri - Kulturna istorija - SSSR - Istorija - 1914-1944 - Sobiri - Kulturna istorija.

The occasions of political advertising we can notice every day, although the hugest amount of it is flooded during the electioneering. Media has opportunities to reach the mass auditory; it is an influential agency in the formation of public opinion. Therefore the most actual task is to involve the media during the electioneering. Most of them suppose media being the only opportunity to reach success in elections. As a problem of my research I have chosen the experience of the latter elections, which have showed that there are relations in the field of political communication, which are based on interchange and competition of political ideas. Politicians- ideologues become politicians- managers and administrators, which advertise their "goods". It is proposed, that in elections it is fought not for the ideas, but for the money, which is given for the political advertising in media. As a result political advertising and its real or supposed influence on the final electable results is an actual and regular object of discussions. It is important to emphasis that it is difficult to estimate the influence of the political advertising on particular elector, moreover, that researches, which would show what influences electoral behaviour or political preferences are not popular. Besides it is difficult for the electors to remember which advertising they saw or read, it is difficult clearly to formulate what influenced their decision during the elections, having in mind, that there are a lot of factors which could have been the influence of the decision. The purpose of the research is to analyse political advertising during electioneering and after it using scientific methods and to estimate the influence of advertising on the final results of elections. The main aims of the research are: - to analise the main aspects of politic advertising and to define peculiarity of political advertising with reference of theory and practical researches; - to summarise the influence on electors of the political advertising in media; - to summarise the main strategies used of Labor Party and Homeland Union Party during Seimas elections; - to estimate and sumamrise the political advertising in contest of politicians' everyday activities ( not during the electioneering).

The occasions of political advertising we can notice every day, although the hugest amount of it is flooded during the electioneering. Media has opportunities to reach the mass auditory; it is an influential agency in the formation of public opinion. Therefore the most actual task is to involve the media during the electioneering. Most of them suppose media being the only opportunity to reach success in elections. As a problem of my research I have chosen the experience of the latter elections, which have showed that there are relations in the field of political communication, which are based on interchange and competition of political ideas. Politicians- ideologues become politicians- managers and administrators, which advertise their "goods". It is proposed, that in elections it is fought not for the ideas, but for the money, which is given for the political advertising in media. As a result political advertising and its real or supposed influence on the final electable results is an actual and regular object of discussions. It is important to emphasis that it is difficult to estimate the influence of the political advertising on particular elector, moreover, that researches, which would show what influences electoral behaviour or political preferences are not popular. Besides it is difficult for the electors to remember which advertising they saw or read, it is difficult clearly to formulate what influenced their decision during the elections, having in mind, that there are a lot of factors which could have been the influence of the decision. The purpose of the research is to analyse political advertising during electioneering and after it using scientific methods and to estimate the influence of advertising on the final results of elections. The main aims of the research are: - to analise the main aspects of politic advertising and to define peculiarity of political advertising with reference of theory and practical researches; - to summarise the influence on electors of the political advertising in media; - to summarise the main strategies used of Labor Party and Homeland Union Party during Seimas elections; - to estimate and sumamrise the political advertising in contest of politicians' everyday activities ( not during the electioneering).

The occasions of political advertising we can notice every day, although the hugest amount of it is flooded during the electioneering. Media has opportunities to reach the mass auditory; it is an influential agency in the formation of public opinion. Therefore the most actual task is to involve the media during the electioneering. Most of them suppose media being the only opportunity to reach success in elections. As a problem of my research I have chosen the experience of the latter elections, which have showed that there are relations in the field of political communication, which are based on interchange and competition of political ideas. Politicians- ideologues become politicians- managers and administrators, which advertise their "goods". It is proposed, that in elections it is fought not for the ideas, but for the money, which is given for the political advertising in media. As a result political advertising and its real or supposed influence on the final electable results is an actual and regular object of discussions. It is important to emphasis that it is difficult to estimate the influence of the political advertising on particular elector, moreover, that researches, which would show what influences electoral behaviour or political preferences are not popular. Besides it is difficult for the electors to remember which advertising they saw or read, it is difficult clearly to formulate what influenced their decision during the elections, having in mind, that there are a lot of factors which could have been the influence of the decision. The purpose of the research is to analyse political advertising during electioneering and after it using scientific methods and to estimate the influence of advertising on the final results of elections. The main aims of the research are: - to analise the main aspects of politic advertising and to define peculiarity of political advertising with reference of theory and practical researches; - to summarise the influence on electors of the political advertising in media; - to summarise the main strategies used of Labor Party and Homeland Union Party during Seimas elections; - to estimate and sumamrise the political advertising in contest of politicians' everyday activities ( not during the electioneering).

The occasions of political advertising we can notice every day, although the hugest amount of it is flooded during the electioneering. Media has opportunities to reach the mass auditory; it is an influential agency in the formation of public opinion. Therefore the most actual task is to involve the media during the electioneering. Most of them suppose media being the only opportunity to reach success in elections. As a problem of my research I have chosen the experience of the latter elections, which have showed that there are relations in the field of political communication, which are based on interchange and competition of political ideas. Politicians- ideologues become politicians- managers and administrators, which advertise their "goods". It is proposed, that in elections it is fought not for the ideas, but for the money, which is given for the political advertising in media. As a result political advertising and its real or supposed influence on the final electable results is an actual and regular object of discussions. It is important to emphasis that it is difficult to estimate the influence of the political advertising on particular elector, moreover, that researches, which would show what influences electoral behaviour or political preferences are not popular. Besides it is difficult for the electors to remember which advertising they saw or read, it is difficult clearly to formulate what influenced their decision during the elections, having in mind, that there are a lot of factors which could have been the influence of the decision. The purpose of the research is to analyse political advertising during electioneering and after it using scientific methods and to estimate the influence of advertising on the final results of elections. The main aims of the research are: - to analise the main aspects of politic advertising and to define peculiarity of political advertising with reference of theory and practical researches; - to summarise the influence on electors of the political advertising in media; - to summarise the main strategies used of Labor Party and Homeland Union Party during Seimas elections; - to estimate and sumamrise the political advertising in contest of politicians' everyday activities ( not during the electioneering).

Review: Vitkus, Gediminas. 2006. Diplomatinė aporija: tarptautinė Lietuvos ir Rusijos santykių normalizacijos perspektyva. Vilnius: Vilniaus universiteto leidykla.

European elections in 2012 could bode significant change across the continent. Yet on 6 November 2012, the United States will hold national elections that could have a major impact upon Europe. This article describes the current state of American politics and what the 2012 elections signal for that country's future. Two claims are made. First, regardless of the election results, there will be significant continuity in American foreign policy, but different election scenarios could produce important changes in domestic policy that have international consequences. Second, regardless of the election, the United States faces certain long term challenges that will impact it internationally. ; Valdžia ir jos rinkimų sistema Jungtinėse Valstijose lyginant su Europos parlamentinėmis sistemomis ir su kitu pasauliu – unikali. Du ryškūs Jungtinių Valstijų bruožai – tai kad valdžia suformuota iš atskirų jėgų šakų, o ne parlamentiškai, taip pat kad tai federalinė, o ne unitarinė valdžia. Šie du veiksniai reiškia, kad Jungtinių Valstijų politinės jėgos suskaidytos tarp trijų nacionalinių valdžios atšakų ir tarp nacionalinės vyriausybės ir 50-ies valstijų. Tokia valdžios formavimo sistema reiškia, kad greitu laiku vargu ar tikėtini politiniai pokyčiai ir kad dėl šių priežasčių rinkimai, matyt, nesukels dramatiškų politikos ar politinių orientyrų pokyčių. Tai žinotina, nes Jungtinėse Valstijose galima numatyti kelių rūšių politinių partijų kontrolę. Gali įvykti, kad ir prezidentas, ir abeji Kongreso rūmai yra kontroliuojami vienos partijos. Tai įvyko George'o Busho prezidentavimo metu nuo 2003 m. iki 2007 m. Tai ir vėl pasikartojo 2008 m., kai prezidentu tapo Barackas Obama. Tačiau galimas ir toks atvejis, kai prezidentas atstovauja vienai partijai, o Kongresas kitai. Dar kitas scenarijus, kai prezidentas ir vieni įstatymų leidimo rūmai kontroliuojami vienos partijos, o kiti – kitos. Būtent taip šiuo metu yra Jungtinėse Valstijose. Kokie bebūtų rinkimų rezultatai, Amerikos užsienio politika išliks veikiau nuosekli, nei patirs pokyčių. Mažai tikėtina, kad Jungtinės Valstijos keis savo įsipareigojimus Izraeliui ar Europai. Su Europa santykiai neišgyvens reikšmingos kaitos, nors, ir Rusijos, ir Amerikos rinkimams praūžus ir kampanijų retorikai nutilus, šios dvi šalys gali žymiai konstruktyviau bendradarbiauti spręsdamos svarbius klausimus, ypač susijusius su Sirija ir su priešraketinėmis gynybos sistemomis Europoje. Jei prezidentinius ir Kongreso įgaliojimus kontroliuos Respublikonai, Jungtinės Valstijos didins karinį biudžetą, imsis karingesnių priemonių prieš terorizmą, sustiprins karinę veiklą Afganistane, kategoriškiau vertins Irano branduolines ambicijas. Jungtinės Valstijos ims agresyviau kurti priešraketinę gynybą Europoje. Tačiau svarbiausi Jungtinių Valstijų iššūkiai – ekonomikoje. Kaip minėta,, šalis neša didelės nacionalinės skolos ir biudžeto deficito naštą, ir ją reikia mažinti. Michael Mullen, Jungtinių štabų vadų komiteto pirmininkas, aukščiausias karinis rangas Jungtinėse Valstijose, kalba apie Jungtinių Valstijų nacionalinę skolą kaip apie didžiausią grėsmę saugumui. Siekiant sutarimo dėl šios problemos sprendimo gali tekti ženkliai apkarpyti biudžetą, taip pat ir karinį.

. Legal rules possess a certain organizing principle which is greatly important in nowadays crisis Russian conditions of "transition period" for insufficiently initiative population who has got accustomed to depend upon the command from the top. Criminological legislation (laws and other legislative acts which in total form juridical basis of control of criminality) may be divided on criminal legislation (legislation which contains criminal law rules) and criminological legislation in the narrow sense of the word, which regulates activity which prevents committing the crimes but does not connect with application of criminal punishment and other measures of criminal repression. 2. Criminological legislation in the true sense consists of the following six groups of legal ndes which accordingly regulate: 1) criminological policy; 2) resocialization of criminal contingent of population; 3) prevention of crimes commited by minors and youth; 4) victimological prevention of crimes and social help to victims (victimological legislation); 5) activity of subjects of social control of criminality; 6) control of financial activity and also of turnover of certain things: drugs, drastic substances, weapon and ammunition, cultural and historical values, currency and others - which especially often become objects of crimes. 3. Russia needs changing of Criminal Code principles and goals (functions) of punishment in such a way which regards as of paramount importance compensation of injury to the victim and preventing the offender from commiting further crimes. Also it is greatly desirable to pass the Basis of Russia legislation about social control of criminality and according to it systematize, remake (in ideal, codify) criminological legislation in the true sense and, in order to develop it, to pass a number of laws, in particular, about control of family violence and youth criminality. ; Teisinėms normoms būdingas tam tikras organizuojamasis poveikis. Jis šiandieninėje krizės apimtoje Rusijoje pereinamojo laikotarpio sąlygomis ypač svarbus neaktyviems, prie komandų pripratusiems piliečiams. Kriminologiniai įstatymai (įstatymai ir kiti teisiniai aktai, sudarantys nusikalstamumo kontrolės juridinį pagrindą) gali būti suskirstyti į baudžiamuosius įstatymus, apibrėžiančius baudžiamosios teisės normas, ir kritninologinius Įstatymus siaurąja prasme. Jie reglamentuoja nusikalstamumo prevenciją, tačiau nenumato baudžiamosios bausmės taikymo ir kitų baudžiamosios represijos priemonių. Kriminologinius įstatymus sudaro 6 teisiniu normų grupės, reglamentuojančios: 1) kriminologinę politiką; 2) baudžiamojo gyventojų kontingento resocializaciją; 3) nepilnamečiu ir jaunų žmonių nusikalstamumo prevenciją; 4) viktimologinę nusikaltimu prevenciją ir socialine pagalbą aukoms (viktimologiniai įstatymai); 5) socialinės nusikalstamumo kontrolės subjektų veiklą; 6) finansinės veiklos ir tokių prekių kaip narkotikai, ginklai ir amunicija, kultūrinės ir istorinės vertybės, valiuta ir kt., kurios ypač dažnai tampa nusikaltimu objektais, apyvartos kontrole. Rusijoje būtina pakeisti Baudžiamojo kodekso principus ir bausmės tikslus. Labai svarbu aukai atlyginti padarytą žalą ir apsaugoti nusikaltusi asmenį, kad nepadarytą daugiau nusikaltimu. Svarbu priimti bazinius socialinės nusikalstamumo kontrolės įstatymus ir susisteminti, patobulinti (o geriausia - kodifikuoti) kriminologinius įstatymus. Šiam tikslui pasiekti būtina priimti kitus įstatymus (reglamentuojančius prievartos šeimoje kontrolę ir nepilnamečių nusikalstamumą).