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En el siguiente aparte presentamos diferentes casos representativos de populismo penal en Argentina, El Salvador, Colombia y Ecuador.

The article presents the political, social, ethnical and economic situation in Bosnia-Herzegovina 15 years after the signing of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The agreement offi cially fi nished the war in this country. The goal of this article is to describe the complexity of the internal situation and the problems of the construction of a stable and independent state. The article discusses an extremely complicated political system, that was imposed in the peace agreement, which alongside with different political businesses of three constitutional nations is leading to the decision-making paralysis and makes stable ruling is making impossible. The role of the High Representative UN/EU was also described. The role is to coordinate the activity of international community and is indeed exercising the sovereign power in the state contributing to therecognition that Bosnia, although is an independent and sovereign state, actually became an international protectorate. Various opinions about the effectiveness of the High Representative and the legitimacy of taken actions were presented. The fact that (between 1992–2004) NATO forces (executing military missions) and (from 2004) European forces (executing civil-military missions) stationed in Bosnia-Herzegovina is not without meaning. The author is also paying attention to the fact that a complicated and strained ethnic situation is a source of stagnation in BiH and individual constitutional nations have completely different expectations and political businesses which is making impossible to form a civil nation (national) and is still jeopardizing the state's territorial integrity.

'Die FPÖ ist eine europäische Ausnahmeerscheinung: Unter allen im Europäischen Parlament vertretenen Parteien ist sie die mit Abstand erfolgreichste unter den Parteien, die in keine Parteifamilie eingebunden und keiner Fraktion des Europäischen Parlaments angehören. Diese Verbindung aus Erfolg auf nationaler und Isolierung auf europäischer Ebene hängt mit dem spezifischen Charakter der FPÖ zusammen: Sie ist 'populistisch' - weil sie beansprucht, 'das Volk' gegen die Eliten zu vertreten und zu mobilisieren. Sie ist 'rechtspopulistisch' - weil sie, wie andere Parteien in Europa (FN, Lega Nord, Vlaams Blok, etc.) auch, sich zur Verteidigung von (nationaler oder ethnischer) Identität gegen die Aufhebung oder verstärkte Durchlässigkeit von Grenzen wendet. Sie ist aber auch, im Gegensatz zu den meisten anderen rechtspopulistischen Parteien Europas, eine Traditionspartei - und Teil dieser Tradition ist auch die österreichische NSDAP. Erst die Kombination aller Faktoren erklärt den Erfolg der FPÖ - aber auch die internationale Reaktion auf diesen Erfolg.' (Autorenreferat)

Discusses views of the Mexican president, whose center-right pro-business National Action Party (PAN) ended the 71-year rule of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) in July 2000, including his vision of an EU-style partnership in North America, his populist rhetoric, and opposition in the Mexican Congress to his proposed economic reforms. Concerns that public policy may be affected by Fox's openly displayed conservative Roman Catholic beliefs.

Across the West, hard-right leaders are surging to power on platforms of ethno-economic nationalism, Christianity, and traditional family values. Is this phenomenon the end of neoliberalism or its monstrous offspring? In the Ruins of Neoliberalism casts the hard-right turn as animated by socioeconomically aggrieved white working- and middle-class populations but contoured by neoliberalism's multipronged assault on democratic values. From its inception, neoliberalism flirted with authoritarian liberalism as it warred against robust democracy. It repelled social-justice claims through appeals to market freedom and morality. It sought to de-democratize the state, economy, and society and re-secure the patriarchal family. In key works of the founding neoliberal intellectuals, Wendy Brown traces the ambition to replace democratic orders with ones disciplined by markets and traditional morality and democratic states with technocratic ones. Yet plutocracy, white supremacy, politicized mass affect, indifference to truth, and extreme social disinhibition were no part of the neoliberal vision. Brown theorizes their unintentional spurring by neoliberal reason, from its attack on the value of society and its fetish of individual freedom to its legitimation of inequality. Above all, she argues, neoliberalism's intensification of nihilism coupled with its accidental wounding of white male supremacy generates an apocalyptic populism willing to destroy the world rather than endure a future in which this supremacy disappears

PurposeThis paper aims to analyze and compare attitudes and perceptions of Muslim leadership toward society and politics based on their personal experiences in England and the Netherlands.Design/methodology/approachThis study provides valuable insights into how Muslim leadership experiences socio-political realities from own perspectives. The comparative analysis of Muslim leadership in England and the Netherlands highlights the unique qualities of each community, while also demonstrating shared communal awareness regarding political participation and concerns regarding the rise of Islamophobia and populism.FindingsThe study reveals significant differences between Dutch and British Muslim leadership regarding attitudes toward politics. While the Dutch political system enables minorities to have political parties, British leaders prefer peaceful resistance, internal cooperation and voting power for influence. Muslim communities in both countries face similar challenges, such as access to politics, rising Islamophobia and populism. However, there are variations in leadership maturity and attitudes toward communal unification and political participation.Research limitations/implicationsEspecially Dutch Muslims were much more open toward cooperation once approached. The biggest challenge was to get into the Muslim communities in England. Even though British Muslims showed a much greater aptitude toward their civic duties, British Muslims were much more careful and wished that interviews were written down instead of being recorded. But once the author was part of the community, community leaders were more accepting and tolerant towards the author's presence. From that point on, to be recommended (snowballing) became easier.Practical implicationsThis research shows clearly how different ethnic Muslim communities differ across two different countries. Even though both countries have their own advantages and disadvantages, understanding how civic responsibilities and the progressive development of minority attitudes can be best approached is important to policymakers.Social implicationsOne major social implication is the way minorities perceive social and political equality and how these minority expectations can be met. Research shows that there is much fear and anxiety to growing sentiments of populism and right-wing appraisals. For a better integration and inclusion, a sound assessment of social and religious expectations is crucial.Originality/valueAs far as the author knows, there are no qualitative research studies that compare Muslim minority conditions in the Netherlands and England. This research makes this even more interesting for how to create policy that contributes to a European understanding of Muslim existence in Europe and a common European identity. This is crucial for a more stable and stronger European future.

The report analyzes the importance of the memory of anti-fascism, in a country like Italy where fascism originated. The concept of long Resistance is examined, focusing on the early twenties of the twentieth century, when Mussolini rose to power, considering in particular the notable figure of Piero Gobetti and his activities as a publisher. In the short space of three years, he published 114 volumes. Among the authors there were all the major figures of the anti-fascist culture of the time, from Einaudi to Salvemini, from Amendola to Salvatorelli, from Ruffini to Monti, from Sturzo to Nitti, literary critics such as Fubini and Sapegno, novelists, poets, including Eugenio Montale, future Nobel laureate. A Committee chaired by me took the initiative to republish the entire corpus of Gobettian books, to make available to the new generations the best democratic literature of the time, as a contribution - in an era of right-wing populism and crisis of democracy in various parts of the world - to the struggle against fascism which is always taking on new forms, against the "eternal fascism" Umberto Eco spoke about. Eighty volumes have been released so far (October 2020) which - hopefully - will help to preserve the memory and to maintain an intergenerational message, foreseeing a future without oblivion. ; The report analyzes the importance of the memory of anti-fascism, in a country like Italy where fascism originated. The concept of long Resistance is examined, focusing on the early twenties of the twentieth century, when Mussolini rose to power, considering in particular the notable figure of Piero Gobetti and his activities as a publisher. In the short space of three years, he published 114 volumes. Among the authors there were all the major figures of the anti-fascist culture of the time, from Einaudi to Salvemini, from Amendola to Salvatorelli, from Ruffini to Monti, from Sturzo to Nitti, literary critics such as Fubini and Sapegno, novelists, poets, including Eugenio Montale, future Nobel laureate. A Committee chaired by me took the initiative to republish the entire corpus of Gobettian books, to make available to the new generations the best democratic literature of the time, as a contribution - in an era of right-wing populism and crisis of democracy in various parts of the world - to the struggle against fascism which is always taking on new forms, against the "eternal fascism" Umberto Eco spoke about. Eighty volumes have been released so far (October 2020) which - hopefully - will help to preserve the memory and to maintain an intergenerational message, foreseeing a future without oblivion.