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RESUMEN: Este ensayo tiene como objetivo analizar las actitudes hacia los partidos políticos en tres democracias en pleno proceso de consolidación de sus instituciones. Más concretamente, se trata de averiguar si los partidos políticos en Uruguay, Chile y Argentina gozan o no de aceptación entre la ciudadanía y por ende, de legitimidad para guiar ese proceso de consolidación. Mediante la construcción de un índice de sentimientos hacia los partidos se explora, por un lado, la relación entre estos sentimientos y actitudes más generales hacia el régimen político y, por otro, el posible origen histórico y sociodemográfico de esos sentimientos más o menos entusiastas. Mientras que los partidos son ampliamente aceptados en Uruguay y Argentina, lo son menos en Chile donde además el régimen democrático es más cuestionado y la apatía y desinterés ciudadana más extendidaABSTRACT: This essay analyses the attitudes towards political parties in airee democracies currently facing a process of institutional consolidation. I explore whether political parties in Uruguay, Chile and Argentina have the legitimacy to guide this process by studying their acceptance among the citizenship. I build an índex of sentiments towards political parties and I explore, first, the relationship between these sentiments and more general attitudes towards the political regime and, second, the possible historical and sociodemografic origins of more or less enthusiastic patterns. Parties are highly valued in Uruguay and Argentina and considerably less valued in Chile, where attitudes towards the political regime are also more ambivalent and political apathy more extended.

[ES] Este ensayo tiene como objetivo analizar las actitudes hacia los partidos políticos en tres democracias en pleno proceso de consolidación de sus instituciones. Más concretamente, se trata de averiguar si los partidos políticos en Uruguay, Chile y Argentina gozan o no de aceptación entre la ciudadanía y por ende, de legitimidad para guiar ese proceso de consolidación. Mediante la construcción de un índice de sentimientos hacia los partidos se explora, por un lado, la relación entre estos sentimientos y actitudes más generales hacia el régimen político y, por otro, el posible origen histórico y sociodemográfico de esos sentimientos más o menos entusiastas. Mientras que los partidos son ampliamente aceptados en Uruguay y Argentina, lo son menos en Chile donde además el régimen democrático es más cuestionado y la apatía y desinterés ciudadana más extendida ; [EN] This essay analyses the attitudes towards political parties in airee democracies currently facing a process of institutional consolidation. I explore whether political parties in Uruguay, Chile and Argentina have the legitimacy to guide this process by studying their acceptance among the citizenship. I build an índex of sentiments towards political parties and I explore, first, the relationship between these sentiments and more general attitudes towards the political regime and, second, the possible historical and sociodemografic origins of more or less enthusiastic patterns. Parties are highly valued in Uruguay and Argentina and considerably less valued in Chile, where attitudes towards the political regime are also more ambivalent and political apathy more extended.

This paper explores the pathways of the determinants of unfavourable birth outcomes, such as premature birth, the size of the baby at birth, and Caesarean section deliveries, in Kenya using graphical log-linear chain models. The results show that a number of factors that do not have direct associations with unfavourable birth outcomes contribute to these outcomes indirectly through intermediate factors. Marital status, the desirability of a pregnancy, the use of family planning and access to health facilities have no direct associations with poor birth outcomes, such as premature births and the small size of the baby at birth, but are linked to these outcomes through antenatal care. Antenatal care is identified as a central link between various sociodemographic or reproductive factors and birth outcomes.

This paper describes a process for the evaluation of the Chairperson by his or her fellow board members. It has been developed in close co‐operation between academics and practitioners and has been successfully tested in different companies. Frequently, there is a fairly high threshold to be overcome before companies agree to such a step. They fear a dismantling of the authority of the Chairman or a "Götterdämmerung" in the board room. These fears are unfounded if the process is handled with care and embedded in a culture of learning; learning even at the level of the board. In such cases, all parties involved (and, in particular, the Chairman) found the process very helpful, and satisfaction was widespread despite considerable initial hesitation and uneasiness.

Evidence-based family prevention programs have become more prevalent in recent years due to their effectiveness. However, they also pose a number of challenges, such as controlling for possible biases associated with the profile of the program provider. This study assesses whether the professionals in charge of implementing the Strengthening Families Program (SFP) have adequate competences, and whether significant groupings can be identified according to their competences and attitudes to evidence-based practice. It analyses what training and occupational factors might influence their competence levels and attitudes. Through a cross-sectional study, an evaluation was made of the professionals in charge of giving the SFP ( n = 177; 84.2% females; mean age: 38 years). They were found to have sufficient levels of suitable competences, particularly in terms of intrapersonal, interpersonal, and environment-related skills. From a K-means cluster analysis, significant groupings were identified, based on the professionals' competences and attitudes to evidence-based practice. When the professionals in Cluster 2 (a higher level of competences and receptive attitudes) were compared with the other clusters, significant differences in two variables were found: (a) the receipt of prior training in the SFP and (b) specialization in family interventions. This finding is important because once the competences had been evaluated to control for possible biases, higher competence levels were shown to influence the program's effectiveness. For this reason, it is important to identify possible factors that might foster better proficiency in the said skills. This could serve as a guideline for public health services, social agents, and institutions, offering them guidance on the type of competences and level of skills required by the professionals in charge of giving the program.

The relations maintained by France with Italy between 1958 and 1969 are examined from the perspective of relations between French and Italians and Italian policy of France. The study of opinions and collective representations through direct contact (immigration and tourism) and cultural mediation from Italy to France (language teaching, Italy in curricula, academic research, the press and dissemination of literature and Italian cinema) provides an analysis of the complex relationship of kinship and otherness. This study sheds light on the attitudes and behavior of policy makers who have a look at both benevolent and condescending, part of the Gaullist policy of magnitude. Mediterranean and European policy issues that shape the relations between the two countries in a multilateral and bilateral basis, further raise a number of transalpine misunderstandings. ; Les rapports entretenus par la France avec l'Italie entre 1958 et 1969 sont examinés du point de vue des relations entre Français et Italiens et de la politique italienne de la France. L'étude des opinions et des représentations collectives à travers les contacts directs (immigration et tourisme) et les médiations culturelles de l'Italie vers la France (enseignement de la langue, l'Italie dans les programmes scolaires, la recherche universitaire, la presse et la diffusion de la littérature et du cinéma italien) permet une analyse de la relation complexe de parenté et d'altérité. Cette étude éclaire les attitudes et les comportements des décideurs politiques qui portent un regard à la fois bienveillant et condescendant, partie intégrante de la politique gaullienne de grandeur. Les enjeux politiques méditerranéens et européens qui structurent les relations entre les deux pays, dans un cadre multilatéral et bilatéral, suscitent en outre un certain nombre de malentendus transalpins.

Given the Ricardian assumption that factors of production, though completely mobile nationally, are completely immobile internationally, trade theory proves that real income per capita in a country with an effective protective tariff will be lower than it would be in a free trade situation. Does the proposition hold if we assume international mobility of the factors of production? Our first inclination is to say that it does, because (a) the excess costs above world costs of producing protected commodities must be paid for by the consumers of the commodities, and (b) the consumers must be the domestic population, since commodities produced at costs above world costs cannot be sold to foreign consumers. On the other hand, it seems paradoxical to talk of imposing costs on people who are internationally mobile, and who can therefore avoid the burden of a protective tariff in whole or in part by emigration to a country where the burden is either non-existent or lighter. If there is protected production there must be a burden; but since the costs of protection can be avoided by emigration there can be no burden. The apparent contradiction could, of course, be avoided by taking the position that it is impossible to create, or expand, protected industry by means of a tariff in a country whose population is not imprisoned within its own borders by the Ricardian assumption. The contention of this paper, however, is that a country can establish protected industry—manufacturing, let us say—within its borders even when its population is free to emigrate. Our problem is to show how this outcome is possible.The problem may be rephrased by noting the converse of the proposition stated in our introductory sentence, namely, that a tariff must effect a reduction in real income per capita in a country in order to be effective, i.e., to lead to the development of protected production. Accordingly, if we can describe a mechanism by which a protective tariff results in a reduction of real income per capita in a country whose population is free to emigrate, we will have shown the tariff to be effective.

In this article, the image of Poland in the Bulgarian mass media was analyzed. This image was presented on the basis of reports that were made by employees of the Polish Embassy in Sofia and sent to the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Polish Embassy in Sofia had the biggest impact in promotion of the Polish themes in the Bulgarian mass media. Polish issues have been present in the Bulgarian mass media from the beginning of political transformation, although the media presented information from Poland with varying frequency. The popularity of Polish issues in the Bulgarian media grew significantly when important political and economic events took place in Poland, or when there were meetings on the highest level between representatives of both states. During this period, the mass media created a positive image of Poland, mainly regarding economic issues. Poland was recognised as the leader in the process of political and economic transformations among Central and Eastern Europe countries.