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Education is one of the variables most frequently used by students of bureaucracy to determine background characteristics of political elites (Cochrane, 1967; Gruber, 1971; Hopkins, 1967; de Imaz, 1970; Verner, 1973). Especially in Latin American research, scholars often examine educational levels of men who serve in high public office. Although such studies usually look at the type of education, the number of years of study, and the location of the institution, very few, if any, authors have examined the determining influence on the careers of future political elites of student contact as well as student to faculty relationships at the preparatory school or university. The omission is significant because it is the contention of this paper that at least since the 1946 presidential administration in Mexico, contact which took place during the school days of future political leaders was an important form of recruitment.

Este artículo se centra en el desarrollo de la etnicidad de los atacameños del norte de Chile, a través de sus múltiples interrelaciones con el Estado y la sociedad civil de Chile, en particular el mercado de trabajo minero y el arribo de la burocracia estatal a las comunidades indígenas. Esta fuerte conexión con la sociedad nacional, la entendemos como una vía estratégica y dramática de sobrevivencia étnica, en un entorno político difícil y agresivo.ABSTRACTThis paper centers on the development of Atacamenian ethnicity in northern Chile by means of their multiple relationships with the State and the civil society. It particularly focuses on the mining labour market and the arrival of the State's bureaucracy into the indigenous communities. The strong link with the Chilean national society is understood as a dramatic and strategic way of ethnic survival in a hard and aggressive political enviroment.

Brazil has been a classic example of plantation society. In recent years, however, a new Brazil has been emerging in a process vividly described by Charles Wagley as "the Brazilian Revolution", by which the old society has been transformed as new groups have gradually risen from industry, commerce, the professions, and the bureaucracy, until the overall Brazilian society no longer bears the stamp of plantation society.In this paper an attempt will be made to show how the plantation developed into the organizing force of Brazilian society throughout the Colonial and Empire periods by extending its form and control patterns to the larger society which surrounded it. By the end of the nineteenth century, due to a series of crises, economic, social, and political, the classic plantation system underwent modifications which, if they had gone unchecked, would have strengthened it more than ever.

In an age of crumbling empires, when many former colonial territories are becoming politically independent, it may still be instructive to study the processes by which empires and nations have been built up. What political forms have been involved and how have they been modified and developed? The new nations of Africa and Asia now emerging have political structures that bear a generic resemblance to the established democracies and dictatorships of Europe. These forms of organization seem to be a necessary requirement for membership of the United Nations, and are widely held to be essential if there is to be a flexible industrial and commercial economy, centralized administration and widespread literacy. None of the United Nations enjoys an entirely subsistence economy or relies only on communication by word of mouth. They all have courts of law, standing armies and at least the beginnings of a bureaucracy.

The results which are likely to flow from any political change are extremely difficult to predict. It would have been impossible a generation ago to foresee that the gradual shift, in democratic as well as totalitarian states, of the political center of gravity from the legislature to the executive would create a new instrument of political power. That instrument is official publicity, or, more bluntly, governmental propaganda. It is suggested here that the tremendous growth in the publicity activities of modern governments is a direct consequence of the continued absorption by the executive of a larger degree of legislative initiative and power. Indeed, it seems highly probable that the development of the administrative bureaucracy as a source of policy and law will result, if it has not already done so, in making propaganda an indispensable instrument of government, with profound implications for traditional democratic processes.

The aim of the author of this article was merely to write an introduction, i.e. to offer some observations on the methods and theories appropriate, in his opinion, to the study of the Christian Syndicalist Movement.In part I he deals with the organisations' internal life. Here he examines in turn:The circumstances of the organisations' foundation, namely partly clerical and doctrinal influences, partly the reactions of the workers. The various ways in which Christian Trade-Unionism is influenced by the clergy. The structure of the confederations, especially the problems of centralism and bureaucracy, democracy and federalism. And finally recruiting-conditions, viz. the degree of confessionalism of the organisation, the religious attitude of the members as a whole, and the distrubution both geographically and vocationally. Here he adds a comparison between the fluctuations in the number of members of Christian and of socialist organisations.

В статье рассматриваются противоречия между партикуляризмом дворянства на местах и централизаторскими стремлениями коронной администрации. Выявляются способы взаимодействия губернатора с представителями дворянской корпорации, выясняются причины конфронтации и негативных оценок личности губернаторов. Отмечается, что, несмотря на продворянскую ориентацию и деятельность, губернатор зачастую оценивался дворянством негативно, как представитель бюрократии, чиновник, чуждый интересам губернии и корпорации. Показано, что наличие разобщенности между властью и обществом на местном уровне, дистанцирование губернатора от местных проблем и конфликты с представителями дворянской корпорации способствовали нарастанию отчужденности и обостряли политическую ситуацию в губерниях. В связи с этим дворянство выступило противником правительственного проекта губернской реформы. Для характеристики взаимоотношений власти и общества используется структурно- функциональный анализ. В статье отмечается, что события первой российской революции стали серьезной проверкой на прочность губернаторского корпуса, показали недостаточный уровень компетентности, организаторских способностей и авторитета губернаторов для решения политических конфликтов. Оппозиционный характер I и II государственных дум частично был связан с тем, что местные власти не сумели реализовать правительственные интересы во время избирательных кампаний. Одновременно выявляется мотивация действий представителей дворянской корпорации, полагающих, что они имеют приоритет в оценке особенностей жизни российской провинции. Сравнительно-сопоставительный метод позволил выявить общее и особенное в оценках представителей губернаторского корпуса. Корпус исторических источников представлен воспоминаниями губернаторов, анализ которых позволил объяснить управленческие решения автора в сложных исторических условиях. В статье ставятся и решаются научно значимые задачи, в которых рассматривается специфика взаимоотношений между представителями коронной власти губернаторами и органов дворянского сословного самоуправления предводителями дворянства в начале ХХ века. ; In the article contradictions between particularism of nobility on places and centralization aspirations of crown administration are considered. Ways of interaction of the governor with representatives of noble corporation come to light, the reasons of confrontation and negative estimates of identity of governors become clear. It is noted that despite pro-noble orientation and activity, the governor was often negatively estimated by the nobility as the representative of bureaucracy, the official alien to the interests of the province and corporation. It is shown that existence of dissociation between the power and society at the local level, distancing of the governor from local problems and conflicts with representatives of noble corporation promoted increase of estrangement and aggravated political situation in provinces. In this regard the nobility has acted as the opponent of the government project of provincial reform. For the characteristic of relationship of the power and society the structural functional analysis is used. In the article it is noted that events of the first Russian revolution became serious check on durability of the governors case, have shown the insufficient level of competence, organizing abilities and the authority of governors for the decision of political conflicts. The oppositional nature of I and II State Dumas has partially been connected with the fact that local authorities havent managed to realize government interests during the electoral companies. At the same time the motivation of actions of representatives of noble corporation believing that they have a priority in assessment of features of life of the Russian province comes to light. The comparative method has allowed to reveal general and special in estimates of representatives of the governors case. The case of historical sources is presented by memoirs of governors which analysis has allowed to explain administrative decisions of the author in difficult historical conditions. In the article scientific and significant tasks in which the specifics of relationship between representatives of the crown power governors and bodies of noble class self-government leaders of the nobility at the beginning of the XX century are considered are set and solved.

В рецензируемой монографии предпринята попытка создания аналитической биографии реформатора из плеяды новых государственных деятелей ‒ Н.А. Милютина, имя которого неразрывно связано с Великими реформами 1860-х гг. В центре внимания автора духовный мир личности реформатора, сформированный интеллектуальной культурой эпохи. Проанализированы особенности профессиональных практик и воззрений идеологов политического курса, их межличностное взаимодействие в ходе обсуждения проектов реформы местного управления. Отмечено, что особое внимание автором уделено анализу проблемы взаимодействия власти и общества в процессе подготовки реформ. Выявлен большой вклад автора в освещение дискуссионных проблем подготовки земской реформы, эффективности и потенциальных возможностей проектов, в разработке которых принимал участие Н.А. Милютин. Новые данные приведены для характеристики концептуальных воззрений реформатора. Значительный интерес представляет нарративный анализ мемуарных источников, позволивший автору выявить мифологемы в образе реформатора. ; In a peer-reviewed monograph, an attempt was made to create an analytical biography of a reformer from a galaxy of new statesmen ‒ N.A. Milyutin, whose name is inextricably connected with the Great Reforms of the 1860-ies. The author's focus is on the spiritual world of the reformer's personality, formed by the intellectual culture of the era. The peculiarities of professional practices and views of the ideologues of the political course, their interpersonal interaction during the discussion of local government reform projects, were analyzed. It was noted that the author paid special attention to the analysis of the problem of interaction between the authorities and the public in the process of preparing reforms. A significant contribution of the author to the coverage of the discussion problems of the preparation of the Zemstvo reform, the effectiveness and potential of projects in the development of which N.A. Milyutin participated was revealed. New data are given to characterize the conceptual views of the reformer. A significant interest is the narrative analysis of memoir sources, which allowed the author to identify mythologies in the image of a reformer.

This article discusses the politicization of the bureaucratic structures of the Brazilian municipalities based on appointed positions. The intention is to demonstrate patterns of political appointments that reflect institutional performance. The data were provided by Munic/IBGE 2005/14 and IpoC- Instituições Políticas Comparadas/UFRGS. Firstly, the study observed the degree of variability of the distribution of these positions in municipal structures, and the quality of the appointees' education. Then, an analysis of spatial, global, and local dependence was performed. In addition, the difference in performance among municipalities was statistically tested using the independent t-test. The test compared municipalities' performance concerning the number and education of appointees. The study used the Municipal GDP-Per-Capita, the Índice Firjan de Desenvolvimento Municipal (IFDM), and the Índice de Governança Municipal (IGM) created by the Federal Board of Administration as proxies for performance. The results stress the complexity of local public management since some of the tests indicate the number and education of appointees as predictors of high performance while other studies do not find the same relationship. ; Este artículo aborda la politización de las estructuras burocráticas de los municipios brasileños a través del uso de cargos comisionados. Los datos se obtuvieron a través del banco de datos del grupo de investigación Instituciones Políticas Comparadas (IpoC), del Instituto Brasileño de Geografía y Estadística (IBGE) y de los sitios web oficiales del Consejo Federal de Administración (CFA) y de la Federación de las Industrias de Río de Janeiro (FIRJAN). Inicialmente se verificó el grado de variabilidad de la distribución de esos cargos en las estructuras municipales y la calidad instruccional de esos servidores. A continuación, se procedió a un análisis de dependencia espacial global y local. Además, se analizó estadísticamente, con el uso del test t independiente, la diferencia de desempeño entre los municipios con comisionados con más capacidades en relación con los de menos y, entre los municipios con mayores cantidades de comisionados en comparación con los con menos. Como proxy de desempeño se utilizó el PIB per cápita municipal, el Índice FIRJAN de Desarrollo Municipal (IFDM) y el Índice de Gobernanza Municipal (IGM) creado por el CFA. El resultado revela la complejidad de la administración pública municipal, ya que, algunas pruebas indican la capacitación y la cantidad de servidores como solución y recomendación a los municipios; mientras que otras indican lo contrario. ; Este artigo aborda a politização das estruturas burocráticas dos municípios brasileiros mediante cargos comissionados (CCs). Os dados foram obtidos por meio do banco de dados do grupo de pesquisa Instituições Políticas Comparadas (IpoC), do Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE), e dos sites ofi ciais do Conselho Federal de Administração (CFA) e da Federação das Indústrias do Rio de Janeiro (FIRJAN). Inicialmente, verificou-se o grau de variabilidade da distribuição desses cargos nas estruturas municipais e a qualidade instrucional desses servidores. Em seguida, procedeu-se a uma análise de dependência espacial global e local. Além disso, analisou-se estatisticamente, via teste t independente, a diferença de desempenho entre os municípios com maiores capacidades dos comissionados em comparação àqueles com menores capacidades dos comissionados e entre os municípios com maiores quantidades de comissionados em comparação àqueles com menores quantidades de comissionados. Como proxy de desempenho, utilizou-se o produto interno bruto (PIB) per capita municipal, o Índice FIRJAN de Desenvolvimento Municipal (IFDM) e o Índice de Governança Municipal (IGM), criado pelo CFA. O resultado traz à tona a complexidade da administração pública municipal, já que os diversos testes divergem sobre os efeitos da capacitação e da quantidade de servidores comissionados como elementos preditores de um melhor desempenho dos municípios.

International audience ; The article concerns politicisation of French urban inter-municipality and to question one of the topos of the literature on this subject, according to which this institutional level would be condemned to depoliticisation. In order to do this, it first reflects on the notion of politicisation, often poorly defined despite its omnipresence in the political science literature in general and the relationship between politics and administration at the local level in particular. The term politicisation actually implies processes that vary widely in their forms and purposes. To put these multiple forms of politicisation in order, three dimensions and four modes of politicisation are distinguished. The survey that inspired this typology and allowed it to be tested focused on the Bordeaux inter-municipality - - the Bordeaux urban community that became a metropolis in early 2015 - and on a period from 1995 to 2015 marked by four changes of president. This survey revealed very distinct ways for metropolitan political leaders to control recruitment and mobility within the inter-municipal administration, to embed inter-municipal debates and decisions in ideological and partisan opposition patterns and to mobilise the administration in the service of a public policy programme and more generally, a territorial project. The twenty years or so of inter-municipal history in Bordeaux shows some contrasting situations, oscillating mainly around two modes of politicisation: the politicisation of control and transformational politicisation. ; L'article propose de revenir sur la politisation de l'intercommunalité urbaine française et de questionner l'un des topos de la littérature portant sur cet objet selon lequel ce niveau institutionnel serait condamné à la dépolitisation. Pour ce faire, il opère d'abord un retour sur la notion de politisation, souvent mal définie malgré son omniprésence dans la littérature de science politique en général et sur les rapports entre politique et administration à l'échelle ...

Wie ist es um das Verhältnis zwischen Staat und Bürger bestellt und wie kommen andererseits die Bürokraten und die Subbürokratien miteinander aus? Diese Doppelfrage soll als roter Faden die nachfolgenden Betrachtungen durchziehen, wobei es wiederum darum geht, nicht die Vogel-, sondern die Froschperspektive einzunehmen, also den Standpunkt des "Mannes auf der Straße" zu beziehen.