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Grassroots innovations, understood as bottom-up experiments on more socio-ecologically sound practices, have been a primary focus in civic-oriented studies on transformative pathways to sustainability. However, grassroots innovation studies often adopt a socio-technical systemic approach, whereby grassroots actors' aspirations, mobilization efforts, and visions beyond the scope of certain socio-technical transitions are largely left off. This thesis proposes a place-centered enabling approach that foregrounds site-specific needs and place-based politics to better capture the nature and transformative potential of grassroots innovations. It first reconceptualizes a grassroots niche as 'a hybrid space' grounded in socio-spatial dynamics and networked politics and mixed with elements of incumbent socio-technical regimes. Drawing inspiration from political ecology and human geography, it then recasts grassroots innovations as grassroots place-making actions and analytically focuses on three constituents—the development history of the host community, outstanding place-framings, and internal and/or external place-making politics—to investigate a grassroots innovation in relation to the socio-spatial transformation and the underlying politico-economic structure experienced by a community. Empirically, this research draws on evidence from three cases of energy and agri-food grassroots innovations in Taiwan that address important problems emerging from the country's capitalist development, including the violation of indigenous rights, resource grabbing, and industrial pollution. Evidence was built through a comprehensive data collection, in-depth interviews, and participant observation over the course of 11 months in 2016 and 2017, supplemented by three annual post-fieldwork visits. The research shows that the formation of a grassroots innovation is often motivated by the geo-historical processes that communities co-evolve with and may seek to change in line with other defensive and/or innovative actions. Moreover, its development can be subject to structural lock-ins underlying site-specific concerns that also constrain systemic solutions. Overlooking unmet site-specific needs and ends can lead to problematic gaps in knowledge production for policymaking, which can unintentionally consolidate the injustice a community has faced. With these findings, the research contributes to the debate of transformative pathways to sustainability by joining the call for a geographical and critical turn in sustainability transitions research, thereby facilitating dialogues between grassroots innovation studies and critical studies for radical change. It enriches the meaning of 'sustainability' by situating it in the context of a (former) developmental state in East Asia, and expands the scope from socio-technical transitions to socio-spatial and structural transformations from a grounded, bottom-up perspective, which I argue, is vital to reach a real 'win-win' balance between 'sustainable' community development and 'sustainable' socio-technical transitions.

Voloshkevych H. Statutesof the first Ukrainian consumersocieties as a normative-legalbasis of their functioning (middleof the XIX century)The article investigates organizationallegalbackground ofconsumer's societies and their unionsin Nadnepryanska part of Ukrainein the second half of 19th. Thepeculiarities of administrative andlegal conditions for the origin ofconsumer cooperatives are analyzedand the content of the statutesof the first consumer societies isconsidered. It has been establishedthat the lack of a single legislativeact in the field of cooperation causedthe emergence of sufficiently diversevolume and content of constituentdocuments.The main key provisions of theconstituent documents of cooperativeorganizations in Nadnepryanskapart of Ukraine are characterized,the peculiarities of the rightstatus of the first co-operators arecharacterized, are characterized bythe first cooperative organizationsof the division of members of theconsumer society on full, ownedby all enshrined in the statutes ofrights, and disadvantaged, thevolume of rights of which had anarrowed character in comparisonwith the first group. The mechanismof management of consumer societiesreproduced, the main managementbodies (General Meeting, Board,Audit Commission) are determined),their composition and procedurefor formation are analyzed. Bycomparative analysis, joint andexcellent features are establishedin the constituent documentsof the first domestic consumercooperatives and their europeananalogues. It has been establishedthat despite the substantialsimilarity, the statutes of the firstsocieties allowed departments fromthe generally accepted theory andpractice of cooperative movement,in particular, the restriction of therights of members of cooperativeorganizations was allowed, therewere no provisions that envisagedthe return of funds for acquiredgoods, instead, the main focuswas to pay attention to paymentsdividends. It is concluded thatthe statutes of the first consumersocieties absorbed separate normsand institutions inherent in jointstock companies. ; У статті розглянуто норма-тивно-правову базу функціону-вання перших споживчих това-риств Наддніпрянської України уперіод їх зародження в другій поло-вині ХІХ століття. Проаналізованоособливості адміністративно-пра-вових умов зародження споживчоїкооперації та розглянуто змістстатутів перших споживчихтовариств. Встановлено, що від-сутність єдиного законодавчогоакту у сфері кооперації обумовиловиникнення досить різноманітнихза обсягом та змістом установчихдокументів.Охарактеризовано основніключові положення установчихдокументів кооперативних орга-нізацій Наддніпрянської Україний особливості правого статусуперших кооператорів, визначенопритаманний першим коопера-тивним організаціям поділ членівспоживчого товариства на повно-правних, які володіли всіма закрі-пленими у статутах правами, танеповноправних, обсяг прав якихмав звужений характер порів-няно з першою групою. Відтвореномеханізм управління споживчимитовариствами, визначено основніоргани управління (загальнізбори, правління, ревізійна комі-сія), проаналізовано їхній складі порядок формування. Шляхомпорівняльного аналізу встанов-лено спільні та відмінні риси вустановчих документах першихвітчизняних споживчих коопера-тивів та їх європейських анало-гів. Установлено, що, незважаючина суттєву схожість, статутиперших товариств допускаливідступи від загальноприйнятоїтеорії і практики кооператив-ного руху, зокрема допускалосяобмеження прав членів коопера-тивних організацій. У статутахне було положень, які передба-чали повернення частини коштівза придбаний товар, натомістьосновна увага приділялася виплатідивідендів. Зроблено висновок, щостатути перших споживчих това-риств містили окремі норми таінститути, притаманні акціонер-ним компаніям.

Introduction. The present article is aiming to describe the procedure of stimuli selection for the psycho-semantic experiment on visual perception of imitative words in native (Russian) and non-native language (English). The methodology of the experiment is predominantly based on the implementation of the "lexical decision" method. Thus, the aim of the article is to verify the procedure of and to define clear-cut criteria for the material selection. In particular, we introduce indicating de-iconization stage of imitative words as an important criterion for data pre-selection. De-iconization is a gradual loss of an iconic sound-sense link in an imitative word due to the parallel impact of regular sound changes and semantic shifts.Methodology and sources. The research methodology is based on the works ofS. V. Voronin who is the founder of phonosemantics as a linguistic discipline inRussia, as well as on works of his followers (including a co-author of this paper, M. A. Flaksman). The article is also based on the methodology of research on phonotactics. The authors also use psycho-semantic methods such as the method of lexical decision. The main sources of stimuli selection are The Russia Etymological Dictionary by M. Vasmer, The Oxford English Dictionary, the frequency dictionaries by O. N. Liashevskaya and S. A. Sharov. The classification of imitative words according to their de-iconization stages was done by the method of the diachronic evaluation of the imitative lexicon.Results and discussion. As a result of a rigorous selection procedure described in the article the authors arrived on 128 stimuli (an even number (64 + 64) of words and quasiwords). The quasi-words are coined according to phonotactic rules and made according to the same pattern as the corresponding words. The group of real words is constituted of two sub-groups: 32 imitative words and 32 non-imitative words. The words from these two subgroups are homomorphous – they have the same number of syllables, frequency and belong to the same parts of speech. Imitative words include onomatopoeic and soundsymbolic words of different sub-classes and de-iconization stages. The combination of the material selection methods discussed in this paper (especially, the introduction of the distinction of imitative words according to their de-iconization stage) is aiming at facilitating the experiment procedure as well as eliminating the chance factors.Conclusion. The stimuli selection for the psycholinguistic experiment based on the procedure introduced in this paper allows to establish the existing patterns of the systematic function of human brain in the process of visual perception of imitative words on different de-iconization stages.

In 2012 the Nobel Prize for Medicine was awarded to Sir John Gurdon and Shinya Yamanaka for their joined discovery that mature, specialized cells can be reprogrammed to become immature pluripotent cells capable of developing into all different tissues of the body. This seminal breakthrough changed our vision of developmental biology and made possible to generate in vitro from somatic cells of any healthy or affected individual Induced Pluripotent Stem Cells (iPSCs) and differentiate them into virtually all types of cells. Scientists around the world were provided with the tool of modelling human diseases, even those involving inaccessible tissues such as the nervous system, to study the pathological process. iPSCs also revealed an enormous potential for pharmaceutical and clinical applications as on these cells a myriad of small molecules or candidate drugs can be tested some of which hopefully will become new effective medicines for intractable diseases. We have generated the first iPSC-derived neuronal model for the Rubinstein-Taybi syndrome (RSTS), a mendelian neurodevelopmental disorder, characterized by facial dysmorphisms, growth and speech delay, skeletal dysplasia and intellectual disability often associated to behavior disorder. RSTS is caused by mutation in the homologous CREBBP and EP300 genes encoding proteins acting as chromatin regulators through their intertwined activity of transcriptional co-activators and acetyltransferases (KATs) on histone and non histone proteins. I summarize herein the workflow used to generate iPSC-derived neurons (iNeurons) from six RSTS patients with a variable cognitive impairment in parallel to iNeurons from four healthy controls. Immunohistochemical characterization of samples at the stages of iPSCs, neural rosettes, neural progenitors and post-mitotic cortical neurons did not reveal gross alterations in the expression of stage-specific differentiation markers across patients' or between patients' and controls' neuronal cultures. Conversely, altered morphology of patients' differentiating neurons, showing reduced branch length and increased branch number and hypoexcitability of differentiated neurons emerged as relevant "disease" biomarkers. Both the anomalous neuronal morphology and the impaired electrophysiological performance varied across iNeurons from different RSTS patients. possibly reflecting cognitive and behavioural impairment of the donor patients. To validate the identified morpho-functional markers we performed further studies on iNeurons from the RSTS patient with the most severe intellectual disability by using trichostatin A (TSA), an epidrug that by inhibiting histonedeacetylases (HDAcs), the KATs opposing enzymes, has been successfully applied in different cbp+/cbp- mouse models with improvement of some neurological abnormalities. Short acute and chronic TSA treatment of two independent neural progenitor lines from the selected RSTS patient determined in both replicas a consistent reversal of a few morphological abnormalities and a significant rescue of the defective electrophysiological performance, highlighting the potential postnatal intervention of epidrugs to ameliorate the cognitive impairment of RSTS patients.

AbstractIntroductionUnderstanding HIV risk and healthcare engagement of at‐risk individuals by HIV status is vital to informing HIV programmes in settings where the HIV epidemic is rapidly expanding like the Philippines. This study examined differences in HIV risk and healthcare engagement factors among Filipinx transgender women and cisgender men who have sex with men (trans‐WSM and cis‐MSM respectively) who self‐reported being HIV negative, HIV positive or HIV unknown.MethodsBetween 2018 and 2019, we conducted Project #ParaSaAtin, an online cross‐sectional survey that examined the structural, social and behavioural factors impacting HIV services among Filipinx trans‐WSM and cis‐MSM (n = 318). We performed multinomial regression procedures to determine factors associated with HIV status (with HIV‐negative referent). Co‐variates included participant demographics, experiences of social marginalization, HIV risk, healthcare engagement and alcohol and substance problems.ResultsSelf‐reported HIV status of the sample was as follows: 38% HIV negative, 34% HIV positive and 28% HIV unknown. Relative to HIV‐negative respondents, HIV‐positive respondents were more likely to be older (25‐ to 29‐year‐old adjusted risk ratio [aRRR]=5.08, 95% Confidence Interval [95% CI] = 1.88 to 13.72; 30‐ to 34‐year‐old aRRR = 4.11, 95% CI = 1.34 to 12.58; and 35 + years old aRRR = 8.13, 95% CI = 2.40 to 27.54, vs. 18 to 25 years old respectively), to live in Manila (aRRR = 5.89, 95% CI = 2.20 to 15.72), exhibit hazardous drinking (aRRR = 2.87, 95% CI = 1.37 to 6.00) and problematic drug use (aRRR = 2.90, 95% CI = 1.21 to 7.13). HIV‐positive respondents were less likely to identify as straight (aRRR = 0.13, 95% CI = 0.02 to 0.72), and were more likely to avoid HIV services due to lack of anti‐lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) discrimination policies (aRRR = 0.37, 95% CI = 0.14 to 0.90). Relative to HIV‐negative respondents, HIV‐unknown respondents were less educated (some college aRRR = 0.10, 95% CI = 0.02 to 0.37, beyond college aRRR = 0.31, 95% CI = 0.09 to 0.99, vs. high school or below respectively), had lower HIV knowledge (aRRR = 0.30, 95% CI = 0.20 to 0.71), and were less communicative about safer sex (ARR = 0.29, 95% CI = 0.09 to 0.92). Moreover, HIV‐unknown respondents were also more likely to have avoided HIV services due to cost (aRRR = 4.46, 95% CI = 1.73 to 11.52).ConclusionsThis study highlights differences in HIV risks and healthcare engagement by HIV status. These findings show different barriers exist per HIV status group, and underscore the need to address Filipinx trans‐WSM and cis‐MSM's poor engagement in HIV services in the Philippines.

The author draws attention to the consideration of the complexity of civil participation in deliberative democracy, indicating that the legislator assumed that dialogue is to be a way of existence, and thus the basis of any social situation in the state. State authorities appointed to serve the people and the common good have to ask citizens about their position in the case, not in order to obtain the desired response, thus emphasizing the departure from the monologue culture in favor of dialogue and communication with the public. The author claims that the normative foundations of the community state are linked by the conviction that public values and purposes are established in the communication process. In this approach, it is important to achieve public purposes and the quality of their achievement, its constructive features are: network, multi-level management, conciliation, participation. The basic mechanisms of action of this type of state are: deliberation, compromise and arrangements are made in the social networks – the dominant type of management of public affairs in this model is co-management. Solicitude of the state as a common good obliges not only a citizen, but means that a citizen has the right to expect that public authority will act so that the Republic of Poland can be considered a common good by citizens. Referring to literature, the author notes that deliberative democracy and its concept put more emphasis on the importance of conversation, discussion and debate on democratic practice than on the importance of voting. Its supporters argue that the debate improves the quality of collective decisions and increases the chances of their acceptance. Varieties of deliberative democracy range from accentuating local representation to reinforcing the debate within representative legislative bodies. The article points out the differences between discourse and deliberation. Moreover, the forms of civic participation and civic participation techniques used in Poland are presented. We have come to live in times when communication, both traditional and with the help of modern media, plays a significant role in shaping societies. It is important to understand the basic laws guiding communication, the ability to properly form interpersonal relationships, cognize the factors affecting the quality of messages transmitted, the technique of freedom of expression, the skill of persuasion and argumentation. The correct perception of the essence of dialogue in a deliberative democracy is its foundation, especially when it concerns institutions aimed at turning natural and legal persons to public decision-making process. Considering the literature, it was found that new participative solutions, primarily the ability to dialogue, could prevent a democratic deficit and also indicated that that civic participation impacts on the creation of deliberative democracy.

We report the discovery and characterisation of a super-Earth and a sub-Neptune transiting the bright (K = 8:8), quiet, and nearby (37 pc) M3V dwarf TOI-1266. We validate the planetary nature of TOI-1266 b and c using four sectors of TESS photometry and data from the newly-commissioned 1-m SAINT-EX telescope located in San Pedro Mártir (México). We also include additional groundbased follow-up photometry as well as high-resolution spectroscopy and high-angular imaging observations. The inner, larger planet has a radius of R = 2:37+0:16 -0:12 R and an orbital period of 10.9 days. The outer, smaller planet has a radius of R = 1:56+0:15 -0:13 R on an 18.8-day orbit. The data are found to be consistent with circular, co-planar and stable orbits that are weakly influenced by the 2:1 mean motion resonance. Our TTV analysis of the combined dataset enables model-independent constraints on the masses and eccentricities of the planets. We find planetary masses of Mp = 13:5+11:0 -9:0 M (<36:8 M at 2- ) for TOI-1266 b and 2:2+2:0 -1:5 M (<5:7 M at 2- ) for TOI-1266 c. We find small but non-zero orbital eccentricities of 0:09+0:06 -0:05 (<0:21 at 2- ) for TOI-1266 b and 0:04 0:03 (<0:10 at 2- ) for TOI-1266 c. The equilibrium temperatures of both planets are of 413 20 and 344 16 K, respectively, assuming a null Bond albedo and uniform heat redistribution from the day-side to the night-side hemisphere. The host brightness and negligible activity combined with the planetary system architecture and favourable planet-to-star radii ratios makes TOI-1266 an exquisite system for a detailed characterisation. ; Embassy of Mexico in Bern ; Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF) ; Programa de Apoyo a Proyectos de Investigacion e Innovacion Tecnologica (PAPIIT) Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico IN-107518 ; DGAPA ; Australian Research Council ; Fonds de la Recherche Scientifique - FNRS FRFC 2.5.594.09 ; Swiss National Science Fundation (SNF) - University of Liege ; Spanish public funds for research ESP2017-87676-2-2 RYC-2012-09913 ; Spanish Government ; National Aeronautics & Space Administration (NASA) ; NASA High-End Computing (HEC) Program through the NASA ; Baja California, Mexico - Spanish State Research Agency (AEI) MDM-2017-0737 ; Unidad de Excelencia "Maria de Maeztu"- Centro de Astrobiologia (INTA-CSIC) ; Junta de Andalucía ; European Research Council (ERC) 336480 ; Alfred P. Sloan Foundation ; National Aeronautics & Space Administration (NASA) 80NSSC18K1585 80NSSC19K0379 ; National Science Foundation (NSF) AST-1717000 ; Antoine de Saint-Exupery Youth Foundation

Jet substructure quantities are measured using jets groomed with the soft-drop grooming procedure in dijet events from 32.9 fb−1 of pp collisions collected with the ATLAS detector at s√=13 TeV. These observables are sensitive to a wide range of QCD phenomena. Some observables, such as the jet mass and opening angle between the two subjets which pass the soft-drop condition, can be described by a high-order (resummed) series in the strong coupling constant αS. Other observables, such as the momentum sharing between the two subjets, are nearly independent of αS. These observables can be constructed using all interacting particles or using only charged particles reconstructed in the inner tracking detectors. Track-based versions of these observables are not collinear safe, but are measured more precisely, and universal non-perturbative functions can absorb the collinear singularities. The unfolded data are directly compared with QCD calculations and hadron-level Monte Carlo simulations. The measurements are performed in different pseudorapidity regions, which are then used to extract quark and gluon jet shapes using the predicted quark and gluon fractions in each region. All of the parton shower and analytical calculations provide an excellent description of the data in most regions of phase space. ; We acknowledge the support of ANPCyT, Argentina; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, Australia; BMWFW and FWF, Austria; ANAS, Azerbaijan; SSTC, Belarus; CNPq and FAPESP, Brazil; NSERC, NRC and CFI, Canada; CERN; CONICYT, Chile; CAS, MOST and NSFC, China; COLCIENCIAS, Colombia; MSMT CR, MPO CR and VSC CR, Czech Republic; DNRF and DNSRC, Denmark; IN2P3-CNRS and CEA-DRF/IRFU, France; SRNSFG, Georgia; BMBF, HGF and MPG, Germany; GSRT, Greece; RGC and Hong Kong SAR, China; ISF and Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, Italy; MEXT and JSPS, Japan; CNRST, Morocco; NWO, Netherlands; RCN, Norway; MNiSW and NCN, Poland; FCT, Portugal; MNE/IFA, Romania; MES of Russia and NRC KI, Russia Federation; JINR; MESTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS and MIZŠ, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MINECO, Spain; SRC andWallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SERI, SNSF and Cantons of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland; MOST, Taiwan; TAEK, Turkey; STFC, United Kingdom; DOE and NSF, United States of America. In addition, individual groups and members have received support from BCKDF, CANARIE, Compute Canada and CRC, Canada; ERC, ERDF, Horizon 2020, Marie Skłodowska-Curie Actions and COST, European Union; Investissements d'Avenir Labex, Investissements d'Avenir Idex and ANR, France; DFG and AvH Foundation, Germany; Herakleitos, Thales and Aristeia programmes co-financed by EU-ESF and the Greek NSRF, Greece; BSF-NSF and GIF, Israel; CERCA Programme Generalitat de Catalunya and PROMETEO Programme Generalitat Valenciana, Spain; Göran Gustafssons Stiftelse, Sweden; The Royal Society and Leverhulme Trust, United Kingdom.

The Lisbon Treaty gives the European Union (EU) institutions new external competences, including foreign direct investment (FDI) in the common trade policy. Using these competences the European Commission formulated a proposal for a regulation establishing the screening framework for FDI, which entered into force in April 2019. The aim of this paper is to discuss the issue of FDI screening as an element of policies towards FDI applied by developed countries, to assess the justifications for its introduction, as well as the potential consequences of the screening framework for inflowing FDI into the EU. A need to protect the EU's strategic economic interests in relations with third countries was the reason for the introduction of the new tool at the EU level. The new system of screening FDI inflows into the EU is not centralized. The right to screen remains the sole responsibility of the Member States. The co-ordination mechanism at the level of the EU which has been constructed seems to give guarantees that common interests will be protected. The economic and political consequences of the EU's screening framework for FDI should be foreseen. Apart from administrative and compliance costs, as well as uncertainty and delays related to investment decision processes, two categories of potential consequences seem to be important. These are the expected reduced access to capital by some Member States, especially the 'new' ones, and the worsening of relations with external partners, especially China. ; Traktat Lizboński nadał instytucjom Unii Europejskiej (UE) nowe kompetencje w stosunkach zewnętrznych, włączając bezpośrednie inwestycje zagraniczne (BIZ) do wspólnej polityki handlowej. Wykorzystując te kompetencje Komisja Europejska sformułowała propozycję regulacji ustanawiającej ramy dla screeningu BIZ, która weszła w życie w kwietniu 2019 r. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest dyskusja nad kwestią screeningu jako elementu polityki wobec inwestorów zagranicznych, prowadzonej przez kraje rozwinięte, ocena uzasadnienia wprowadzenia screeningu oraz jego potencjalnych konsekwencji dla napływu BIZ do UE. Przyczyną wprowadzenia nowego instrumentu na poziomie UE była potrzeba ochrony strategicznych ekonomicznych interesów UE w stosunkach z krajami trzecimi. Nowy system screeningu BIZ napływających do UE nie jest scentralizowany. Prawo do screeningu pozostaje w wyłącznej kompetencji krajów członkowskich. Jednak mechanizm koordynacji na szczeblu UE wydaje się dawać gwarancję, że wspólne interesy będą chronione. Należy spodziewać się, że nowa regulacja przyniesie ekonomiczne i polityczne konsekwencje. Oprócz kosztów administracyjnych, a także związanych z procesami dostosowawczymi, niepewnością i opóźnieniami projektów inwestycyjnych, dwie kategorie skutków wydają się być szczególnie istotne. Są to: ograniczenia w napływie BIZ do niektórych krajów członkowskich UE, w szczególności tzw. 'nowych' oraz pogorszenie się relacji z krajami trzecimi, w szczególności z Chinami.

The Lisbon Treaty gives the European Union (EU) institutions new external competences, including foreign direct investment (FDI) in the common trade policy. Using these competences the European Commission formulated a proposal for a regulation establishing the screening framework for FDI, which entered into force in April 2019. The aim of this paper is to discuss the issue of FDI screening as an element of policies towards FDI applied by developed countries, to assess the justifications for its introduction, as well as the potential consequences of the screening framework for inflowing FDI into the EU. A need to protect the EU's strategic economic interests in relations with third countries was the reason for the introduction of the new tool at the EU level. The new system of screening FDI inflows into the EU is not centralized. The right to screen remains the sole responsibility of the Member States. The co-ordination mechanism at the level of the EU which has been constructed seems to give guarantees that common interests will be protected. The economic and political consequences of the EU's screening framework for FDI should be foreseen. Apart from administrative and compliance costs, as well as uncertainty and delays related to investment decision processes, two categories of potential consequences seem to be important. These are the expected reduced access to capital by some Member States, especially the 'new' ones, and the worsening of relations with external partners, especially China. ; Traktat Lizboński nadał instytucjom Unii Europejskiej (UE) nowe kompetencje w stosunkach zewnętrznych, włączając bezpośrednie inwestycje zagraniczne (BIZ) do wspólnej polityki handlowej. Wykorzystując te kompetencje Komisja Europejska sformułowała propozycję regulacji ustanawiającej ramy dla screeningu BIZ, która weszła w życie w kwietniu 2019 r. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest dyskusja nad kwestią screeningu jako elementu polityki wobec inwestorów zagranicznych, prowadzonej przez kraje rozwinięte, ocena uzasadnienia wprowadzenia screeningu oraz jego potencjalnych konsekwencji dla napływu BIZ do UE. Przyczyną wprowadzenia nowego instrumentu na poziomie UE była potrzeba ochrony strategicznych ekonomicznych interesów UE w stosunkach z krajami trzecimi. Nowy system screeningu BIZ napływających do UE nie jest scentralizowany. Prawo do screeningu pozostaje w wyłącznej kompetencji krajów członkowskich. Jednak mechanizm koordynacji na szczeblu UE wydaje się dawać gwarancję, że wspólne interesy będą chronione. Należy spodziewać się, że nowa regulacja przyniesie ekonomiczne i polityczne konsekwencje. Oprócz kosztów administracyjnych, a także związanych z procesami dostosowawczymi, niepewnością i opóźnieniami projektów inwestycyjnych, dwie kategorie skutków wydają się być szczególnie istotne. Są to: ograniczenia w napływie BIZ do niektórych krajów członkowskich UE, w szczególności tzw. 'nowych' oraz pogorszenie się relacji z krajami trzecimi, w szczególności z Chinami.

The article is devoted to the process of gendering memory as a counterpoint to the politicization of memory observed in the Polish context. The core problem of the paper is a description of a local case of this type of gender 'memory practising' in the area of the public urban sphere, specifically one created by the Łódź Women's Heritage Trail Foundation (https://www.facebook.com/ŁódźkiSzlakKobiet) – a gender-profiled female grass-roots initiative that is concerned with the city's past. The article consists of three main parts referring to, respectively, the functioning of memory in the urban public sphere as a form of dialogue (hemerneutic-interpretative anthropology with Jurgen Habermas' and Seyla Benhabib's theories is the theoretical foundation here), the process of gendering memory (appearing alongside the narrative phrase and feminist proposals for the interpretation of memory as a form of its pluralization), and the presentation of the activities within the Łódź Women's HeritageTrail Foundation's particular initiative – namely 'Women Routes in Łódź' – as a kind of case study for the city as a landscape of memory. The paper deals with the tension observed between the politics of memory and the political practice, and the alternative memories that arise from the idea of multiplicity and polyphony, including the voice of women. The authors raise the issue of the genderization of memory in the context of an inquiry into how the pluralism of collective memory and the diversification of the public sphere develops as a result of the discourses and operation of the alternative memory, including gender-focused memory. ; Artykuł poświęcony jest procesowi zarządzania pamięcią w szczególnym aspekcie – ze względu na problematykę gender (nurt gendering memory), co zdaniem autorek tekstu jest kontrapunktem wobec tendencji upolitycznienia pamięci, które mają miejsce w Polsce. Autorki ilustrują tę problematykę lokalnym przypadkiem wiążącym kategorię gender z miejską sferą publiczną, a mianowicie odwołują się działań Fundacji Łódzki Szlaku Kobiet (https://www.facebook.com/ŁódźkiSzlakKobiet − jest to kobieca oddolna inicjatywa dotycząca zarazem płci społeczno-kulturowej, jak i przeszłości i pamięci miasta. Artykuł składa się z trzech głównych części odnoszących się do: 1. funkcjonowania pamięci w miejskiej sferze publicznej jako formy dialogu (antropologia hemerneutyczno-interpretacyjna w oparciu o teorie Jurgena Habermasa i Seyli Benhabiba), 2. procesu gendering memory (odzwier­ciedlającego pluralizację pamięci), 3. działań Fundacji Łódzki Szlak Kobiet (gdzie miasto jawi się jako zróżnicowany krajobraz pamięci). Artykuł dotyczy napięcia obserwowanego między polityką pamięci – praktyką polityczną – alternatywnymi pamięciami wynikającymi z idei wielości i polifonii, w tym obecności głosu kobiet. Autorki artykułu podnoszą kwestię genderyzacji pamięci w kontekście pytań, w jaki sposób rozwija się pluralizm pamięci zbiorowej i toczy się dywersyfikacja sfery publicznej jako rezultat oddziaływania dyskursów pamięci alternatywnej, w tym pamięci skoncentrowanej na płci.

Controlled foreign company (CFC) rules are anti-avoidance provisions designed to deter taxpayers from shifting their capital (and resultant income) to low-tax jurisdictions. Adoption of these rules in South Africa coincided with the relaxation of exchange control laws which opened up borders to inward and outward capital flows. South Africa's CFC regime has been amended over the years to become one of the most sophisticated amongst the G20 and aligned with the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development's (OECD) Action 3 recommendations (per the OECD's Base Erosion and Profit Shifting Action Project). Abusive profit-shifting tactics committed by multinational enterprises (MNEs) have caused the OECD to recommend that CFC rules be strengthened globally to combat this behaviour. However, in the United States and the United Kingdom, recent reforms appear to have weakened these countries' CFC (or CFC-equivalent) legislation, countering the OECD's recommendations. Such manoeuvres improve the profitability of these nations' MNEs by allowing their tax bills to remain lower than their international competitors'. As such, there is a danger of starting a race to the corporate tax-rate bottom where developing nations will be the losers, considering their greater reliance on corporate tax revenues than their developed counterparts. India and Brazil, both developing nations and BRICS members like South Africa, also aren't prioritising the strengthening of their CFC regulations – their focus is rather on improving transfer pricing (TP) legislation and enforcement to combat the damaging effects MNEs' avoidance practices are having on tax revenue collections in those countries. The existence of South Africa's advanced CFC legislation amongst a global trend of a weakening in, or the non-adoption of, CFC rules may hinder the competitiveness of South African MNEs. The current CFC regime could thus serve the purpose of stifling growth and foreign direct investment, instead of only deterring profitshifting behaviour. TP legislation targeted at MNEs (the biggest profit-shifting culprits) may yield the most effective anti-avoidance results. South Africa's recently enhanced TP reporting requirements are key to solving the offshore profit-shifting puzzle, as these reports will reveal information about an MNE's global operations and resultant profit-shifting activities. In addition, the revision to the TP arm's length principle to align compensation and value creation, will see profit-shifting MNEs bear the tax they were trying to avoid. It appears that the anti-avoidance purpose embodied within CFC regulations overlaps with the anti-avoidance mechanisms that these enhanced TP rules are designed to achieve. Thus, in a South African context, the most efficient way to curb tax avoidance may be to rely on TP, rather than CFC, legislation. As such, it is recommended that South Africa's CFC regulations be repealed.

Nella crisi del capitalismo stanno emergendo in America Latina nuove pratiche di autorganiz- zazione che, a partire dall'autogestione del lavoro, si estendono al territorio ridefi nendo dal basso le relazio- ni sociali e le forme di confl itto nello spazio metropolitano. Aprendo nuovi percorsi di organizzazione della produzione e della riproduzione sociale, queste eterogenee trame sociali, politiche, economiche e culturali contribuiscono alla produzione di spazi comuni nei quartieri popolari dove formazione, lavoro e riproduzio- ne sociale si riorganizzano dentro e contro i processi di spossessamento e sfruttamento che caratterizzano l'urbanizzazione neoliberale. L'attuale regime di accumulazione neoliberale globale combina dismissione del welfare, privatizzazione dei servizi e fi nanziarizzazione dell'economia, intensifi cando lo sfruttamento della co- operazione sociale e i processi di controllo negli spazi urbani. In tale contesto, analizzando l'esperienza della fabbrica recuperata "19 di Dicembre", con cui ho svolto una ricerca etnografi ca sul campo a Buenos Aires, rifl etto sulle implicazioni delle sue trame comunitario-popolari e sulla loro capacità di ridefi nire dal basso l'ur- bano sperimentando nuove modalità di organizzare il lavoro e la vita in comune, come infrastrutture sociali di una nuova istituzionalità popolare che contribuisce a rinnovare le pratiche sociali, sindacali e cooperative e ci permette di delineare nuovi spazi dove si dispiega e si rinnova il confl itto sociale ; In the middle of the capitalistic crisis, new self-organization practices starting from the self-man- agement of labour are growing up in Latin America, extending to territories and redefi ning from below social relationships and confl ict forms in the metropolitan spaces. While opening up new processes of organiza- tion both of production and social reproduction, these heterogeneous social, political, cultural and economic frameworks contribute to the production of common spaces in popular neighbourhoods where education, labour and social reproduction are reorganized inside and against the dispossession and exploitation pro- cesses that characterize neoliberal urbanism. The current neoliberal global regime of accumulation combines privatization of welfare and services with fi nancialization of economy, intensifying the exploitation of social cooperation and the control of urban space. In this context, analyzing the experiences of the recuperated fac- tory "19 de Diciembre", where I developed an ethnographic fi eldwork in Buenos Aires, I refl ect on the implication of her popular-communitarian frameworks and their capacity to redefi ne the urban form from below exper- imenting new ways to organize labour and urban life in common, like social infrastructures of an emergent popular institutionality that helps renovate social, unionist and cooperative practices, showing us new spaces where social confl ict develops and changes.

Purpose: This paper examines whether the economies of oil-exporting countries respond to oil shocks differently, depending on the country's political economy factors, such as regional economic alliance, stage of economic development, and the exchange rate regime, using a structural Vector Error Correction Model (VECM). The sample countries covered in this study include all the major twelve oil exporters: the GCC countries (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Qatar)1 and the non-GCC oil exporters (Iran, Nigeria, Norway, Canada, Russia and Venezuela) for the 1970-2013 period. Design/methodology/approach: To achieve the above, this paper employs a four-variable restricted structural Vector Error Correction Model (VECM) with oil prices (exogenous) and a set of endogenous variables, including GDP, M2, and Inflation for the 1970-2013 period, with a co-integrating relationship that varies from 1 to 2. Both Johansen Cointegration Test and Granger Causality Tests have been applied. To eliminate the effects of a contemporaneous correlation of the residuals with the regressors, the errors are orthogonalized by a Choleski decomposition. Finding: The political economy characteristics of countries explain why the economies of oil exporters either with fixed or managed floating exchange rates behave differently than those economies with floating exchange rates. Money is endogenous in oil-exporting countries with fixed or managed floating exchange rates, but not in oil-exporting countries with floating exchange rates. The evidence found in this paper suggests that the fixed exchange rate regime of the GCC countries is not effective in tamping down inflationary pressures, as planned. There is a strong positive effect of oil price shocks on the foreign exchange reserves of the GCC countries, whereas the effect of oil price shocks on foreign exchange reserves has been rather non-existent for the non-GCC oil exporters with floating exchange rates. Research limitations/implications: The data span is restricted by data availability, the study could ensure for more robustness and better confidence with quarterly data, but most of the variables for countries are reported annually, except for Canada, Russia, and Norway. Originality/value: This paper separates oil exporters into two distinct categories, the GCC countries and the non-GCC oil exporters. To my knowledge, this has not been done before in the academic literature. Unlike the GCC countries, the non-GCC oil exporters do not participate in a common political alliance or an economic union. Their economies are diversified and less dependent on oil exports. This study shows that the political economy characteristics play a large role in explaining why the economies of oil exporters with either fixed or managed floating exchange rates behave differently than the oil exporters with floating exchange rates.

German literature has been present in Polish cultural reality for a long time − although with variable popularity − due to the translations that produced Polish versions available for wider audience, including readers unfamiliar with German language. Yet, the article discusses a branch of German literature still absent in Poland – the so-called Post-GDR Literature, written after the fall of the German Democratic Republic and the German reunification. The Post-GDR Literature addresses a variety of issues related to the GDR, idealizes or critically describes its reality often perceived by writers as the reality of their childhood or youth. The author of the article takes into consideration the fact that on Polish book market after 1989 this literature is almost unavailable despite numerous efforts of translators and publishers and their initiatives aimed at popularization of German literature in Poland. Thus, the article subsequently discusses texts ("Was bleibt" by Christa Wolf, "Der Abspannby" Hermann Kant and "Heldenwiewir" by Thomas Brussig) significant enough to deserve unabridged Polish versions. The three writers represent different genres, aesthetics, generations and level of involvement in political activity. Nonetheless, their works all inspired crucial discussions, attitudes or events and are therefore of vital importance for Polish readers willing to fully understand the reality of Eastern Germany and the impact of its legacy on current times. ; Literatura niemieckojęzyczna jest obecna w polskiej rzeczywistości literackiej od dawna z różną intensywnością. Obecność taką stymulują i umożliwiają tłumaczenia tekstów na język polski, bo wówczas dostępne są one szerokiej publiczności, przede wszystkim tej, która nie posługuje się językiem niemieckim. W niniejszym artykule przedstawiona została nieobecność literatury postenerdowdoiskiej, tzn. tej literatury, która powstawała już po upadku NRD i zjednoczeniu Niemiec i charakteryzowała się przede wszystkim skupieniem na sprawach byłej NRD, jej idealizacji czy krytycznej obserwacji aż po nostalgiczne wspomnienia z dzieciństwa i młodości. Autor konstatuje, że po roku 1989 literatura taka jest dość skąpo reprezentowana na polskim rynku wydawniczym, mimo że tłumacze i wydawcy zadbali w ostatnim ćwierćwieczu, by literatura niemieckojęzyczna docierała do polskiego czytelnika. Jednakże opisywany tu nurt literacki jest rzeczywiście mało reprezentatywny w polskiej w przestrzeni wydawniczej. W artykule zostaje podjęta próba wskazania tekstów, które zasługują na to, by w całości być dostępnymi w polskiej wersji językowej. Chodzi tu o autorów takich jak: Christa Wolf, Hermann Kant i Thomas Brussig. Cała trójka reprezentuje różny rodzaj pisarstwa, różne pokolenia, zaangażowanie oraz estetykę. Co jest dla nich wspólne w kontekście nieobecności w polskich przekładach, to fakt, że swoimi książkami (Wolf – "Was bleibt", Kant – "Der Abspann", Brussig – "Helden wie wir") wykreowali pewne wydarzenia, postawy i dyskusje. I dla lepszego i pełniejszego zrozumienia specyfiki dzisiejszych Niemiec Wschodnich przez Polaków poznanie także tych aspektów ma ogromne znaczenie.