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The concept of Nature's Contributions to People coined by the Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services, IPBES, recognizes the central role that culture plays in defining all links between people and nature. NCP also elevates the role of indigenous and local knowledge in understanding the diversity of relationships between nature and people beyond the dominant instrumental view of natural capital as provider of ecosystem services (Diaz et al., 2018). This can have notable impacts in understanding the design of far reaching conservation and land use practices/activities such as REDD, which was originally conceived with the idea that the most cost-effective way to reduce emissions and conserve and increase carbon stocks in forest, is to provide financial incentives to developing countries directly proportional to their performance in driving down rates of forest loss through a market system. Under REDD frameworks, climate regulation was generally "itemized", considered in isolation from any other contributions of forests to people, in order to facilitate translating such NCP into a commodity for the purpose of market exchange. Soon it was obvious that a broader framing via national policies and national dialogues across stakeholders, including indigenous people, including setting biodiversity and social safeguards, was necessary. New ways of understanding and operationalizing REDD+, beyond commodification, go hand in hand with emphasizing context-specific NCP. This could help conservationists and those interested in climate mitigation rethink their alliances with social scientists and other knowledge holders such indigenous people, and recognize that in so doing can re-equilibrate issues of social equity and political legitimacy viz-a-viz efficiency of incentive schemes, as emphasized by economists. In this way, the risk of crowding out intrinsic motivations for forest conservation by forest communities (Engel, 2016) may be lowered, and the barriers for sustainable land management by local forest users (Sanz et al 2017) reduced. Díaz, S., Pascual, U., Stenseke, M., Martín-López, B., Watson, R.T., Molnár, Z., Hill, R., Chan, K.M., Baste, I.A., Brauman, K.A., Polasky, S., et al. (2018). Assessing nature's contributions to people. Science, 359(6373):270-272 Engel, S., 2016. The devil in the detail: a practical guide on designing payments for environmental services. International Review of Environmental and Resource Economics, 9(1–2), pp.131-177. Sanz , M.J., J. de Vente, J.-L. Chotte, M. Bernoux, G. Kust, I. Ruiz, M. Almagro, J.-A. Alloza, R. Vallejo, V. Castillo, A. Hebel, and M. Akhtar-Schuster. 2017. Sustainable Land Management contribution to successful land-based climate change adaptation and mitigation. A Report of the Science-Policy Interface. United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD), Bonn, Germany ; peerReviewed

The article describes the character of Mykola Hankevich in the context of the early parliamentary elections of 1908 in Galicia. The author sets out his task, by shifting the usual historiographical accents, to consider the general election culture in the provincial capital in the early twentieth century, the theory and practice of the international socialist movement in a multinational urban environment. The well-established point of view of K. Jobst and other researchers, who believe that the conflict over Hankevich's face in the 1907 elections, when the executive leadership of the PPSD did not support his candidacy, is the beginning of the path that ultimately led the Polish and Ukrainian Social Democrats parties in the bosom of "their" national camps, and the ephemeral international socialist movement in Galicia disintegrated. The author believes that such a narrative simplifies the processes that took place in the environment of the Galician socialist parties. Cooperation between Ukrainian, Polish, and Jewish socialists did not stop until the outbreak of the First World War. In the USDP, M. Hankevich himself did not cease to cooperate closely with Polish and Jewish socialists. During the snap election of 1908, the PPSD leader agreed with the candidacy of Mykola Hankevich, who, however, lost this election by winning 734 votes against 1011. However, in the anti-Ukrainian hysteria that had not yet subsided after the assassination of Andrzej Potocki, more than 40% of the vote, loyal to the Ukrainian and socialist candidates in the bourgeois Lviv district, looked like a tremendous success for Hankevich. Having identified the main reasons for this success, namely: his impeccable personal reputation, eloquence, popularity among the Lviv workers and intellectuals, genuine internationalism and willingness to represent different ethnic groups and different social strata, the author, referring to the memories of the Polish socialist Yevhen Morachevsky, calls another circumstance that explains the results of the vote quite differently. It is about 450 votes that Morachevsky bought in favour of Gankevich. The author notes that Morachevsky considers his dubious act as a peculiar feat - to pollute his hands to achieve a noble political goal, in which, in his opinion, he manifests the instinct and ability of a politician, thereby opposing himself to "dreamers" and idealists who did not compromise own principles. ; У статті докладно розглянуто постать Миколи Ганкевича в контексті позачергових парламентських виборах 1908 року у Галичині. Розкрито особливості виборчої системи Габсбурзької імперії, представлено кар- тину політичної боротьби на початку ХХ століття, а також визна- чено особисту роль Миколи Ганкевича. Проаналізовано його особисті якості, роль та місце у політичній боротьбі тогочасної Галичини, існу- ючі контакти та значення для різноманітних політичних сил. Розкрито особливості проведення виборів на початку ХХ століття у Галичині

Досліджено праці В. Жаботинського, де викладається концепція єврейського національного будівництва. На прикладі поглядів лідера сіонізму в Україні виявлено кореляцію ідей, сформульованих єврейською та українською національними течіями доби модерну. Аналіз текстів В. Жаботинського свідчить про типологічну подібність проблемних питань, які порушують і намагаються вирішити ці рухи: буттєве значення національної ідентичності та факторів її формування; проблема національних маргіналів; важливість міжнаціонального порозуміння. Співзвучність висловлювань представника сіонізму й українських націєцентричних діячів дозволяє висновувати про формування цих ідеологій у діалозі та під впливом один одного. ; The aim of the paper is to analyze the concept of Jewish nation-building by V. Jabotinsky, who is considered to be a leader of the Zionist movement in Ukraine, in terms of correlation of ideas and interactions between Jewish and Ukrainian national modern movements.Research methodology. The author uses a comprehensive culturological approach to examine nationalism and national movements as a general methodological basis of this study. The study also draws on the methodological principles of M. Feller's Ukrainika Judaika (Ukrainian-Jewish studies) as an ethno-cultural science of Ukrainian Jewry in its deep relationship with the Ukrainians. Methods of comparative analysis, synthesis and historicism are also used.Results. Using V. Jabotinsky's (a Zionism leader in Ukraine) intellectual heritage as an example, the author analyzes three groups of issues directly connected with the objectives of the Ukrainian national movement at that time, namely: the issue of the existential importance of national identity and factors of its development; the issue of national fringe elements, deprived of their origins; a program of interethnic understanding, coexistence on a real political basis. The analysis of texts shows the examples of the typological similarity of a large part of the statements of Jewish nationalists and Ukrainian nation-centered leaders. This fact allows us to conclude that there is an interpenetration and mutual influence in the process of the development of the Zionist and Ukrainian national movements. The common features of the historical destinies of two stateless nations represent the similarity of their national existence, the mechanisms of self-preservation and the nation-building as well as the development of the project of the nation future.Novelty. Ukrainian-Jewish studies as an understanding of the productive ways and an insight into the fundamental levels of coexistence of the Ukrainians and the Jewish people do not belong to the traditional themes of Ukrainian culturological thought that results in the scientific novelty of this study.The practical significance. The results of this study can be used to teach normative courses, special courses, electives on the history of culture, the history of Ukrainian philosophy, philosophy of the national idea, Judaism, as well as in the further study of modern national movements in Ukraine in terms of cultural dialogue and mutual enrichment.

Wieloautorska monografia poddająca oglądowi XX wiek z perspektywy jego znaczenia dla procesu samoidentyfikacji jednostek i/lub społeczności oraz – w przypadku tych drugich – umiejscowienia dwudziestowiecznych wydarzeń w strukturze pojęć kluczowych dla samookreślenia się Słowian. U podstaw prezentowanych tekstów leży założenie, że przeszłość, postrzegana jako ciąg wydarzeń, jest jednym z czynników determinujących tożsamość i definiujących system narodowych wartości, znajdujących odzwierciedlenie w kulturze. Autorzy, odwołując się do narzędzi z warsztatu literaturoznawcy, semiotyka, historyka i kulturoznawcy, dążą do umiejscowienia wydarzeń XX wieku na mapie pamięci współczesnej Europy. Poddają oglądowi zarówno te wydarzenia, które napiętnowały dzieje najnowsze, stając się przyczyną narodowej (lub światowej) traumy (rewolucja lutowa, wybuch II wojny światowej i in.), jak i te, które są wartościowane pozytywnie (zakończenie II wojny światowej, upadek muru berlińskiego, pielgrzymki Jana Pawła II i in.), stając się powodem do dumy. W centrum uwagi znajdują się nie tylko wydarzenia określające obraz Europy w wymiarze polityczno-geograficznym, wyraźnie obecna jest również perspektywa mentalna, która sprzyja dotarciu do źródeł narodowych fascynacji oraz narodowych traum, a także pozwala zrozumieć mechanizmy rządzące tworzeniem mitów i wskazać narzędzia do ich odczytywania, którymi są – często pozornie ukryte – treści odwołujące się do przeszłości. ; This multi-author monograph looks at the 20th century from the perspective of its role in self-identification of individuals and/or communities as well as – in the latter case – of the place occupied by events of the 20th century in the structure of concepts that are key for the self-identification of Slavs. At the heart of each of the presented papers is the premise that the past, seen as a chain of events, is one of the factors determining identity and defining the system of national values which find their reflection in culture. Drawing on the tools of literary studies, semiotics, historiography and cultural studies, the authors undertake to put 20th century events on the map of contemporary European memory. They examine both the events that left a dreadful mark on contemporary history, causing a national (or global) trauma (like the February Revolution or outbreak of World War II) and those seen as positive (like the end of World War II, fall of the Berlin Wall or John Paul II's pilgrimages) and evoking the feeling of pride. At the centre of attention are not only events defining the image of Europe in terms of political geography. Also clearly present is the mental perspective, which fosters recognizing the sources of national fascinations and national traumas, helps understand the mechanisms of myth-making, and points to the tools for reading myths that are constituted by, often seemingly hidden, references to the past.

El presente texto aporta una serie de reflexiones sobre el fenómeno del nuevo populismo a partir de una metodología cualitativa descriptiva, estructurando su contenido en 6 epígrafes. En primer lugar, se desarrolla la operativización del concepto populismo avanzando progresivamente en su concepto antagónico, principalmente, el paradigma de la gobernanza democrática desde un enfoque plural y complejo, hasta las conclusiones y la bibliografía consultada para la realización del mismo. Durante los últimos años, el populismo es el resultado de la crisis de la democracia representativa y de la desafección política de la ciudadanía. Además, hay una serie de hechos que en nuestra opinión favorecen de forma notable el populismo, entre ellos son: los efectos de la crisis económica, la progresiva exclusión social, el empobrecimiento imparable de las clases medias, la trivialización de la política, etc. Por este motivo, la finalidad este artículo es reflexionar sobre el peligro para la democracia que el populismo representa en todas sus manifestaciones y modalidades, y la necesidad de fortalecer e impulsar a la democracia a través del paradigma de la gobernanza democrática, lo cual significa, la preminencia de la sociedad civil, Tercer Sector y de la ciudadanía, y su participación en los asuntos públicos para reclamar transparencia, rendición de cuentas y cultura y valores de lo público para lograr un avance hacia la democracia de calidad. ; This text provides a series of reflections on the phenomenon of the new populism from a descriptive qualitative methodology, structuring its content in 6 epigraphs. In the first place, the operationalization of the populism concept is progressively progressing in its antagonistic concept, mainly, the paradigm of democratic governance from a plural and complex approach, to the conclusions and bibliography consulted for its realization. During the last years, populism is the result of the crisis of representative democracy and the political disaffection of citizenship. In addition, there is a series of facts that in our opinion favor populism in a remarkable way, among them are: the effects of the economic crisis, the progressive social exclusion, the unstoppable impoverishment of the middle classes, the trivialization of politics, etc. For this reason, the purpose of this article is to reflect on the danger to democracy that populism represents in all its manifestations and modalities, and the need to strengthen and promote democracy through the paradigm of democratic governance, which means, the pre-eminence of civil society, the Third Sector and citizenship, and their participation in public affairs to demand transparency, accountability and public culture and values in order to achieve progress towards quality democracy.

As part of a research study on the methods of child-rearing practiced by the displaced homeless families of the Altos de Oriente II settlement, this article offers a vision of how ethnographic research, from a critical hermeneutical perspective, is incorporated into action research and linked to an alternative public health. Thus, the present work seeks to understand the meanings of the emerging parenting practices within culture circles, which are scenarios for participant observation. From a perspective of action research with an educational objective, the child-rearing of women is described, in a transformative reflection that allowed to identify emerging topics and an orientation of praxis towards health education. The methodological approach focuses on dialogue in order to build an interpretive bridge that critically examines the educational processes of action research, as part of the ethical and political commitment to advance in the resolution of concrete situations generated within the community. ; Como parte de un análisis sobre la crianza que practican las familias desplazadas y destechadas del asentamiento Altos de Oriente II, se pretende ofrecer una visión de cómo una investigación con orientación etnográfica, desde una perspectiva hermenéutica crítica, se incorpora a la Investigación Acción a partir de la salud pública alternativa. Se planteó de esta manera para comprender los significados de la crianza emergentes en los círculos de cultura –escenarios para la observación participante–. Junto a la Investigación Acción con un objetivo educativo, se describió lo que pasa con la crianza de las mujeres, en una reflexión transformadora que posibilitó la identificación de temas generadores y la orientación de la praxis en educación para la salud. El enfoque metodológico a través del diálogo construyó un puente interpretativo crítico con los procesos educativos de la Investigación Acción, como parte del compromiso ético y político para avanzar en la resolución de situaciones concretas de la comunidad. ; Como parte de pesquisa sobre a criação praticada pelas famílias deslocadas e espoliadas de teto do assentamento Altos de Oriente II, visa-se fornecer uma visão de como é que uma pesquisa com orientação etnográfica desde uma perspectiva hermenêutica crítica é incorporada à Pesquisa-ação desde uma saúde pública alternativa. Coloca-se desta maneira para compreender os significados da criação emergentes nos círculos de cultura, cenários para a observação participante. Junto à Pesquisa-Ação com um objetivo educacional, descreveu-se o que acontece com a criação das mulheres, numa reflexão transformadora que possibilitou a identificação de temas geradores e a orientação da práxis em educação para a saúde. O enfoque metodológico através do diálogo construiu uma ponte interpretativa crítica com os processos educacionais da Pesquisa-Ação como parte do compromisso ético e político para avançar na resolução de situações concretas da comunidade.

This article has analyzed the long process of Indonesian Nation State Formation, namely from the Dutch Colonial Period to New Order Era of the 1980s and 1990s. The article argues that the concept of nationhood remained very fluid for long time but gradually it started to shape after the introduction of western education to the natives in the Dutch Colonial era and it took the final shape in New Order Era. The complexity of the nation-state formation was due to the region consists of many ethnics, cultures, languages, religions, and political parties. Their national identity started from the ethnicity awareness which took shape in the Dutch Colonial Era. During the Japanese occupation era the Nation State Formation of Indonesia was put into action as Kurasawa said that they had been prepared the independence of Indonesian nation. In Sukarno era, Indonesia was still ideologically divided into some international ideologies such as Communism, Islamism, and the secular national ideology. The peak of the rivals is the breaking of Indonesian Communist Party uprising in 1965. A major change took place with the fall of Sukarno's regime which was replaced by General Suharto. Suharto called the Sukarno era as the old order regime and called his regime as New Order. The stability of Indonesian National formation was restored with ban on the International Ideology such as Communism, forcing the Moslem militancy and using National Ideology (Pancasila) as the ones of National Ideology.  Artikel ini telah menganalisis proses panjang Pembentukan Negara Bangsa Indonesia, yaitu dari Masa Kolonial Belanda ke Era Orde Baru tahun 1980-an dan 1990-an. Artikel ini berpendapat bahwa konsep kebangsaan tetap sangat cair untuk waktu yang lama tetapi secara bertahap mulai terbentuk setelah pengenalan pendidikan barat untuk pribumi di era Kolonial Belanda dan mengambil bentuk akhir di Era Orde Baru. Kompleksitas pembentukan negara-bangsa adalah karena wilayah ini terdiri dari banyak suku, budaya, bahasa, agama, dan partai politik. Identitas nasional mereka dimulai dari kesadaran etnis yang terbentuk di Era Kolonial Belanda. Selama era pendudukan Jepang, formasi Negara Bangsa Indonesia dilaksanakan sebagai Kurasawa mengatakan bahwa mereka telah mempersiapkan kemerdekaan bangsa Indonesia. Di era Soekarno, Indonesia masih secara ideologis dibagi menjadi beberapa ideologi internasional seperti Komunisme, Islamisme, dan ideologi nasional sekuler. Puncak saingan adalah pecahnya pemberontakan Partai Komunis Indonesia pada tahun 1965. Perubahan besar terjadi dengan jatuhnya rejim Sukarno yang digantikan oleh Jenderal Suharto. Suharto menyebut era Soekarno sebagai rezim orde lama dan menyebut rejimnya sebagai Orde Baru. Stabilitas formasi Nasional Indonesia dipulihkan dengan larangan Ideologi Internasional seperti Komunisme, memaksa militansi Islam dan menggunakan Ideologi Nasional (Pancasila) sebagai Ideologi Nasional.Â

1960-е гг. – время обновления в экономической, правовой, социальной, культурной, спортивной и других сферах жизни Германской Демократической Республики (ГДР) после установления Берлинской стены.В статье анализируется роль лидера ГДР В. Ульбрихта в разработке замысла и осуществлении преобразований с учетом воздействия внутренних и внешних факторов на динамику и исход реформирования. Концепция обновления основывалась на трех опорах: создание новой экономической системы (усиление связей между наукой, технологиями и хозяйственной деятельностью); изменение практики партийных органов (отказ от оперативного вмешательства в пользу стратегического планирования); укрепление роли государства и права. Ульбрихт все больше концентрировался на стратегии развития ГДР, что соответствовало его представлениям о роли «отца страны». Лидер ГДР, воодушевленный перспективами научно-технической революции, решил опереться на технократов и отстранить от управления партийных функционеров сталинской школы. Однако он не отказывался от ведущей роли Социалистической единой партии Германии (СЕПГ) в политической системе. Сохранение господства СЕПГ дало консерваторам в ЦК шанс остановить обновление, отправив его инициатора в отставку в мае 1971 г. Ключевую роль в отстранении Ульбрихта сыграло советское руководство, которое после подавления «пражской весны» рассматривало новации в «строительстве социализма» в странах Восточной Европы как угрозу безопасности СССР.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2017)5-22 ; The period of the 1960s is the time of renewal in economy, law, society, culture, sports and other life spheres of the German Democratic Republic after the construction of the Berlin Wall. This article discusses the role of the GDR leader W. Ulbricht in the development of the concept and the transformation with the account of the internal and external influences on the dynamics and the result of the reformation. The three pillars of the renewal concept were the building of a new economic system (stronger ties between science, technology and economic activity), the change in the practices of party organs (abandoning of on-the-spot intervention in favor of strategic planning), and the strengthening of the central role of government and law. Ulbricht's increased focus on the GDR development strategy was in tune with his notion of the role of "Landesvater". Inspired by the possibilities of the scientific-technological revolution, the GDR leader decided to rely on technocrats and dismiss Stalinist party functionaries. However, he still acknowledged the SED as the key player in the political system. The continuing supremacy of the SED made it possible for the conventionalists in the Central Committee to stop the renewal and force its initiator to resign in May 1971. The dismissal of Ulbricht was largely orchestrated by the Soviets that in the aftermath of the Prague Spring viewed any innovation in the building of the Socialism in Eastern Europe as a threat to the security of the USSR.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2017)5-22

En este ensayo defiendo que un tipo básico de intelectual es el de Sócrates. Tomo en cuenta un Sócrates filosófico más que existencial. Mi defensa es más normativa que semántica. A continuación, expongo la existencia de seis formas desviadas de intelectual, siguiendo la distinción entre vicios intelectuales y vicios morales. La distinción no es exhaustiva y no impide algunas combinaciones. Luego, discuto el caso de la política argentina de los años 2003 a 2018. Este período involucra al kirchnerismo y al macrismo. En este contexto político, defiendo un tipo de intelectual virtuoso, que llamo intelectual "con compromiso cívico", quien, en mi opinión, está en mejores condiciones de someter a crítica a los gobiernos. También, en contraste con este, propongo algunos ejemplos de cómo cierto intelectualismo argentino se ha desviado o alejado del tipo socrático. Este alejamiento podría ser parte de una tragedia de la cultura argentina. ; In this essay, I argue that Socrates represents a basic type of intellectual. My argument takes into account a philosophical rather than an existential Socrates, and it is more normative than semantic. I examine six deviant forms of the intellectual, following the distinction between intellectual and moral faults. This is not an exhaustive distinction and it allows for some combinations. Subsequently, I discuss Argentinean politics between 2003 and 2018, a period that involves "Kirchnerism" and "Macrism". In this political context, I defend the intellectual characterized by "civic engagement", a type of virtuous intellectual that, in my view, is in better conditions to carry out a critique of governments. In contrast with this intellectual, I provide some examples of how a certain type of Argentinean intellectualism has deviated or distanced itself from the Socratic type. This distancing could be part of the tragedy of Argentinean culture. ; Neste ensaio, defendo que um tipo básico de intelectual é o de Sócrates. Levo em consideração um Sócrates filosófico mais do que existencial. Minha defesa é mais normativa do que semântica. A seguir, exponho a existência de seis formas de desvios de intelectual, seguindo a distinção entre vícios intelectuais e vícios morais. A distinção não é exaustiva e não impede algumas combinações. Depois, discuto o caso da política argentina de 2003 a 2018. Esse período envolve o kirchnerismo e o macrismo. Nesse contexto político, defendo um tipo de intelectual virtuoso, que chamo de intelectual "com compromisso cívico", que, na minha opinião, está em melhores condições de submeter os governos à crítica. Também, para efeitos de contraste, proponho alguns exemplos de como certo intelectualismo argentino se desviou ou se afastou do tipo socrático. Tal afastamento poderia ser parte de uma tragédia da cultura argentina

In this essay, I argue that Socrates represents a basic type of intellectual. My argument takes into account a philosophical rather than an existential Socrates, and it is more normative than semantic. I examine six deviant forms of the intellectual, following the distinction between intellectual and moral faults. This is not an exhaustive distinction and it allows for some combinations. Subsequently, I discuss Argentinean politics between 2003 and 2018, a period that involves "Kirchnerism" and "Macrism". In this political context, I defend the intellectual characterized by "civic engagement", a type of virtuous intellectual that, in my view, is in better conditions to carry out a critique of governments. In contrast with this intellectual, I provide some examples of how a certain type of Argentinean intellectualism has deviated or distanced itself from the Socratic type. This distancing could be part of the tragedy of Argentinean culture. ; En este ensayo defiendo que un tipo básico de intelectual es el de Sócrates. Tomo en cuenta un Sócrates filosófico más que existencial. Mi defensa es más normativa que semántica. A continuación, expongo la existencia de seis formas desviadas de intelectual, siguiendo la distinción entre vicios intelectuales y vicios morales. La distinción no es exhaustiva y no impide algunas combinaciones. Luego, discuto el caso de la política argentina de los años 2003 a 2018. Este período involucra al kirchnerismo y al macrismo. En este contexto político, defiendo un tipo de intelectual virtuoso, que llamo intelectual "con compromiso cívico", quien, en mi opinión, está en mejores condiciones de someter a crítica a los gobiernos. También, en contraste con este, propongo algunos ejemplos de cómo cierto intelectualismo argentino se ha desviado o alejado del tipo socrático. Este alejamiento podría ser parte de una tragedia de la cultura argentina. ; Neste ensaio, defendo que um tipo básico de intelectual é o de Sócrates. Levo em consideração um Sócrates filosófico mais do que existencial. Minha defesa é mais normativa do que semântica. A seguir, exponho a existência de seis formas de desvios de intelectual, seguindo a distinção entre vícios intelectuais e vícios morais. A distinção não é exaustiva e não impede algumas combinações. Depois, discuto o caso da política argentina de 2003 a 2018. Esse período envolve o kirchnerismo e o macrismo. Nesse contexto político, defendo um tipo de intelectual virtuoso, que chamo de intelectual "com compromisso cívico", que, na minha opinião, está em melhores condições de submeter os governos à crítica. Também, para efeitos de contraste, proponho alguns exemplos de como certo intelectualismo argentino se desviou ou se afastou do tipo socrático. Tal afastamento poderia ser parte de uma tragédia da cultura argentina

Проаналізовано освітні зміни в Україні впродовж 90-х років, детерміновані здобуттям державою незалежності в 1991 році як передумови розвитку шкільної біології початку ХХІ століття. У зв'язку з трансформацією стратегічних пріоритетів освіти кінця ХХ - початку ХХІ століття зі знань і умінь школяра на його особистісні якості та формування компетентностей запропоновано модель шкільної біологічної освіти початку ХХІ століття як системного утворення в парадигмальному, структурному й функціональному аспектах. Розкрито структуру кожного з аспектів та його компонентів і складових. Охарактеризовано тенденції розвитку шкільної біологічної освіти початку ХХІ століття в Україні як системи. ; The educational changes in Ukraine during the 90s, determined by achievement of the state of independence in 1991 as the preconditions for development of school biological education at the beginning of the XXI century, were analyzed. In connection with transformation of the strategic priorities of education at the end of the XX - beginning of the XXI century from the student's knowledge and skills on his personality and competence development, a model of school biological education at the beginning of the XXI century as a systemic unity in the paradigm, structural and functional aspects is proposed. The structure of each aspect and its components and components is revealed. The tendencies of development of school biological education at the beginning of the XXI century in Ukraine as a system are described. The influence of political, socio-economic and pedagogical factors on the development of school biological education in Ukraine up to the beginning of the XX century has been described in order to implement its periodization during the XX - the beginning of the XXI century. At the beginning of the XXI century the change in the strategic priorities of education, its goals, functions and principles was conditioned by the gradual transition to a new structure, the renewed content of general secondary education and formation of a network of diverse classes in the elementary school. The Concept of Biological Education in the 12-year-old school outlined reorientation of the goals for the student's personality, his preparation for active participation in society, formation of vital competencies. Increased attention to the formation of general cultural, general educational and special skills; the educational process is reoriented to the introduction of personality-centered pedagogical technologies. The educational and developmental potential of biological education is aimed at motivating a healthy lifestyle, forming an ecological culture. The prospects of research are seen in the further study of development of school biological education as a system outlining its main trends from the beginning of the XXI century and the possibility of introducing valuable didactic findings of the past in development of natural education in Ukraine in order to implement the concept of "New Ukrainian School".

In this paper I demonstrate the changes in János Maróthy's aesthetic and political attitudes towards popular music. Being an internationally acknowledged Marxist musicologist, Maróthy found employment in many important musical institutions, in the framework of which he not only had an overview of the events of Hungarian popular music, but with his presentations and articles, in the 1950s and early 1960s he also exerted a considerable influence on them. Using archival data and media coverage, I examine Maróthy's key texts which demanded a revision in the matter of "socialist realism" and which announced a growing attention and tolerance towards the musical products of Western "mass culture": jazz and pop-rock. His work shows how popular music became a part of academic research in Socialist Hungary. ; У овом раду разматрам делатност Јаноша Маротија (1925–2001) и промене његових естетичких и политичких ставова у односу на популарну музику, у периоду од краја четрдесетих до почетка седамдесетих година ХХ века. Као међународно признат музиколог марксистичке оријентације, Мароти је радио у многим значајним музичким институцијама, које су му пружале платформу са које је могао не само да прати догађања у мађарској популарној музици, већ и да значајно утиче на њих, посебно путем јавних наступа и чланака објављених током педесетих и почетком шездесетих година прошлог века. При покушају реконструисања и анализирања његових естетичких и социолошких ставова, суочавамо се са Маротијевом форсираном идеолошком путањом и примећујемо да су совјетски проглас о "мирољубивом сапостојању" два кампа и промене у односима између Истока и Запада од почетка шездесетих година итекако имали утицаја на његова размишљања. На основу архивских података и сачуваних медијских записа, разматрам кључне Маротијеве текстове, из различитих раздобља његовог рада. Првенствено се бавим текстовима и скицама из шездесетих, у којима је Мароти захтевао ревизију тумачења "социјалистичког реализма" и који су најавили његову све већу пажњу и толеранцију за музичке производе западњачке масовне културе: џез и поп-рок. Тиме његови написи показују како је популарна музика постала део академских расправа у социјалистичкој Мађарској. Након 1968. године, креатори мађарске културне политике били су заинтересовани за очување дихотомије између образовања и забаве, односно, између класичне и популарне музике. На подручју музике економско-комерцијални аспект превагнуо је над идеолошким. Оваквим обртом, Јанош Мароти, који је деценијама био иницијатор и најзначајнији протагониста политичких и естетичких дискусија у вези са популарном музиком, постао је "превазиђен", изгубио утицај и постепено нестао из јавног живота. Међутим, он је остао веран својим принципима. Захваљујући његовом деловању, проучавање популарне музике на Одсеку за социологију музике при Музиколошком институту у Будимпешти постало је могуће од 1969. године, а студије популарне музике су званично утемељене као нова научна дисциплина. ; Some parts of this article have already been published in the author's other articles (in German and Hungarian).

El territorio tucumano, en el centro del Noroeste argentino, es un área conocida por la riqueza de sus manifestaciones culturales materiales. Desde los comienzos de la constitución del Estado, Tucumán fue locus de distintas políticas y propuestas que las implicaban. Es factible rastrearlas en el accionar concreto sobre esos recursos culturales, así como también en los proyectos que se fueron planteando. Abordaremos un primer análisis de cómo desde el Estado se fue dibujando, definiendo, en fin, construyendo el "patrimonio arqueológico" en la provincia de Tucumán, en tanto conjunto de bienes culturales materiales que representaría parte del pasado local y que, por ende, merecería recibir un trato especial a los fines de garantizar su resguardo y conservación. Nuestro eje de estudio se centra en la materialidad indígena prehispánica del del Valle de Tafí en el Oeste tucumano indagando los diversos procesos y tomando en cuenta los diferentes actores que fueron configurando su patrimonialización en los contextos históricos, políticos y sociales de los últimos cien años. Consideramos que es un caso que puede ser paradigmático en pocos años más, tanto en lo que respecta al uso de los recursos culturales prehispánicos así como al destino de los mismos.Palabras clave: patrimonio; políticas estatales; arqueología; materialidades indígenas; Tafí del Valle.AbstractThe Tucuman region, located in the heart of Northwestern Argentina, is an area known for its wealth of cultural materials. From the earliest days of the nation, Tucuman has been a place where a wide range of policies and proposals have been advanced in relation to how these materials should be managed. It is therefore possible to review the concrete developments that have taken place along these lines, as well as the specifics of other projects that have been proposed.Here we undertake an initial analysis of how the State has engaged in the planning, definition and, ultimately, the construction of the province of Tucuman's archeological heritage, with regard to the collection of cultural material resources. These represent a distinctive element of local history and therefore deserve special attention in terms of guaranteeing their secure curation and future preservation.The specific focus of our study is the pre-Hispanic indigenous material culture of western Tucuman. We discuss the different processes that have taken place during the last one hundred years, taking into account the various entities involved in establishing heritage status and the associated historical, political and social contexts. We believe this is a case that may become paradigmatic in coming years, in regard to both the present-day uses of pre-Hispanic cultural resources and their long-term future.Keywords: heritage; state policies; archeology; indigenous materials; Tafí del Valle.

This article represents the author's vision of interdisciplinarity as the basis of producing a new Knowledge product in the Information Society. It claimes the priority studies that trigger scientific knowledge in the form of cognitive / creative product through the rethinking of economic, environmental, communication, information and other aspects concerning their nature and value of culture and cultural essence of technical and technological processes. The author indicates the emergence of new integrated science, and emphasizes that the study of phenomena and the phenomena of education is impossible without integrating the knowledge from different fields and areas. Studying university education as a phenomenon provides the integration of philosophical, educational, economic, technical (technological, engineering), natural (environmental, noosphere) political (national and state), legal (legal, economic and legal), cultural, historical, etc. knowledge that enables to produce innovative intellectual products to enhance the "Knowledge intensity" and intellectual capital.Scientific research university education as a producer of a new research product (theoretical, fundamental searching (theoretical and practical), practical (theoretical and experimental), scientific development (experimental)) should be based on a set of methodological approaches, including: holistic, systemic, synergistic, integrated, interdisciplinary, competence, active, cultural, anthropological, paradigm, civilization, acmeological and others.Interdisciplinary approach, which is the basis for the new / innovative / knowledge, creative information product as a complex, integrated, interdisciplinary and created through active social activities, and which requires cooperation between various sectoral agencies, the creation of interdisciplinary research laboratories that are not isolated from society, forms new interdisciplinary thinking. That it is a feature of the research result of four powerful factors: internal complexity of nature and society; the desire to explore the problems and issues that do not belong to one discipline; the need to resolve problems facing society; the emergence of new technologies.Key words: university education, interdisciplinary, multidisciplinary approach, Knowledge product, integrating scientific knowledge. ; Репрезентовано авторське бачення міждисциплінарності як основи продукування нового знаннєвого продукту в інформаційному суспільстві. Наголошено на пріоритеті досліджень, що ініціюють появу наукового знання у формі когнітивного / креативного продукту через переосмислення економічних, екологічних, комунікаційних, інформаційних та інших аспектів щодо їхньої природи й співвідношення з культурою та культурною сутністю техніко-техногенних процесів. Зазначено про появу нових інтегрованих наук. Доведено, що дослідження явищ та феноменів освіти неможливі без інтеграції знань з різних галузей та сфер, а дослідження університетської освіти як феномену передбачає інтеграцію філософського, освітнього, економічного, технічного (технологічного, інженерного), природничого (екологічного, ноосферного), політичного (націє – та державотвор-чого), юридичного (нормативно-правового, економіко-правового), культурологіч-ного, історичного, соціономічного та ін. знання, що дає змогу продукувати інноваційний інтелектуальний продукт для підвищення рівня "знаннєвої інтенсив-ності" та інтелектуального капіталу.Ключові слова: університетська освіта, міждисциплінарність, міждисциплінарний підхід, знаннєвий продукт, інтеграція наукового знання.

El sociólogo francés Philippe Corcuff parte de la hipótesis de que el pensamiento contemporáneo viene experimentando una escisión de la crítica social respecto de la emancipación. Ante esto y con el objetivo de inspirar la "imaginación sociológica", propone entablar diálogos transfronterizos entre filosofía, sociología y culturas ordinarias. A partir de la metodología de los "juegos de lenguaje" se embarca en el análisis del género negro americano caracterizado por una visión crítica, pesimista y melancólica del mundo. Poniendo en funcionamiento algunas de estas herramientas teóricas y metodológicas desarrolladas por Philippe Corcuff, en este trabajo propongo el análisis de uno de los relatos de la película nacional más taquillera de todos los tiempos: el film de comedia negra "Relatos Salvajes" con el fin de que este análisis permita hacer brotar destellos de inteligibilidad que puedan extenderse a cuestiones de actualidad social y política. El relato sobre Bombita es sumamente jugoso. Se trata de un hombre común y corriente con un trabajo y una familia que se ve entrampado por los poderes operantes en la sociedad dejándolo en la más absoluta soledad. Ante esto, el protagonista diseña una salida. En su registro propio y a partir del ejercicio de diálogos transfronterizos, esta salida nos dona una crítica potente a los procesos de individualización del capitalismo contemporáneo. ; The French sociologist Philippe Corcuff starts from the hypothesis that contemporary thought is experiencing a separation between social criticism and emancipation. Given this and with the aim of inspiring the "sociological imagination", he proposes to establish cross-border dialogues between philosophy, sociology and ordinary cultures. From the methodology of the "language games" he embarks on the analysis of the American black genre characterized by a critical, pessimistic and melancholic vision of the world. Using some of the theoretical and methodological tools developed by Philippe Corcuff, in this work I propose to analyze one of the stories of the most successful national film of all time: the black comedy film "Relatos Salvajes" in order that this analysis allows to spark flashes of intelligibility that can be extended to issues of social and political actuality. The story about Bombita is extremely juicy. He is a common man with a job and a family that is trapped by the operating powers in society leaving him in the most absolute solitude. Against these, the protagonist designs an exit. In its own register and from the exercise of cross-border dialogues, this output gives us a powerful critique of the processes of individualization of contemporary capitalism. ; Fil: Russo, Fiorella. Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto Multidisciplinario de Estudios Sociales Contemporáneos