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Current state of banking system being the important factor for stability and development of economic life of the country is elucidated in the article. The fundamental causes of the banking crisis as well as the main problems of banking sector and economic development of the whole country are revealed in it. It can be noted that systemic banking crisis is the result of interlacing of three groups of problems: the longstanding structural and institutional disproportions in the economy of Ukraine; systemic problems of banking system; abrupt aggravation of problems in banking system in 2014 under the influence of force-majeure factors in foreign policy and shocks caused by wrong actions of monetary regulator. Macroeconomic priorities for development of Ukrainian economy, intensive development of high-technology industry, science, technical and technological innovations being the main one of these priorities, as well as their implementation into industry and delivery for internal and external markets are presented in the article. The system of strategic and tactic actions for getting out of the crisis, as well as for developing of the banking sector and achieving macroeconomic priorities is also proposed in the article. The crucial tasks of economic policy should be as follows: cardinal improvement of the quality of public administration at the level of top-management officials in the government, National Bank and otherinstitutions of authority; development of packaged strategies and programs for the formation of effective industrial policy of Ukraine; prolongation of moratorium on agricultural lands privatization until the end of the crisis and prosperity growth of the population for enabling full-fledged participation of society in the future privatization. The first-priority steps to reduce systemic risks should be as follows: urgent appointment of high-professional and independent staff to the Board of Ukrainian National Bank and the improvement of juridical mechanisms of its influence on the Ukrainian National Bank management; performance of the reform of the National Bank concerning monetary and currency regulation that should be based on transition from dominance of constant-access operations to discretionary monetary policy. Under such conditions it will be possible to provide transition to flexible inflation targeting regime being the optimal compromise ensuring price stability and stimulating economic growth. ; В статье освещено современное состояние банковской системы Украины, которая является важным фактором стабильности и развития экономической жизни страны. Раскрываются фундаментальные причины банковского кризиса, главные проблемы развития банковского сектора и экономики страны в целом. Так, можно отметить, что системный банковский кризис является результатом переплетения трёх групп проблем: многолетних структурных и институциональных диспропорций в экономике Украины; системных проблем банковской системы; резкого обострения проблем банковской системы в 2014 году под влиянием форс-мажорных внешнеполитических факторов и шоков со стороны неправильных действий монетарного регулятора. В статье определены макроэкономические приоритеты развития украинской экономики, главный из которых − интенсивное развитие высокотехнологичной промышленности, науки, технических и технологических разработок, их внедрение в производство и вывод на внутренние и внешние рынки. Предложена система стратегических и тактических действий по выходу из кризиса, развития банковского сектора, а также достижения макроэкономических приоритетов развития. Ключевыми задачами экономической политики должны стать: кардинальное повышение качества государственного управления на уровне самых высоких должностей в правительстве, Национальном банке и в других институтах власти; разработка пакета стратегий и программ, которые сформируют эффективную промышленную политику Украины; продление моратория на приватизацию земель сельскохозяйственного назначения до выхода из кризиса и роста благосостояния населения для обеспечения возможности полноценного участия общества в будущей приватизации. Первоочередными шагами для снижения системных рисков должны быть: срочное назначение высокопрофессионального и независимого состава Совета НБУ и совершенствование юридического механизма его воздействия на Правление НБУ; проведение реформы Национального банка по поводу монетарного и валютного регулирования, которая должна базироваться на переходе от доминирования операций постоянного доступа к дискреционной монетарной политике. В этих условиях станет возможным переход к режиму гибкого инфляционного таргетирования, что предполагает оптимальный компромисс между обеспечением ценовой стабильности и стимулирования экономического роста. ; У статті висвітлено сучасний стан банківської системи України, яка є важливим чинником стабільності і розвитку економічного життя країни. Розкриваються фундаментальні причини банківської кризи, головні проблеми розвитку банківського сектору та економіки країни в цілому. Системна банківська криза є результатом переплетення трьох груп проблем: багаторічних структурних та інституційних диспропорцій економіки України; системних проблем банківської системи; різкого загострення проблем банківської системи у 2014 році під впливом форс-мажорних зовнішньополітичних чинників та шоків з боку неправильних дій монетарного регулятора. У статті визначені макроекономічні пріоритети розвитку української економіки, які сприятимуть виходу банківської системи з кризового становища, а також ефективному її функціонуванню та розвитку. Запропонована система стратегічних і тактичних дій щодо виходу із кризи, розвитку банківського сектору, а також досягнення макроекономічних пріоритетів країни. Ключовими завданнями економічної політики повинні стати: кардинальне підвищення якості державного управління на рівні найвищих посад в Уряді, Національному банку та в інших інститутах влади; розроблення пакету стратегій і програм, які сформують ефективну промислову політику України; продовження мораторію на приватизацію земель сільськогосподарського призначення до виходу із кризи і зростання добробуту населення для забезпечення можливості повноцінної участі суспільства у майбутній приватизації. Першочерговими кроками для зниження системних ризиків повинні бути: термінове призначення високопрофесійного та незалежного складу Ради НБУ і вдосконалення юридичного механізму її впливу на Правління НБУ; проведення реформи Національного банку щодо монетарного і валютного регулювання, яка повинна базуватися на переході від домінування операцій постійного доступу до дискреційної монетарної політики. За цих умов стане можливим перехід до режиму гнучкого інфляційного таргетування, що передбачає оптимальний компроміс між забезпеченням цінової стабільності і стимулювання економічного зростання.

En este trabajo se analizan los cambios que se presentaron en el ejercicio de la profesión médica y en sus condiciones laborales como resultado de un conjunto de transformaciones sociales (en el trabajo), científicas (en la profesión) y legales (reformas estructurales al sistema de salud y a la regulación laboral); así como las principales acciones colectivas que desarrolló una parte considerable del gremio médico en Colombia para enfrentar esos cambios, entre 1990 y el 2015. Se utilizan dos perspectivas teóricas: primero, el enfoque de la cultura laboral que considera la relación entre trabajo y cultura como un proceso en el que los agentes actualizan su cultura en contextos y realidades de poder específicos, en medio de procesos de conflictos y negociaciones que ocurren en las interacciones de los sujetos. Segundo, la teoría de la acción colectiva y su enfoque de contienda política, entendida como la interacción pública y colectiva entre diferentes actores, en una relación de conflicto, en la que el gobierno es una de las partes. Los resultados de la contienda afectan los intereses de una de las partes, según las reivindicaciones que logren imponerse. Tres momentos caracterizaron las acciones colectivas de los médicos: las protestas sociales en oposición a las reformas a la salud y para reivindicar sus derechos laborales; la asociación para buscar la unidad del gremio médico y tener un solo interlocutor ante el Gobierno; y la utilización del derecho como un recurso para promover modificaciones en la regulación del sistema de salud y de la práctica médica. A través de sus acciones colectivas, un sector del gremio médico se situó como un actor político emergente que, al tiempo que luchó por sus intereses, también participó como protagonista clave en la configuración del campo de la salud en Colombia en el contexto de las reformas al sistema de salud. Así mismo, a través de aquellas, los médicos lograron resistir, moldear o filtrar los efectos de los cambios en su cultura laboral. ; The paper analyzes the changes in the exercise of the medical profession and in the labor conditions of physicians as a result of a series of social (in the work environment), scientific (in the profession), and legal (structural reforms of the healthcare system and labor regulation) transformations, as well as the main collective actions carried out between 1990 and 2015 by a large number of physicians in Colombia in order to face those changes. Two theoretical perspectives were used: first, a focus on work culture that considers the relation between work and culture as a process in which agents update their culture in specific power contexts and relations, amidst conflict and bargaining processes that mark the interactions of subjects. Second, the theory of collective action and its focus on political struggle, understood as the public and collective interaction among different actors, in a conflicting relationship where the Government is one of the parties. The results of the struggle affect the interests of one of the parties, depending on which claims end up prevailing. Three types of collective actions were carried out by physicians: social protests to oppose healthcare reforms and claim their labor rights; association aimed at achieving the unification of the medical profession and having a single interlocutor with the Government; and the use of the law in order to promote changes in the regulation of the health system and the practice of medicine. Through their collective actions, part of the medical sector consolidated itself as an emerging political actor that not only fought for its interests, but also participated as a key protagonist in shaping the field of health in Colombia, in the context of the reforms to the health system. Likewise, those actions made it possible for physicians to resist, shape, or filter the effects of the changes to their work culture. ; Neste trabalho, foram analisadas as mudanças apresentadas no exercício da profissão médica e em suas condições trabalhistas como resultado de um conjunto de transformações sociais (no trabalho), científicas (na profissão) e legais (reformas estruturais no sistema de saúde e na regulamentação trabalhista), assim como as principais ações coletivas que um considerável setor do grêmio médico na Colômbia desenvolveu para enfrentar essas mudanças entre 1990 e 2015. Utilizam-se duas perspectivas teóricas: 1) a abordagem da cultura organizacional que considera a relação entre trabalho e cultura como um processo no qual os agentes atualizam sua cultura em contextos e realidades de poder específicos, e em meio de processos de conflitos e negociações que ocorrem nas interações dos sujeitos; 2) a teoria da ação coletiva e sua abordagem de disputa política, entendida como interação pública e coletiva entre diferentes atores, numa relação de conflito, na qual o governo é uma das partes. Os resultados da disputa afetam os interesses de uma das partes, segundo as reivindicações que consigam ser impostas. Três momentos caracterizaram as ações coletivas dos médicos: os protestos sociais em oposição às reformas na saúde e para reivindicar seus direitos trabalhistas; a associação para buscar a unidade do grêmio médico e ter um interlocutor só ante o Governo, e a utilização do direito como um recurso para promover as mudanças na regulamentação do sistema de saúde e da prática médica. Por meio de suas ações coletivas, um setor do grêmio médico se posicionou como ator político emergente que, ao mesmo tempo que lutou por seus interesses, também participou como protagonista fundamental na configuração do campo da saúde na Colômbia no contexto das reformas no sistema de saúde. Além disso, por meio daquelas, os médicos conseguiram resistir aos efeitos das mudanças na sua cultura organizacional, moldá-los ou filtrá-los.

En Colombia, a finales de la primera década del siglo xxi, se produjo un auge de literatura testimonial del secuestro, cuyos autores eran políticos, miembros de la Fuerza Pública y extranjeros vinculados a la lucha contra el narcotráfico. Ellos constituyeron un grupo nombrado comúnmente como los "canjeables", puesto que su cautiverio respondió a una estrategia de la guerrilla de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (farc), establecida durante las negociaciones de paz del Caguán (1998-2002); esta consistía en secuestrar durante largo tiempo a personajes públicos, militares y policías, con el fin de presionar un intercambio humanitario. El artículo se orienta a delinear las condiciones de producción del auge de literatura testimonial del secuestro de los "canjeables", en el contexto político y mediático de Colombia, entre el 2002 y el 2010, así como la estrecha relación de la industria editorial globalizada con la publicación de testimonios, difundidos ampliamente en el ámbito internacional. De modo que la principal presunción analítica de este trabajo es que los textos testimoniales son construcciones culturales enmarcadas en un contexto social y cultural específico de producción, y que responden a la manera como se organiza simbólicamente la sociedad. Junto a esto, fue necesario entender cómo el auge de la memoria induce a que se creen productos culturales volcados hacia el pasado y que revelan eventos traumáticos de la historia del conflicto armado en Colombia. La metodología consistió en la revisión de fuentes primarias y secundarias escritas y la realización de entrevistas a periodistas y a conocedores del mundo editorial, con la finalidad de establecer un contexto de producción de los libros testimoniales considerados objetos culturales.Uno de los principales hallazgos fue que el auge de la literatura testimonial del secuestro de los "canjeables" respondió al clima ideológico del país durante la presidencia de Álvaro Uribe Vélez, periodo en el que las farc llegaron a ser el enemigo interno de la nación, por lo cual, los testimonios que denunciaron sus crímenes tuvieron un eco masivo en los medios informativos de carácter privado y, en general, en la opinión pública colombiana ; In Colombia, at the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century, there was a rise of kidnapping testimonial literature whose authors were politicians, members of the Armed Forces and foreigners involved in the fight against drug trafficking. Theyconstituted a group commonly known as "the exchangeables" since their captivity responded to a strategy of the guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) established during the Caguan peace negotiations (1998-2002) to kidnap publicfigures, soldiers and police in order to press for a humanitarian exchange. The article aims to outline the conditions of production of a boom in kidnapping testimonial literature by these "exchangeables" in the political and media context of Colombia between 2002 and 2010, and the close relationship of the global publishing industry with the publication of testimony, widely disseminated internationally. The main analytical assumptionof this work is that the testimonial texts are cultural constructions framed in a specific social and cultural context of production and respond to the way society is symbolically organized. Along with this, it is necessary to understand how the rise of memory induces cultural products turned towards the past that reveal traumaticevents in the history of the armed conflict in Colombia. The methodology consisted of a review of written primary and secondary sources and interviews with journalists and experts of the publishing world to establish a production context of testimonial booksconsidered cultural objects. One of the main findings was that the rise of kidnapping testimonial literature by the "exchangeables" was a response to the ideological climate of the country under PresidentAlvaro Uribe, a period in which the farc became the enemy of the nation; therefore, the testimony denouncing their crimes echoed massively in privately owned media and in general in Colombian public opinion. ; Na Colômbia, no final da primeira década do século xxi, produziu-se um auge de literatura testemunhal do sequestro, cujos autores eram políticos, membros da Força Pública e estrangeiros vinculados à luta contra o narcotráfico. Eles constituíram um grupo nomeado comumente de "los canjeables" ("os intercambiáveis"), visto que seu cativeiro respondeu a uma estratégia da guerrilha das Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia (FARC), estabelecida durante as negociações de paz do Caguán (1998-2002); esta consistia em sequestrar, durante longo tempo, personagens públicos, militares e policiais, a fim pressionar um intercâmbio humanitário. Este artigo se orienta a delinear as condições de produção do auge de literatura testemunhal do sequestro dos "intercambiáveis" no contexto político e mediático da Colômbia, entre 2002 e 2010, bem como a estreitarelação da indústria editorial globalizada com a publicação de testemunhos, difundidos amplamente no âmbito internacional. Assim, a principal pretensão analítica deste trabalho é demonstrar que os textos testemunhais são construções culturais delimitadas num contexto social e cultural específico de produção, e que respondem à maneira como a sociedade se organiza simbolicamente. Para isso, foi necessário entender como o augeda memória induz a que sejam criados produtos culturais direcionados ao passado e que revelam eventos traumáticos da história do conflito armado na Colômbia. A metodologiaconsistiu na revisão de fontes primárias e secundárias escritas e a realização de entrevistas a jornalistas e a conhecedores do mundo editorial, com o objetivo de estabelecer um contexto de produção dos livros testemunhais considerados objetos culturais. Um dos principais achados foi que o auge da literatura testemunhal do sequestro dos "intercambiáveis" respondeu ao clima ideológico do país durante a presidência de Álvaro Uribe Vélez, período no qual as farc chegaram a ser o inimigo interno da nação, razão pela qual os depoimentos que denunciaram seus crimes tiveram um eco massivonos meios informativos de caráter privado e, em geral, na opinião pública colombiana.

In the article it was researched the regulation, enforcement of fishing education in Galicia of late 19th – early 20th century. It was made the analysis of teaching methods of subjects at the Department of Zoology at the Jagiellonian University, Agricultural Academy in Dublyany, Lviv veterinary school, junior forest school in Bolekhiv, field crops school in Dublyany. It was established that a number of one-day fishing courses were held in Lviv, Brody, Hyriv, Sambir, Old Solya, Lopushanka. With the assistance of Malopolska agricultural society there were organized the courses in the field of river fishing in Jarosław, Kolomyya and Chortkiv. It was described the legal basis for admission to educational institutions on specialty «Fishing», their material and financial support. It was researched the activity of «Fisherman's school», which operated in 1938 in Buhazhevo, Myendzyhodzy County of Poznan province. People from all parts of Poland (including Eastern Galicia) who were 18 years old, who left school (regardless of its level) and who at least 1 year were working in the field of fisheries, they had the right to study at the school. It was researched the activity of Provincial fishing society and its leaders, M. Novitsky and S. Fisher, and field crops Society in Krakow in organizing the fishing education. It was found that mainly Henryk Vyeloveyskyy, Stanislav Fibih, Franciszek Staff engaged in teaching subjects in fisheries. It was shown the influence of innovative technologies and the workers' training in the fishing industry in the organization of farms. It was established that the main source base for research education in fisheries is «Okólnik», magazine which was published by marginal fishing company; «Przegląd rybacki», reports on the activities of Krakow field crops society, archives of the Central State Historical Archives of Ukraine in Lviv, State archives of Ternopil region. Based on the instructions of the public authorities of Galicia and the Second Commonwealth it was described approaches to management of education sector and its influence on the effectiveness of fisheries. It was discovered humanitarian, political and economic factors which had influence on the shape and quality of Fisherman's education. Based on the elaborated material, it was presented results which can be used in the organization of education in fisheries in modern Ukraine. ; В статье освещены государственное регулирование, правоприменение в сфере рыболовного образования Галиции конца XIX – начала ХХ века. Осуществлен анализ методики преподавания учебных предметов на кафедре зоологии Ягеллонского университета, в Сельскохозяйственной академии в Дублянах, Львовской ветеринарной школе, Младшей лесной школе в Болехове, Аграрной школе в Дублянах. Установлено, что ряд однодневных рыболовных курсов проходило во Львове, Бродах, Хырове, Самборе, Старой Соли, Лопушанке. При содействии Малопольского земледельческого общества были организова-ны курсы речного рыболовства в Ярославе, Коломые и Черткове. Описаны правовые основания для поступления в учебные заведения по специальности «Рыболовство», их материальное и финансовое обеспечение. Отражена деятельность Рыба-цкой школы, действовавшей в 1938 году в Бухажево Мендзиходзкого уезда Познаньского воеводства. В школе имели право учиться лица из всех частей Польши (в том числе и Восточной Галиции), которые достигли 18-летнего возраста, закончи-ли школу (независимо от ее уровня) и хотя бы 1 год работали в сфере рыболовства. Отражена деятельность Краевого рыболовного общества и его руководителей – М. Новицкого и С. Фишера, а также Краковского земледельческого общества в организации рыболовного образования. Установлено, что главным образом преподаванием предметов по рыболовству занимались Генрик Веловейський, Станислав Фибих, Францишек Стафф. Осве-щены влияние инновационных технологий и обучение работников рыболовной отрасли при организации хозяйств. Установ-лено, что основными источниками для исследования образования в области рыболовства являются «Okólnik» ̶ журнал, который издавало Краевое рыболовное общество, «Przegląd rybacki», отчеты о деятельности Краковского земледельчес-кого общества, архивные материалы Центрального государственного исторического архива Украины в г. Львове, государ-ственного архива Тернопольской области. На основании распоряжений органов публичной власти Галиции и Второй Речи Посполитой описаны подходы к управлению отраслью образования, его влияние на эффективность рыболовства. Обнару-жено гуманитарные, политические, экономические факторы, которые влияли на форму и качество рыбацкого образова-ния. На основе разработанного материала представлены выводы, которые можно использовать при организации образо-вания в области рыболовства в условиях современной Украины. ; У статті висвітлено державне регулювання, правозастосування у сфері рибальської освіти Галичини кінця ХІХ – по-чатку ХХ століття. Проведено аналіз методики викладання навчальних предметів на кафедрі зоології Ягеллонського уні-верситету, Сільськогосподарської академії у Дублянах, Львівської ветеринарної школи, Молодшої лісової школи у Болехові, Рільничої школи у Дублянах. Встановлено, що низка одноденних рибальських курсів проходила у Львові, Бродах, Хирові, Самборі, Старій Солі, Лопушанці. За сприяння Малопольського землеробського товариства були організовані курси у галузі річкового рибальства в Ярославі, Коломиї та Чорткові. Описано правові підстави для вступу до навчальних закладів за спеціальністю «Рибальство», їх матеріальне та фінансове забезпечення. Висвітлено діяльність «Рибацької школи», що діяла у 1938 р. в Бухажево Мєндзиходзького повіту Познанського воєводства. У школі мали право навчатись особи з усіх частин Польщі (в тому числі і Східної Галичини), які досягли 18-річного віку, закінчили школу (незалежно від її рівня) та хоча б 1 рік працювали у сфері рибальства. Висвітлено діяльність Крайового рибальського товариства та його керівників – М. Новицького та З. Фішера, а також Краківського рільничого товариства в організації рибальської освіти. Встановлено, що головним чином викладанням пред-метів з рибальства займались Генрик Вєловейський, Станіслав Фібіх, Францішек Стафф. Висвітлено вплив інноваційних технологій та навчання працівників рибальської галузі при організації господарств. Встановлено, що основною джерельною базою для дослідження освіти у галузі рибальства є «Okólnik» ‒ часопис, який видавало Крайове рибальське товариство, «Przegląd rybacki», звіти про діяльність Краківського рільничого товариства, архівні матеріали Центрального державного історичного архіву України у м. Львові, державного архіву Тернопільської області. На основі розпоряджень органів публіч-ної влади Галичини та Другої Речі Посполитої описано підходи щодо управління галуззю освіти, її вплив на ефективність рибальства. Виявлено гуманітарні, політичні, економічні чинники, які впливали на форму та якість рибацької освіти. На основі опрацьованого матеріалу подано висновки, які можна використати при організації освіти у галузі рибальства в умовах сучасної України.

Lokasi pusat-pusat pemerintahan kesultanan Melayu di Kalimantan Barat berada di sepanjang tepian sungai. Sungai menjadi faktor yang sangat penting dalam kehidupan kesultanan, yaitu terkait dengan fungsinya sebagai sumber kehidupan dengan beragan jenis flora dan fauna, sebagai aksesibilitas dan jalur transportasi serta komunikasi. Keterbatasan wilayah tepian sungai menyebabkan perkembangan pusat kesultanan melebar sepanjang tepian sungai karena wilayah daratan masih berupa hutan dan kurang aman. Perkembangan aktivitas perdagangan global pada masa pemerintahan kesultanan yang semakin pesat menyebabkan jalur sungai semakin ramai dilalui oleh pedagang lokal, regional dan internasional. Keberadaan kongsi dagang Belanda (VOC) hingga menjadi pemerintahan Hindia Belanda turut mempengaruhi perkembangan pusat-pusat pemerintahan kesultanan Melayu di Kalimantan Barat.Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui pengaruh jaringan perdagangan global terhadap struktur wilayah Borneo Barat dan konfigurasi spasialpusat pemerintahankesultanan-kesultanan Melayu di Kalimantan Barat. Penelitian dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode sejarah yaitu dengan mengetahui perkembangan sistem jaringan perdagangan global dan korelasinya dengan sejarah pembentukan wilayah kesultanan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa sistem dan jaringan perdagangan mempengaruhi struktur wilayah Borneo Barat dengan sistem hulu-hilir dan konfigurasi spasial wilayah pusat pemerintahan kesultanan Melayu yang terbatas dan melebar sepanjang tepian sungai. Kata-kata kunci: jaringan perdagangan, struktur wilayah, konfigurasi spasial, kesultanan Melayu, Kalimantan Barat THE INFLUENCE OF GLOBAL TRADING NETWORK ON THE MALAY SULTANATES CENTRAL OF GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE AND SPATIAL CONFIGURATION IN WEST KALIMANTANMalay sultanates central government in West Kalimantan were located along the banks of the river. The river became very important factor in the life of sultanates, which was related to its function as a source of life with a variety of floras and faunas, as well as accessibility, transportation lines and communication. Limitations of the riverbank area led to the development of the center of sultanates which extended along the river banks, because land area were still forested and less secure. The development of global trade activities during the reign of sultanates, which grew rapidly, led to increasingly crowded river path, traversed by local, regional and international traders. The existence of Dutch trade partnership (VOC) and later became the Dutch East Indies, also influenced the spatial development of administrative centers in West Kalimantan Malay sultanates. The purpose of this study was to determine the influence of global trading network on the spatial structure of Westeer Borneo Afdelling and on spatial configuration of the Malay sultanates region in West Kalimantan. The study was conducted using historical method, by mapping the development of a global trading network system and its correlation with the history of the region formation of the sultanates. The results showed that the trading systems and networks affected the structure of afdelling by upstream and downstream system, and the spatial configuration of the central region of Malay sultanates government became limited and spread along the riverbanks. Keywords: trading network, regional structure, spatial configuration, Malay sultanates, West Kalimantan REFERENCES_______. Tanpa Tahun. 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From 1896 to 1957, the Lyon City council leads an ambitious innovative policy in the field of "éducation populaire" (public education, education for all).The political will to opt for an education policy can be accounted for by the particular context during the first half of the 20th century.This city is flourishing and its population is increasing constantly particularly its working class and the number of pupils.At the time, Édouard Herriot is Lyon's mayor. In Lyon he begins being involved in politics in the context of the Dreyfus affair.Lyon is to be a springboard for his political career. By becoming mayor of Lyon at the age of 33, Herriot can enforce his school and educative policy in accordance with the principles of democratization of schooling and education he advocates, a policy which makes schooling more easily accessible to all that he shares with the "Compagnons de l'Université Nouvelle" intertwined networks of activists. Those networks prove to be particularly fertile and active during the period. Analyzing them shows how numerous they are and sheds light on their actions through the profusion of non-profit organizations and their many publication.However, while the analysis of the different historic sources available allow to Lyon's thriving community life related to "éducation populaire", the same sources do not mention how different organizations work.Analyzing the practices and project of the different "éducation populaire"movements and organizations show how the aims evolved during that period. Initially the goal is based on a program of hygiene physical education awareness. It is meant to fight social plagues such as tuberculoses and alcoholism. Gradually political goals emerge. The different activists have to establish a program of education in the true sense of the word of civic education, addressed to the children from Lyon working-class families. The aim is obviously to fight against the influence of opposite to the French Third Republic. In these activist circles above all clerical ones, regime evolves in these activist circle, makes the perceptions and political fears of parts of the population stand out this analysis also allows to put forward how deeply involved in politics these "éducation populaire" activists are in the second half of the 20th century. The fear of fascism then becomes a deep motivation for education.This research thus seeks to make the way these organizations and "éducation populaire" work re-emerge while attempting to be as close as possible to the viewpoint of regular activists.This bygone world of several of them whose biography could be traced. ; De 1896 à 1957, la municipalité de Lyon a développé une politique ambitieuse et novatrice dans le domaine de l'éducation populaire. Cette volonté politique d'action éducative s'explique par le contexte particulier de la ville de Lyon sur la première moitié du XXe siècle.La ville est alors en pleine croissance et économique. La population ne cesse d'augmenter, en particulier les populations ouvrières et scolaires.Cette ville est dirigée par Édouard Herriot. C'est à Lyon qu'il débute son engagement politique dans le contexte de l'affaire Dreyfus. Par la suite la ville de Lyon est pour lui un tremplin pour sa carrière politique nationale. En devenant maire de Lyon à 33 ans, Herriot est alors en position pour mettre en application une politique scolaire et éducative en lien avec ses principes de démocratisation de l'enseignement qu'il défend, celle d'un enseignement qui doit être plus démocratique et accessible, politique qu'il partage avec les Compagnons de l'Université Nouvelle. Cette vision est également celle d' une partie de la population lyonnaise qui soutient Édouard Herriot.Les différentes actions menées s'appuient alors sur un ensemble de réseaux de militants entrecroisés. Ces réseaux se révèlent être particulièrement riches et actifs sur cette période. Leur analyse montre leur foisonnement et leur action à travers la multiplication des associations de type loi 1901, avec leurs nombreuses publications.Cependant, si l'analyses des différentes sources historiques accessibles permet de mettre en évidence la richesse de la vie associative lyonnaise en lien avec l'éducation populaire, en revanche ces mêmes sources restent malheureusement muettes sur le fonctionnement de ces différentes associations.L'analyse des pratiques et des projets des différents mouvements et associations d'éducation populaire fait apparaître une évolution des objectifs sur la période. L'objectif initial repose sur un programme de développement des pratiques d'hygiène et de la culture physique. L'objectif déclaré est alors de lutter contre les fléaux sociaux que sont la tuberculose et l'alcoolisme. Progressivement apparaissent des objectifs politiques. Il s'agit pour les différents militants de mettre en place une véritable éducation civique à destination des enfants des classes populaires lyonnaises. Le but affiché est de lutter contre l'influence des adversaires de la République, en premier lieu les milieux cléricaux. L'évolution de la définition de l'adversaire de la République dans ces milieux de militants permet de mettre en évidence les perceptions et les craintes politiques d'une partie de la population. Cette analyse autorise également à mettre en avant l'hyper-politisation de ces militants de l'éducation populaire dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle. La crainte du fascisme devient alors une puissante motivation pour l'action éducatrice.L'objectif de cette recherche est alors de faire resurgir le fonctionnement de ces associations et œuvres d'éducation populaire, en cherchant des angles d'approche le plus près possible des militants de base. Ce monde de militants disparu peut alors être évoqué à travers la trajectoire de plusieurs d'entre eux dont la biographie a pu être reconstituée.

The grouping of non-professional or amateur sports clubs is a partial or total pooling of their resources. Despite that it has been centrally and generally evoked in scientific researches based on business companies, grouping only has been partially conducted in research studies in the sport field. Our study aims to remove those non-professional/amateur sports clubs from anonymity, expose them to the public eye and facilitate their understandings as well. To accomplish this goal, we used a multidisciplinary approach of sport organizations (including their sociology, management and economy). To understand the phenomenon of grouping non-professional sports clubs. In order to grasp that phenomenon, we need to inquire about the factors at the origin of the groupings, the implementation of such decisions and, finally to inquire on their consequences on the daily life of the sporting club. To answer to inquiries, we analyzed meticulously, the organizational challenges of these groupings, their methods and process, the strategies and logics of action of the main actors, and the consequences of these groupings in the daily life of the club, particularly, on the aspects of culture and identity, economic and sporting, and as regards to the governance within the meaning of Gérard Charreaux (1997). The data collected under an analytical method were of two types: those principals were based on observations and talks and those secondaries were based on newspaper cuttings and documents internal to the clubs and FAF. The principal data consisted of 10 formal talks of an average of 50 minutes each and a hundred abstract talks, conceived in a spirit of complementarity and stepping. The secondary data were collected from 25 numbers of the Le Progrès newspaper from 1999 to 2015, which comprised approximately 50 pages of newspaper cut on the groupings of clubs, the GA and DC reports, meetings of trainers, as well as the status and special regulations of clubs and FAF. All those data were analyzed according to the triptych: qualitative analysis of contents by theorization and anchored strategic analysis actor-theory of the contingency, according to respectively, Pierre Paillé-M. Crozier & E. Friedberg-Henry Mintzberg. Beyond the two principal methods: agreements and fusion. The groupings of athletics' clubs presented in our research are built collectively and locally. They are more interested, unstable and institutionalized. Five large groups of contingent factors lead the club towards the grouping: objective and manpower of the club, modernization of the club and development of the practice, and the local sporting policy. In this context of grouping of clubs, the managerial latitude of the leader of club remains conditioned on several levels, including, the territorial collectivity and FAF. Our dissertation through the theoretical framework chosen, makes it possible to clarify not only the challenges of grouping athletics' clubs, the club's interactions of territorial athletics-FFA-communities, the governance of these clubs, but also, stands out as a new comparative framework non-professional sporting clubs ; Le regroupement des clubs sportifs amateurs est une mise en commun partielle ou totale des ressources de ces clubs. S'il a le plus souvent été au centre des recherches scientifiques effectuées dans le milieu des entreprises, le regroupement n'a jusque-là été que partiellement évoqué dans ces études concernant le milieu sportif. Cette étude vise à sortir les regroupements de clubs sportifs amateurs de l'anonymat en permettant leur compréhension. Il s'agit, suivant une approche pluridisciplinaire (sociologie, management et économie des organisations sportives) de connaitre le phénomène de regroupement de clubs sportifs amateurs. C'est questionner les facteurs à l'origine des regroupements, c'est aussi scruter la mise en oeuvre de telles décisions et c'est enfin, sonder leurs conséquences sur la vie quotidienne du club sportif. Nous avons donc soigneusement inspecté, les enjeux organisationnels de ces regroupements, leurs modalités et processus, les stratégies et logiques d'action des principaux acteurs et les conséquences de ces regroupements sur la vie quotidienne du club. Notamment, sur le plan culturel et identitaire, économique et sportif, et sur le plan de la gouvernance au sens de Gérard Charreaux (1997). Les données recueillies selon une méthode inductive sont principalement des observations et des entretiens, secondairement des coupures de presse et documents internes aux clubs et FFA. Dix entretiens formels d'une moyenne de cinquante minutes chacun et une centaine d'entretiens informels, conçus dans un esprit de complémentarité et de recoupement. Vingt-cinq numéros du journal Le Progrès de 1999 à 2015, soit environ cinquante pages de coupure de presse sur les regroupements de clubs. Les comptes rendus d'AG, de CD, de réunions d'entraîneurs, tout comme les statuts et règlements spéciaux des clubs et de la FFA ont constitué l'essentiel des documents internes. Le traitement de ces données s'est fait selon le triptyque : analyse qualitative de contenu par théorisation ancrée-analyse stratégique de l'acteur-théorie de la contingence, selon respectivement, Pierre Paillé-M. Crozier & E. Friedberg-Henry Mintzberg. Les regroupements de clubs d'athlétisme présentés dans notre recherche, au-delà d'avoir deux modalités principales, ententes et fusions, sont un construit collectif et local, intéressés, instables et institutionnalisés. Cinq grands groupes de facteurs contingents poussent le club vers le regroupement : les objectif et effectifs du club, leur modernisation, le développement de la pratique et de la politique sportive locale. Dans ce contexte de regroupement de clubs, la latitude managériale du dirigeant de club reste conditionnée à plusieurs niveaux, notamment, celui de la collectivité territoriale et de la FFA. Notre recherche, permet d'éclairer non seulement les enjeux du regroupement des clubs d'athlétisme, les interactions clubs d'athlétisme-FFA-collectivités territoriales, la gouvernance de ces clubs, mais aussi, balise un nouveau cadre comparatif clubs sportifs amateurs-entreprises sous le prisme du regroupement

Статтю присвячено проблемі гендерної нерівності та гендерної дискримінації чоловіцтва засобами нормативно-правової регуляції Сімейного кодексу. В результаті проведеного дослідження автор приходить до висновку про те, що трансформація гендерних відносин на рівні соціонормативного регулювання має вести до досягнення фактичної, а не формальної рівноправності статей у сфері шлюбно-сімейних відносин. Констатовано, що на зміну традиційно-нерівноправного (матріархатно-тенденційного і андроцидарного) розподілу ролей між чоловіком і жінкою має прийти концепція рівностатусності, яка забезпечує однакові можливості для двох партнерів. Таким чином, питання про соціо-гендерний статус чоловіцтва, яке пропонується або може бути запропоноване йому в суспільстві, де на зміну матріархально-гетеричному типу гендерної диференціації приходить егалітарний тип, виникає з самої суспільної практики; і адекватну відповідь на нього дає саме гендерний аналіз чинного сімейного законодавства України.Доведено, що усунення гендерної дискримінації є ключовим імперативом регуляції та інституціалізації сімейних відносин за умови реалізації комплексу заходів, які передбачають довгострокову дію на суспільство і його інститути, що дасть можливість подолати матріархальний расизм і сексизм жіноцтва, що покладе кінець тривалому періоду гендерної нерівності і несправедливості, коли чоловіча частина населення України піддавалася прихованій гендерній дискримінації за рахунок порушення соціонормативного паритету представників обох статей в правовій інституціалізації сім'ї. На думку автора, стратегічні цілі трансформації гендерних відносин в сімейно-правовому полі полягають у зміні культури взаємодії статей, заміні відносин ієрархії на відносини партнерства, привнесення в суспільну свідомість таких цінностей, як миролюбність і життєтворення як основоположних цінностей освіченої андрократії. Розуміння того, що стать не є підставою для дискримінації в будь-якій сфері суспільного життя виявляється запорукою позитивних соціальних трансформацій. Адже дискримінація за всіма іншими соціальними стратифікаційними ознаками (класовими, національними, расовими, політичними, культурними тощо) в егалітарному суспільстві є не просто нелегітимною, але і несумісною із дієвою соціальною мораллю. ; The article deals with the problem of gender inequality and gender discrimination against human by means of the legal regulation by the Family Code. As a result of the research, the conclusion has been made that the transformation of gender relations on the level of socio-normative regulation should lead to the achievement of the real, rather than formal equality of genders in marriage and family relations. It has been stated that instead of traditionally disparate (matriarchal, tendentious and androcidarical) distribution of roles between men and women, the concept of the equality, that provides equal opportunities for both partners must come. Thus, the issue of women's socio-gender status, which is offered or may be offered to them in society, where the matriarchal-geterical type of gender differentiation replaces the egalitarian type, arises from the social life by itself. Gender analysis of the current Ukrainian family legislation gives an adequate response to it.It has been proven that the elimination of gender discrimination is a key imperative of the regulation and institutionalization of family relations provided the implementation of a package of measures, which make the long-term impact on society and its institutions. This will allow overcoming the matriarchal racism and women sexism and will end the long period of gender inequality and injustice, when the male part of the Ukrainian population was subjected to hidden gender discrimination through the breach of the socio-normative parity of both genders representatives in the legal institutionalization of the family. As to the author, the strategic goal of gender relations' transformation in the family and legal sphere is to change the culture of gender interaction, to replace hierarchical relationships by the partnership, to bring the values of peacefulness and life-creation as the core values of the educated androcracy to the social consciousness. Understanding of the fact that gender is not a basis for the discrimination in any sphere of public life is the key to the positive social transformation. Discrimination on all other grounds of social stratification (class, national, racial, political, cultural, etc.) in an egalitarian society is not only illegal, but also incompatible with the effective social morality. ; Статья посвящена проблеме гендерного неравенства и гендерной дискриминации мужчин средствами нормативно-правовой регуляции Семейного кодекса. В результате проведенного исследования автор приходит к выводу о том, что трансформация гендерных отношений на уровне соционормативного регулирования должна вести к достижению фактического, а не формального равноправия полов в сфере брачно-семейных отношений. Констатировано, что на смену традиционно неравноправному (матриархатно-тенденциозному и андроцидарному) распределению ролей между мужчиной и женщиной должна прийти концепция равностатусности, которая обеспечивает равные возможности для двух партнеров. Таким образом, вопрос о социогендерном статусе мужчин, который предлагается или может быть предложено им в обществе, где на смену матриархально-гетерическому типу гендерной дифференциации приходит эгалитарный тип, возникает из самой общественной жизни; и адекватный ответ на него дает именно гендерный анализ действующего семейного законодательства Украины.Доказано, что устранение гендерной дискриминации является ключевым императивом регуляции и институциализации семейных отношений при реализации комплекса мер, предусматривающих долгосрочное воздействие на общество и его институты, что позволит преодолеть матриархальный расизм и сексизм женщин и положит конец длительному периоду гендерного неравенства и несправедливости, когда мужская часть населения Украины подвергалась скрытой гендерной дискриминации за счет нарушения соционормативного паритета представителей обоих полов в правовой институциализации семьи. По мнению автора, стратегические цели трансформации гендерных отношений в семейно-правовом поле заключаются в изменении культуры взаимодействия полов, замене отношений иерархии на отношения партнерства, привнесение в общественное сознание таких ценностей, как миролюбие и жизнетворчество как основных ценностей образованной андрократии. Понимание того, что пол не является основанием для дискриминации в любой сфере общественной жизни, оказывается залогом позитивных социальных трансформаций. Ведь дискриминация по всем другим социальным стратификационным признакам (классовым, национальным, расовым, политическим, культурным и т.д.) в эгалитарном обществе не просто нелегитимна, но и несовместима с действенной социальной моралью.

This article aims to analyze a current issue and a concern to theorists of criminal law and the theory of the State, which is the social protest as a constitutional right and its processes of criminalization and prosecution by the Colombian State. The theme proposed to be studied here, has a close relationship with consolidation or debacle of social welfare law of Colombian Nation. This is due to the fact that the way the social protest is handled by the Government, suggests it's democratic or authoritarian character, bearing in mind that criminal law turns outto be an appendage of the constitutional right of the rule of law, and therefore, an appendix to the theory of the State. Due to the above, the analysis made of the proposed theme, is looking from a critical perspective to determine the current situation in the exercise of the constitutional right to social protest, the challenges of ordinary legislation as regulations for emergency for full satisfaction of this right and the way how those challenges in authoritarian contexts, where takes precedence values such as safety above principles and higher values such as freedom, political pluralism and dissent; have denied in practice the exercise of this right, returning at times of the 1886 Constitution where it was expressly forbidden to exercise the citizen protest. Under the same line of analysis, it will seek to warn that the processes of criminalization and prosecution of social protest in Colombia have become a conception of popular struggle as a crime, which could be contained through criminal law, thus, criminal law becomes an instrument of power to control and maintain the established order, thus fulfilling a political and ideological function that circumvents the main liberal and democratic principles, that should inform their practice, thus becoming an authoritarian paradigm of state openly against the rule of law which formally proclaims the 1991 Constitution. According to the above, this research work seeks to demonstrate the following working hypothesis: "as opposed to the model of social and democratic state of law, formally declared in the Constitution of 1991, in reality there operates an authoritarian and democratic versión of State of Rule, very efficient in terms of social control. In this context, the orientation of the criminal system and "public safety" departs from the system of guarantees inherent in the rule of law; to become a kind of authoritarian criminal law considering certain people as enemies of society, applying criminal law emergency which is incompatible with the principles of the rule of law". ; El presente artículo pretende analizar un tema de actualidad y de preocupación para los teóricos del derecho penal y la teoría del Estado, el cual es la protesta social como derecho constitucional y sus procesos de criminalización y judicialización por parte del Estado colombiano. El tema que se propone estudiar aquí, tiene una estrecha relación con la consolidación o debacle del Estado social y de derecho colombiano, toda vez que la manera en que se maneja por parte del Estado la protesta social, deja entrever su carácter democrático o autoritario, teniendo siempre presente, que el derecho penal resulta ser un apéndice del derecho constitucional del Estado de derecho, y, en ese orden de ideas, un apéndice de la teoría del Estado. Por lo anterior, el análisis que se realiza de la temática planteada, busca desde una perspectiva crítica, determinar la situación actual que atraviesa el ejercicio del derecho constitucional a la protesta social, los desafíos que presenta la legislación ordinaria como normatividad de emergencia para la plena satisfacción de este derecho y como esos desafíos en contextos autoritarios, en donde adquiere preeminencia valores como la seguridad por encima de principios y valores superiores como la libertad, la pluralidad política y el disenso, han negado en la práctica el ejercicio de este derecho, retornándose a épocas de la Constitución de 1886 en donde se prohibía expresamente ejercer la protesta ciudadana. En ese sentido, se analizará aquí los procesos de criminalización y judicialización de la protesta social ocurridos a partir de la entrada en vigencia de la Ley 1453 del 2011, también conocida como "ley de seguridad ciudadana", en tanto política de Estado que mantiene los postulados del estado de emergencia dentro de la normatividad ordinaria, como herramienta para controlar las situaciones en momentos de pérdida de consenso y legitimidad. Bajo la misma línea de análisis, se buscará advertir que los procesos de criminalización y judicialización de la protesta social en Colombia han devenido en una concepción de la lucha popular como delito, susceptible de ser contenida mediante el derecho penal, de esta manera, el derecho penal deviene en instrumento del poder para controlar y mantener el orden establecido, cumpliendo así una función política e ideológica que soslaya los principales principios liberales y democráticos que debieran informar su práctica, constituyéndose así un paradigma autoritario de Estado en franca contravía con el Estado de derecho que pregona de manera formal la Constitución de 1991. En concordancia con lo anterior, el presente trabajo de investigación busca demostrar la siguiente hipótesis de trabajo: "en oposición al modelo de Estado social y democrático de derecho declarado formalmente en la Constitución de 1991, opera en la realidad una versión autoritaria y anti democrática del Estado muy eficiente en términos de control social. En estecontexto la orientación del sistema penal y de "seguridad ciudadana" se aleja del sistema garantista inherente al Estado de Derecho, para devenir en una suerte de derecho penal autoritario que considera a ciertas personas como enemigos de la sociedad, aplicándoles un derecho penal de emergencia incompatible con los principios del Estado de derecho."

Background/problem/issue Swedish ice hockey is by tradition built on the principles of the European Model of Sport (pyramid structure, non-profit, utility maximization, youth fostering, and promotion and relegation etc.) and governed by the Swedish Sport Confederation. Corporation is however allowed since 1999, i.e. sport plc. But, unlike business life generally the Swedish Sport Confederation don't allow full corporation, there is a so called 51-percent barrier, which means that a non-profit sport club must own the majority of votes in its sport plc. (Malmsten & Pallin, 2005). With inspiration from National Hockey League (NHL), i.e. Americanization of sport, new modern multi arenas has mushroomed in Swedish elite ice hockey during the first decade of the new millennium (Lundberg, 2009). These new multi arenas has not only created better sporting facilities. They have also created new sources for revenues and establishment of (sport) business groups. Generally, in Swedish elite ice hockey a non-profit sport club is majority (sole) owner of a multi arena throw a real estate company. To understand some of the legal challenges that arises for clubs in Swedish elite ice hockey, and their plc.'s, take-off must be taken in the Swedish (2005: 551) Companies Act. According to Companies Act (Chap. 1, §11) a limited liability company is a parent company if the limited company owns more than 50 percent of the votes or shares in the subsidiary. A socalled mother-daughter relationship, also called a genuine busi- ness group. Similar rules are contained in the Swedish (1995: 1554) Annual Accounts Act (Chap. 1, §4). If the requisites is not met, instead, a spurious (sport) business group arises. This means directly that a Swed- ish sport business group is a spurious business group, due to the fact that non-profit sport club's must own the majority of votes, i.e. the non-profit sport club is parent company. This means from a Swedish corporate and tax law perspective that group contributions can't be made (Swedish Income Tax Act [1999: 1229], chap. 22 and 35). The reason why Swedish sport business groups are not allowed to do group contributions is that corporate income would avoid taxation. In addition, competition would be distorted against other business forms with other owners (Ågren, 2011). Two Swedish elite ice hockey clubs that faced the Swedish Tax Agency's interest in light of this intricate corporate and tax law area is Leksands IF and Modo Hockey Club. The Swedish Tax Authority's interest were primary based on the question of withdrawal of assets. As a consequence, these two club's real estate companies have been convicted for withdrawal of assets for the 2006/2007 season with 2.4 million and 1.96 million Swedish crowns. The main problem and research task question is hereby to analyze how the organization and regulation of Swedish elite ice hockey and establishment of new multi arenas creates tax challenges. Theory Theory is not necessary for analyzing Swedish jurisprudence. However, Americanization is a valuable theory to understand the commercialization of Swedish elite ice hockey and the growth of new multi arenas, i.e. American influence and culture is received/imported/forced to a country (Alm, 2002). Method The study is based on jurisprudence and document analysis, primarily of Swedish legislation, case law and preparatory work. Also, publications about Swedish elite ice hockey and the American and European Model of Sport has been used. From a jurisprudence perspective, the Swedish Company Act and Income Tax Act, preparatory work and two indicative judgements from Appeal Court in Sundsvall has been analyzed. By analyzing these legal documents important knowledge is achieved from a corporate and tax law perspec- tive. Result Swedish corporate and tax law can never open up for group contributions for Swedish sport business groups without tax consequences even though sport plc's has been established. This also applies to sub- sidiaries. The transition from the non-profit sector to the fully taxable corporate sphere has been driven by financial reasons and international influences. By incorporating the well-known benefits of public limited companies and combining these with international influences, representatives of Swedish elite ice hockey want to be competitive. Swedish Corporate Act and Income Tax Act creates challenges for Swedish sport with the 51percent regulation, which can result in unpleasant tax consequences in case of unconsidered re- structuring. This means that international influences from a Swedish corporate law and tax law perspective are not automatically transferable and applicable to Swedish elite sport. Representatives for Swedish elite ice hockey clubs should for this reason work for the removing the 51-percent regulation (i.e. full corpora- tion). Group contributions can then be made without tax consequences. References Ågren, B. (2011). Beskattning av idrottskoncern [Taxation of Swedish sport business groups]. Skattenytt [Tax news, peer review], 254. Alm, M. (2002). Americanitis: Amerika som sjukdom eller läkemedel: svenska berättelser om USA åren 1900–1939 [Americanitis: America as disease or medicine: Swedish stories about the US the years 1900–1939] (Doctoral Dissertation). Lunds universitet. Kammarrätten i Sundsvall [Appeal Court in Sundsvall]. (2013). Mål nr. 1229–11 and Mål nr. 1594–11, 3436–11. Lundberg, H. (2009). Kommunikativt entreprenörskap: underhållningsidrott som totalupplevelse före, un- der och efter formeringen av den svenska upplevelseindustrin 1999–2008 [Communicative entrepre- neurship: Entertainment sport as experience before, under and after the formation of the Swedish entertainment industry 1999–2008] (Doctoral Dissertation). Växjö universitet. Malmsten, K. & Pallin, C. (2005). Idrottens föreningsrätt [Sport association]. Stockholm: Norstedts.

Introduction. Along with other innovations, in recent years, scientometric methods for measurement of scientists' and research teams' results in the scientific sphere have been widely adopted. The Russian practice of application of those methods to determine the degree of academics' performance isn't unambiguous and eventually can have negative, destructive consequences for domestic science. In this regard, this very burning issue is required for urgent thorough public discussion by scientific community.The aim of the article is a critical analysis of the topical problems of science reform in the light of the law "On the Russian Academy of Sciences, the reorganization of state academies of sciences and amendments to certain legislative acts of theRussian Federation" (№ 253-RF, 27 September, 2013). Also, the author notes the importance of methods for evaluating the effectiveness of scholarly endeavor.Results and scientific novelty. On the example of the system of digital indicators operating in the Russian Academy of Education, formed on the basis of the requirements of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation and Federal Agency of Scientific Organizations, it is shown that it is impossible to evaluate the scientific result objectively.It is clearly proved that the indicators used, primarily the number of publications and the citation index, in modern conditions give distorted landmarks, become a brake on science, reduce its ability to self-development. The image of scientists and whole institutions is formed on false indicators.Academic and many scientific journals have acquired a commercial nature; there is no real evaluative analysis of the manuscripts, which have been submitted into the editorial office; there is no selection according to relevance and significance of the submitted material. Real examples, provided in the article, demonstrate frequent violations of ethical principles when forming authorial collectives of publications of scholarly journals; as a consequence, artificial increase of citation indexes and x-index.In addition, the formalized digitized indicators become the basis for automatic, "fair", according to officials, distribution of resources and material rewards for scientific research. It is highlighted that digitization of science and quantitative indicators based on grant financing can not replace basic funding of science. Grants become a task not for research, but for the result formulated by the official, on loyalty to the state management.The policy of nationalization and administration of science has led to a prolonged confrontation between the academies and the authorities. In the long term, it is possible to transfer the digitized principles of science management to the management of society as a whole.Practical significance. The author puts forward a number of recommendations and suggestions how to objectify the evaluation system of scientific research effectiveness. That would, however, require substantial restructuring of the scientific sphere itself, its denationalization and return to the principle "science should be managed by scientists". Thus, science funding must not be focused on the basis of digitized indicators. It is necessary to withdraw the status "Higher Attestation Commission of the RF" (VAK RF) from all commercial journals, to remove state academies from their founders. ; Введение. В последние годы в научной сфере наряду с другими нововведениями широкое распространение получили наукометрические методики измерения результатов деятельности ученых и научно-исследовательских коллективов. Российская практика применения этих средств для определения степени эффективности труда научных работников далеко не однозначна и в перспективе чревата негативными, разрушительными последствиями для отечественной науки. В связи с этим требуется безотлагательное всестороннее публичное обсуждение научным сообществом данной весь-ма острой проблемы.Цель статьи – критический анализ актуальных аспектов реформирования науки в свете принятого 27 сентября2013 г. закона «О Российской академии наук, реорганизации государственных академий наук и внесении изменений в отдельные законодательные акты Российской Федерации» (№ 253-ФЗ). Внимание автора сосредоточено прежде всего на активно использующихся в настоящее время способах оценки научной деятельности.Результаты и научная новизна. На примере действующей в Российской академии образования системы цифровых индикаторов, сформированных в соответствии с требованиями Минобрнауки РФ и ФАНО, показана непригодность административно навязанного инструментария для объективного оценивания результатов научного творчества.Убедительно доказывается, что количественные критерии, прежде всего такие, как число публикаций и индекс цитирования, задают ложные ориентиры, становятся тормозом развития науки, а имидж ученых и целых институтов начинает складываться на искаженной, далекой от истины информации.Положение дел усугубляется тем, что многие научные журналы превратились в коммерческие издания, в которых отсутствует реальная экспертиза поступающих материалов и нет их отбора по актуальности и значимости. На описании реальных примеров констатируются частые нарушения этических принципов при формировании авторских коллективов журнальных публикаций, следствием чего, в частности, является искусственный рост индексов цитирования и Хирша.Вместе с тем формализованные цифровые показатели становятся основанием для автоматического, «справедливого», по мнению чиновников, распределения ресурсов и материальных вознаграждений в научно-исследовательской области. Подчеркивается, что основанное на оцифрованных индикаторах грантовое финансирование не может заменить базовые инвестиции в науку. В сложившейся ситуации получение гранта, который сделался заданием не на исследование, а на сформулированный чиновником результат, становится проверкой на лояльность государственному менеджменту.Курс на огосударствление и административное управление наукой привел к затяжному противостоянию академий с властью. Однако это не локальный конфликт, касающийся только ученых: в перспективе существует вовсе не надуманная опасность проецирования оцифрованных технологий управления наукой на управление обществом в целом.Практическая значимость. Выдвинут ряд рекомендаций и предложений по приданию объективного характера системе оценки научной эффективности. Для этого потребуется глубокая перестройка самой научной сферы, ее денационализация, возвращение к принципу «наукой должны управлять ученые» и, конечно, отказ от финансирования науки на основе цифровых показателей. Среди прочих мер необходимо отозвать у всех коммерческих журналов статус «ваковских» и вывести из состава их учредителей государственные академии.

La Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, asegura a todos los habitantes el derecho de acceso a la justicia, como un derecho inherente a la persona humana. Sin embargo, no basta con que la Constitución lo establezca y el Estado se encargue de mantener a los órganos que llevarán a cabo esa función. Es necesario que haya un sistema amplio, mismo que sea capaz de brindar un servicio público eficiente. El acceso a la justicia requiere de los medios necesarios con los que pueda contar el ciudadano mexicano para que se le imparta justicia cuando éste así lo requiera y en el momento en que considere que se le están vulnerando sus derechos. Es entonces que el acceder a la justicia no debe estar sujeto a ninguna condición; a ningún tipo de distinción por cuestiones de raza o grupo étnico, género, posición económica ya sea alta o baja, edad, o algún tipo de discapacidad; ya que estaríamos frente a la violación de nuestras garantías individuales. Los conflictos a los que se enfrentan los ciudadanos en la actualidad son tan diversos que la forma de impartición de justicia se ve más limitada. Si nos remontamos a la historia veremos que la forma que se utilizaba para defenderse y atacar era simplemente con palos y piedras, posteriormente estas herramientas fueron mejorando, tales como el arco y la flecha, las lanzas, etc. Se necesitaron siglos y siglos para lograr avances en los que se desarrollaron las espaldas y la pólvora, y sólo algunas décadas para crear pistolas y cañones, sólo pasaron unos cuantos lustros para que surgieran las bombas atómicas. Los Métodos Alternos para la Solución de Conflictos, son una nueva forma de acceder a la justicia abordando la controversia desde sus orígenes, en un ambiente de paz y diálogo, donde se logra llegar a resultados satisfactorios para ambas partes en el conflicto. Dentro de estos métodos alternos encontramos a la Mediación, entendida como un método auto compositivo de solución de conflictos mediante el cual dos o más personas, de manera voluntaria y a través de un proceso flexible, buscan llegar a un arreglo respecto de una controversia suscitada entre éstos, con la colaboración de un tercero imparcial, el cual se le denomina mediador, quien se va a encargar de facilitar la comunicación entre las partes bajo ciertos parámetros de confidencialidad. La mediación permite solucionar de una manera temprana el caso y no esperar a que la autoridad decida lo que el marco normativo indique resolver, sino que las mismas partes en conflicto son las que se encargan de sentar las bases para resolver sus controversias en razón a sus necesidades e intereses propios y comunes. Sin embargo, a diez años de distancia también, es difícil decir que estas vías auto compositivas como la mediación, realmente estén permitiendo un acceso amplio de los ciudadanos a la justicia. The Political Constitution of the United Mexican States guarantees the rights of access to justice for all citizens as an inherent right to human beings. However, it is not enough for the Constitution to establish such a right, and for the State to be responsible of keeping the bodies that will carry out that function. It is also necessary to have a broad system capable of providing efficient public services. Access to justice requires the necessary means to bring justice to Mexican citizens when they require it, and when they consider that their rights are being violated. This is when access to justice should not be subject to any conditions or to any kind of distinction based on race or ethnicity, gender, economic status -either high or low-, age, or some form of disability since this would mean facing a violation of our individual rights. The conflicts that people encounter nowadays are so diverse that the way justice is delivered becomes more limited. Going back in history, we see that the form used in the past to defend oneself and attack others was simply using sticks and stones. Later, tools such as bows, arrows, spears, and others were developed. Many centuries were needed to achieve progress in the making of swords and gunpowder, and only some decades were necessary to build guns and cannons. It took just a few lustrums to create atomic bombs. Alternate Methods for Solving Conflicts are the new way of accessing justice by addressing the controversy from its origins in an environment of peace and dialogue, where it is possible to reach satisfactory results for both sides of the conflict. Within these alternative methods, we find Mediation, understood as a self-compositional method of dispute settlement through which two or more persons, voluntarily and via a flexible process, seek to reach an agreement in respect of a controversy raised among them. Mediation requires the collaboration with an unbiased third party, referred to as a mediator, who will be in charge of facilitating the communication between the parties involved under certain confidentiality parameters. Mediation allows solving the case in an early stage and does not wait for the authorities to decide on whatever resolutions indicated by the regulatory framework, but it is the conflicting parties themselves the ones responsible for laying the foundations to settle their disputes, based on their specific and common needs and interests. However, ten years later, it is difficult to say that these self-compositional ways, such as mediation, are really allowing a wider access to justice for citizens.

Tolerance is one of the most complex concepts in modern political thought. This master's thesis aims to create an understanding of the place of tolerance in a modern society, raising two main questions: What is tolerance? and What is the relevance of tolerance as a way of relating to diversity in a modern complex society, namely, Finland? This choice of topic is based on my personal interest in the recent developments in Finland, where a large amount of asylum seekers has resulted in a heated public discourse about tolerance. The aim is to find out if mere tolerance still holds a place in the Finnish society or if we should aim for something more such as accepting, even affirming diversity. This research is a qualitative theoretical inquiry in which the hermeneutic research methodology is utilized. Tolerance is analysed hermeneutically, basing on various texts that examine the concept from different points of view, and especially on a philosophical level of understanding. The research follows the post-positivist tradition, according to which one cannot expect to discover absolute truths or fully objective information when performing qualitative research. Also, the methodological nature of hermeneutics is subjective and the results largely depend on the researcher's personal position. The interpretative nature of the inquiry is made visible through the structure of the thesis. The data of this research is divided into two groups: the 'classics' and the '21st century' texts. The basis of the interpretation of the texts is the gadamerian hermeneutic circle and a four-phased hermeneutic inquiry. The first phase of inquiry consists of a description of the researcher's pre-understanding of the topic, while also including a brief look into the special characteristics of tolerance in the Finnish context, as well as the concepts of diversity, difference, and social identity. The second phase is called the hermeneutic dialogue and it aims to shed light on the concept of tolerance through interpretation of chosen texts. This is followed by the fusion of horizons, in which the focus is on creating a new understanding of the topic by combining the researcher's pre-understanding and the interpretation of the texts. The aim is to distinguish the ideas that are essential for understanding tolerance and for answering the research questions. Finally, in the fourth phase of the research, the understanding created by the inquiry is discussed more profoundly. The results of the research are two-fold. On the other hand, it is observed that due to its negative and patronizing starting point, tolerance in the traditional sense has outreached its usefulness and there is a need to construct a 'new tolerance'. Yet, it is also pointed out that rejecting tolerance in 21st century Finland is essentially unreasonable. Human fallibility and diversity of values and ways of life lead to a situation where agreeing to disagree can be the most sensible thing to do. The place of tolerance is in between intolerant opposition and positive recognition. In a modern democratic society, the aim of peaceful coexistence and wish to avoid conflict form the basis for mutual tolerance. Moving from negative tolerance to a more expansive understanding, where differences are acknowledged and valued, is essential. Instead of arguing between tolerance and intolerance, the ultimate aim should be the normalization of living among difference and diversity. ; Suvaitsevaisuus on yksi modernin poliittisen ajattelun kompleksisimmista käsitteistä. Tämä tutkimus pyrkii luomaan ymmärrystä suvaitsevaisuuden paikasta modernissa yhteiskunnassa. Tutkimus nostaa esiin kaksi kysymystä: Mitä on suvaitsevaisuus? ja Mikä on suvaitsevaisuuden merkitys tapana suhtautua moninaisuuteen modernissa kompleksisessa yhteiskunnassa, erityisesti Suomessa? Tutkimuksen aihevalinnan taustalla on viimeaikainen kehityskulku Suomessa, jossa suuri turvapaikanhakijoiden määrä on johtanut julkisen suvaitsevaisuuskeskustelun aktivoitumiseen. Tavoitteena on selvittää, onko pelkällä suvaitsevaisuudella yhä paikka suomalaisessa yhteiskunnassa, vai pitäisikö meidän tähdätä pidemmälle, kuten moninaisuuden hyväksymiseen tai vahvistamiseen. Tämä tutkielma on kvalitatiivinen teoreettinen tutkimus, jossa hyödynnetään hermeneuttista tutkimusmetodia. Suvaitsevaisuutta analysoidaan hermeneuttisesti, tulkiten eri näkökulmia avaavia tekstejä erityisesti filosofisella ja abstraktilla tasolla. Tutkimus noudattelee post-positivistista traditiota, jonka mukaan kvalitatiivisessa tutkimuksessa ei voida odottaa löydettävän yksiselitteisiä totuuksia tai täysin objektiivista tietoa. Lisäksi hermeneutiikan metodologinen luonne on subjektiivinen ja tulokset riippuvat pitkälti tutkijan positiosta. Tutkimuksen tulkinnallinen luonne tuodaan näkyväksi tutkielman rakenteen kautta. Tutkimuksen aineisto on jaettu kahteen ryhmään: klassikoihin ja 2000-luvun teksteihin. Tekstintulkinnan perustana toimii gadamerilainen hermeneuttinen kehä sekä nelivaiheinen hermeneuttinen tutkimus. Ensimmäinen vaihe koostuu tutkijan ennakkoymmärryksen kuvauksesta, katsauksesta suomalaisen suvaitsevaisuuden ominaispiirteisiin, sekä moninaisuuden, erilaisuuden ja sosiaalisen identiteetin käsitteiden esittelystä. Toisen vaiheen hermeneuttisen dialogin kautta pyritään valottamaan suvaitsevaisuuden käsitettä tulkitsemalla valittuja tekstejä. Tätä seuraa horisonttien fuusio, jossa painopisteenä on uuden ymmärryksen luominen yhdistämällä tutkijan ennakkoymmärrystä ja tekstien tulkintaa. Tavoitteena on määrittää ne ideat, jotka ovat olennaisia suvaitsevaisuuden ymmärtämiselle ja tutkimuskysymyksiin vastaamiselle. Lopuksi, tutkimuksen neljännessä vaiheessa käsitellään tutkielman luomaa ymmärrystä syvällisemmin. Tutkimuksen tulokset ovat kahtalaiset. Toisaalta, tulkitaan että negatiivisen ja holhoavan lähtökohtansa vuoksi suvaitsevaisuus perinteisessä mielessä on ylittänyt hyödyllisyytensä ja on syntynyt tarve rakentaa 'uusi suvaitsevaisuus'. Voidaan myös todeta, että suvaitsevaisuuden hylkääminen 2000-luvun Suomessa on pohjimmiltaan kohtuutonta. Ihmisen erehtyväisyys ja arvojen ja elämäntapojen moninaisuus johtavat tilanteeseen, jossa erimielisyyden hyväksyminen voi olla järkevin tapa toimia. Suvaitsevaisuuden paikka on suvaitsemattoman vastustuksen ja positiivisen tunnustamisen välissä. Modernissa demokraattisessa yhteiskunnassa rauhanomaisen yhteiselon ja konfliktien välttämisen tavoitteet luovat perustan vastavuoroiselle suvaitsevaisuudelle. Siirtyminen negatiivisesta suvaitsevaisuudesta laajempaan ymmärrykseen, jossa erilaisuus tunnustetaan ja sitä arvostetaan, on välttämätöntä. Sen sijaan, että väitellään suvaitsevaisuudesta ja suvaitsemattomuudesta, perimmäisenä tavoitteena tulisi olla moninaisuuden ja erilaisuuden keskellä elämisen normalisointi.

International audience ; This paper discusses how the geographical analysis of Korean capital cities helps to reconsider the Euro-centric notion of the capital as a unique and static territorial center linked to the construction of nation states since the modern era. The existence of many historical capitals is a common phenomenon in many Asian countries and was also the case in pre-modern Europe. But in the Korean peninsula since the middle of the 20th century, the partition in two States (the DPRK and the ROK) and the permanent reconstruction of what I call the Korean "meta-nation" reactivated the plurality and the competition of former and present Korean capitals. As the consequence of national division, a strong competition between Seoul and Pyongyang, the two political capitals, had enormous material consequences upon the urban space and architecture, not only in major public spaces, but also in everyday environments (from transportation to housing). The competition also focused, in each Korean state, on former historical cities that were instrumental to legitimizing present states: Kaesŏng in the North and Kyŏngju in the South are symbolic historical places of a unified pre-modern state in divergent national historiographies. That also had important consequences on heritage policies and planning management in those two historical capitals.Beyond the longue durée analysis, those plural Korean capitals are forming the backbone of contemporary territorial structures. As a matter of fact, macro-regional concentrations in the globalized contemporary economies are not anymore organized on single hubs. Rather, they develop in polycentric urban regions (from megalopolis to urban corridors): for example the multipolar Korean capital region around Seoul, or the bi-polar region formed by Pyongyang and Namp'o.The paper thus argues that the capitals of the Korean "meta-nation" can be viewed as an archipelago of cities, an archipelago which is still in the making.The paper then proposes a typological reading of the « archipelago ». First, two types of capitals are very visible in the Korean geo-history. They are the current State capitals, Pyongyang and Seoul, « hyper-capitals » that concentrate major functions (political, economic, cultural, and symbolic) and that are connected to the global system. Historical capital cities (Kaesŏng and Kyŏngju) that legitimate current Korean States are also very visible in the Korean geo-history, while featuring prominently in the global tourist space as UNESCO listed heritage sites. In addition to the visible capitals, this archipelago of capitals includes numerous « shadow capitals » : they are the historical capitals of former Korean States that were then marginalized in South Korean history (such as Kongju and Puyŏ) ; they are mega-projects under constructions in the South Korean territory (Sejong-si or even Songdo) ; they are the capitals of the Korean diaspora (from New Seoul in Los Angeles to Alma Aty in Kazhakstan) ; finally they are the imagined capitals of a hypothetical future unified Korea.The paper concludes that, as long as the Korean border continues to be in the making, the plurality and competition of capital cities will develop, with important consequences on planning and urban policies at the regional and local scales in both Koreas. ; Cet article montre comment le cas coréen bouleverse la notion européo-centrique de « centre unique et statique » qui caractérise l'analyse par les sciences sociales des capitales comme matrice et produit des dynamiques territoriales des États-nations en construction depuis l'époque moderne.Depuis le milieu du XXe siècle, la partition de la péninsule coréenne en deux états (Corée du Nord et Corée du Sud) a réactivé la pluralité des villes capitales du « monde coréen », phénomène que l'on retrouve dans bien d'autres pays d'Asie (notamment la Chine) ou d'autres continents (en Europe par exemple). La division nationale a entraîné l'émulation des centres politiques que sont Séoul et Pyongyang (avec des conséquences matérielles sur l'architecture et le développement urbain). Elle s'est également cristallisée, dans chacune des deux Corées, sur des capitales historiques naturellement articulées aux méta-discours concurrents de l'histoire nationale (Kaesŏng au Nord et Kyŏngju au Sud). Engageant une réflexion intégrant la longue durée à l'échelle de la péninsule, ces villes capitales coréennes plurielles forment également l'armature de structures territoriales très contemporaines : en effet, sur le plan économique notamment, les polarités régionale, macro-régionales, voire globales de la planète ne sont plus structurées par des têtes de pont (hubs) uniques, mais se développent en régions urbaines polycentriques (des mégalopoles aux corridors urbains) – comme par exemple la région urbaine multipolaire dans la région de Séoul, ou le doublet entre Pyongyang et Nampo. Au fond, le monde coréen n'apparaît-il pas comme un archipel de capitales passées, présentes et futures ?M'appuyant sur une typologie des capitales coréennes, je propose donc dans cet article une lecture géo-historique de cet archipel. Les « hyper-capitales » (Pyongyang et Séoul) qui concentrent les fonctions (politiques, économiques et culturelles) nationales et qui sont articulées à un système politico-économique global et les capitales historiques « légitimantes » que sont Kaesŏng et Kyŏngju apparaissent comme deux types de capitales très visibles dans l'histoire et l'espace coréens. Mais cet archipel de capitales comprend, à côté des capitales les plus visibles, des « capitales de l'ombre », capitales que je définis comme « subalternes » dans la géohistoire coréenne. Or ces « capitales de l'ombre » sont nombreuses en Corée : capitales historiques d'États qui furent ensuite marginalisé(e)s (comme Kongju et Puyo), capitales ratées ou oubliées d'un épisode historique et politique éphémère (Suwŏn, Sejong-si), capitales fantasmées (celle(s) de la future et hypothétique Corée réunifiée), capitales annexes en construction (Songdo-si ou également Sejong-si), ou enfin toutes les capitales de la diaspora coréennes (de New Seoul à Los Angeles à Alma Aty au Kazakhtsan).

In past decades, scholars have observed that the transnational and local competition in higher education, as well as the expansion of higher education, have led to unprecedented transformation of universities and have affected its core processes and core staff - academics - in manifold ways (Bleiklie, Enders, Lepori & Musselin, 2011). Since the 1980s, new public management-inspired reforms in the European systems (both Western and Central Eastern Europe) have fostered a more business-like management at universities (de Boer, Enders & Schimank, 2007). Performance measurement in teaching and research, increased competition for resources, and increased accountability to the funding agencies have become important characteristics of higher education systems. These changed conditions at universities have had serious repercussions about what constitutes academic work and where, how and under what conditions academics can pursue knowledge creation and dissemination activities. In many cases, teaching and learning, which were the core activities in European universities, have become 'secondary' activities because they do not really 'count' for research performance evaluations and overall individualistic performance reviews under a managerialist regime. At the same time, the accountability following the quasi-market logics has increased the oversight over all academic activities, including teaching and learning. The tensions abound for academic work in this context. This chapter aims to unravel some of these tensions, with specific emphasis on the tensions between the profession and the organization, and tensions between the logics of the quasi-market and collegiality. This paper addresses the tensions between the academic profession and the university as an organization. It poses two questions. How are protected academic spaces created under different logics in different governance regimes? How do academics respond to threats to these protected academic spaces? It is suggested that the institutional norms of governing academic work at universities are changing whereby the academic logic guiding academic self-regulation, which encompasses professional and institutional autonomy, is being challenged by a different type of quasi-market logic which may lead to a very different environment for academic work, thus encompassing mixed logics (Greenwood et al. 2010, Thornton 2012). To understand the shift of logics in governing higher education in a comparative systematic way across different systems, five governance mechanisms in higher education can be used (see De Boer, Enders & Schimank, 2007). Specifically, five dimensions of governance that are distinguished in this article are: academic self-governance, competition for resources, managerial self-governance, (state) regulation, and stakeholder guidance. We propose that a certain dominant logic shapes the creation of a particular configuration of governance of higher education in a given system at a particular point of time. The academic logic provides the grounds for strong academic self-governance as one can see in the Humboldtian model of university. Competition for resources following this logic is low, while managerial self-governance and state regulation can be low to medium (Leisyte, 2014). On the contrary according to the quasi-market logic in higher education, one can see strong competition for resources, strong managerial self-governance and strong stakeholder guidance. At the same time, this logic would facilitate low state regulation and low academic self-governance. Literature on professional autonomy has pointed out that academics typically respond to the pressures of quasi-market logics are resistance to change and creation of 'protected spaces' (Leisyte, 2015). It has also been argued in the literature, that such spaces can be created also in the managerial type of universities which are stronger guided by quasi-market logic, although then they are the co-creation of academics and managers with mixes of old processes and structures preserving collegiality and new structures which albeit based on quasi-market logic- it still preserves academic freedom. We argue that academics respond to the institutional reform processes which threaten their professional autonomy in various ways depending on how much room for discretion they have and in which organizational unit they are embedded. Here discretion is understood as the power academics possess to assert authority over the content and methods of their work as well as the prestige they hold within the academic community (Chreim et al., 2007; Leisyte, 2007). Discretion may also be influenced by the prestige of their discipline in the discipline pecking order – in which physics would claim the first place (Rip, 2012), thus even though a professor can have high prestige in her/his community, it is not necessarily the case that this person has high discretion organizationally- as the power of other disciplines may be higher in negotiating the autonomy and resources organizationally where academics from different disciplines meet. Given the temporal dimension of protected spaces and the variability in agency among academics one could imagine switching taking place in time on both dimensions - in terms of changing the amount of protected spaces at the sub-organizational level and the level of discretion. Further, maintaining and creating protected spaces at different levels which may result in their nestedness. To conclude, the quasi-market logic results in a specific set of governance mechanisms which may potentially invade academic protected spaces through managerial interventions. At the same time academics depending on their level of discretion may act as institutional entrepreneurs and respond to various reform initiatives as open and deviant resistors, strategic gamers, new professionals, elite manager s and professional managers. Blurring boundaries of protected spaces over time seems to elicit different responses depending on the level of discretion academics have and the type of organizational settings they inhabit.