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This paper examines the relationship between violent behavior and a variety of measures of social class. Police records from one study and questionnaire data from two studies are analyzed. The strength of the relationship between class and violence varies significantly, depending primarily on the measure of class used. The implications of these findings are potentially profound for class‐based theories of crime and delinquency. Methodological implications of the findings are significant for sampling issues as well as for conceptualizations of class.

A report of the findings of a sample survey carried out in GB during 1960 to examine the relationships between 'objective' SC (determined by occup), self-assessed SC & pol'al loyalties. Manual workers & their adult dependents form 66 2/3% of the L electorate; 40% of these described themselves as Mc & 56% as Wc (4% undecided). While a majority of the first group supports the Conservative Party & a majority of the second group supports Labor, yet in each the minority is so large that we must think in terms of a fourfold division of the `objective' Sc. When asked to describe their pol'al values it is clear that manual workers who consider themselves Mc & vote Labor have something important in common with manual workers who describe themselves as We & vote Conservative: both have a non-class, `altruistic' approach to politics. Similarly manual workers who call themselves Mc & vote Conservative have much in common with manual workers who call themselves We & vote Labor: both give a class & self-interest account of their pol'al motives. A comparison between self-styled Mc & self-styled Wc showed one outstanding diff in their backgrounds: among the children of the former a much higher proportion were receiving or had received higher educ; diff's in income & ownership of durable consumer goods etc, were comparatively slight. AA.

Plusieurs etudes sociologiques se sont intéresdes B la Iiaison qui existe enire les classes sociales et l'orientation vers le disk d'excellence sans toutefois obtenir une rkponse dkfhitive sur ce sujet. Certains auteurs sont arrivés B la conclusion qu'il existe une relation directe entre ces deux variables tandis que d'autres ont documenté l'absence de liaison ferme. Cet article s'appuie sur les perspectives thkoriques de deux auteurs typiques sur cette question et prksente les résultat. sobtenus aupres d'un échantillon de jeunes canadiens en utilisant les Cchelles respectives de ces deux auteurs. 11 nous est alors possible d'apporter des eclairages nouveaux concernant les apparentes contradictions des etudes précédentes.The nature of the relationship between social class and achievement orientation has received considerable attention in the sociological literature but no conclusive findings have been reported. One set of authors claims that the relationship is positive while the other claims that social class has little or no effect on achievement orientation. In this paper two representative authors are chosen and their scales of achievement orientation are administered to a sample of Canadian youth. The study presents some clarification of the apparent discrepancies reported in the literature.

Comme son titre l'indique, cet article tente de récapituler les travaux les plus importants sur les classes sociales dans la sociologie québécoise des cinquante dernières années. Ces travaux se rattachent à divers courants de pensée théorique qui ont suivi des voies parfois parallèles et parfois opposées les unes aux autres: problematiques d'inspiration weberienne, parsonienne, marxiste, gurvitchienne, tourainienne, etc. En meme temps, la sociologie des classes s'est integree dans plusieurs conjonctures politiques successives, toutes marquees par la question nationale. Ses debats scientifiques eclairent les principaux enjeux de ces conjonctures eu egard au changement social et aux groupes qui en sont l'avant‐garde.As its title indicates, this article attempts to summarize the most important work on social classes in Quebecois sociology during the last 50 years. Social class research in Quebec has been associated with various theoretical approaches (Weberian, Parsonian, Marxist, Gurvitchian, Tourainian, etc.) which have taken either parallel or conflicting paths with each other. At the same time, the sociology of classes has been associated with many successive political conjunctures, each of which has been marked by the national question. These scientific debates illustrate the most important stakes involved in these conjunctures, especially with regard to social change and avant‐garde social groups.

The speech of eleven-year old children, in socially contrasted groups, was analysed across a range of communicative tasks. The analysis was directed by three questions. What social class indicators appeared in their speech? How did these relate to social class differences found in comparable research, and to those expected on the basis of Bernstein's theory of socio-linguistic codes? Given the wide social range within the sample, consistent group differences might have been expected. On most of the `traditional' measures, these did not appear. There were differences on the measures most directly related to the `planning principles' said to underly restricted and elaborated codes. A main conclusion of the research is the extreme difficulty of defining linguistic `realizations' of social difference, and so `translating a sociological language into a linguistic language'.

This paper contrasts two approaches that qualitative researchers can adopt towards studying class and status divisions, drawing upon issues raised by Gordon Marshall (1988) in his paper about working class consciousness. It is suggested that researchers influenced by Marshall, and recent feminist ethnographers, whose central concept is class, ultimately adopt a competitive stance towards common-sense understanding and experience. Sociologists who seek to describe how members of society understand their own activities, such as the community studies tradition in anthropology, Pierre Bourdieu, and ethnomethodology, often conceptualise class in terms of status. These different ways of understanding qualitative data need to be understood in the context of foundational debates in nineteenth century sociology about action and structure, and indicate the continuing relevance of the Marx/Weber debate in discussions about social class.

SummaryIn a comparative study to examine the effect of social factors on human twinning, data on sociodemographic and other factors were collected from parents of all twins born alive in Denmark in 1984 or 1985 and from a random sample of parents of singleton infants born in the same years. A postal questionnaire was used. The twins were classified as monozygotic (MZ) or dizygotic (DZ) twins by the similarity method. A trend was found in DZ-twinning, with significantly fewer DZ-twins born in the lower social classes, but not in MZ-twinning. All results were controlled for maternal age and parity.

IntroductionDespite the existence of a universal health care system in Canada, there remains an inverse relationship between social class and health (Frohlich 2006). Those who identify as lower social class (operationalized with various indicators, including education, income, and occupation) have poorer outcomes across multiple health measures (Tang 2016).
Objectives and ApproachThis study examines the link between social class and health care utilization, specifically hospitalization, in Canada. First, we examine the relationship between different indicators of social class and rates of hospitalization; next, we look at cause-specific hospitalizations. Using the unique dataset that contains the linked data for the 2006 Census with the Discharge Abstract Database for 2006-9, we explore the following research questions:

Are the three main indicators of social class, education, income, and occupation, individually correlated with hospitalization rates overall, controlling for age and gender?
Are certain indicators of social class more highly correlated with hospitalization rates, controlling for other indicators?

ResultsWe access the linked files provided by Statistics Canada in the Prairie Research Data Centre. The long-form Census represents approximately 20\% of the Canadian population. The DAD includes data on hospitalizations in acute care facilities in Canada, with the exception of those in the province of Quebec. Approximately 4,650,000 long-form respondents were eligible for linkage to the DAD, and approximately 5.3\% of Census respondents were linked to at least one DAD record between 2006 and 2009. Our analyses are ongoing, but initial results suggest an inverse relationship between hospitalization and various measures of social class. Full results will be made available for presentation following vetting by Statistics Canada personnel.
Conclusion/ImplicationsThis data provides us with a unique opportunity to examine the relationship between the detailed and rich measures of social class collected in the long-form Census and the comprehensive hospitalization data provided by the DAD records. Results will have implications for hospital health care provision across Canada.

The class concepts of economic classes, social classes and political forces all have an important role to play in advancing the theoretical understanding necessary for achieving progress in the socialist project. The "new class analysis" is a series of attempts made since the 1960s by a number of Marxist writers to orient the political forces of socialists by providing analyses of the changing class structure of the advanced capitalist formations. Many of these contributions have been flawed. An account of class is made which shows the naivety of these views. It is put forward that it is necessary to make use of the three class concepts and that there is no a priori necessary association between the membership of these variously conceptualised groups — they can cut across one another in various ways. Each of the concepts is outlined. In contrast to stock Marxist conceptions, this approach may be more fruitful.