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Jurist and philosophsopher, Nicolas Bergasse expressed in the early days of the French Revolution a political and constitutional thinking based on unique philosophical conceptions. Member of the State General and then of the National Constituent Assembly, he developed a misunderstood theory: sovereignty of the universal reason. The author then mixes different disciplines by trying to link the reason, a fundamental but complex concept in the history of philosophy, to political sovereignty, a legal concept which is essential to the decisive practical consequences. The major figure of the monarchian current, Bergasse was quickly released from the counter-revolution side by the revolutionary emballement. By supporting the idea of universal reason sovereignty, his discourse appears to be a witness between the political rationalism resulting from the ideas of the Enlightenment and the ideas which will soon be exposed, a few decades later, by the doctrinaries of Restauration. Thus, on the basis of unstudied texts and the intersection of historical, legal and philosophical disciplines, the article seeks to analyse precisely Nicolas Bergasse's reflection on the sovereignty of universal reason and to distinguish the stages of his reasoning. ; Legal scholar and philosopher, Nicolas Bergasse develops at the beginning of the French Revolution a political and constitutional thought based on original philosophical conceptions. Deputy of the Estates-General and the National Constituent Assembly, he tries to link the philosophical concept of reason to that of political sovereignty, a legal concept with impor- tant practical consequences. A major personality of the 'Monarchien' party,Bergasse is quickly classified as an opponent of the Revolution. His idea of the sovereignty of universal reason acts like a bridge between the political rationalism of the Enlightenment and designs that will soon be exposed, a few decades later, by the 'Doctrinaires' of the Bourbon Restoration. At the crossroads of historical, legal and philosophical ...

What drives the patrons of a small state to become the protectors of the arts? Wolf Dietrich of Salzburg. This is why small states use their time and leisure for artistic activities. Demanding social demand from major powers. Why big powers honour their mechanics more than their poets. Toynbee on the shift from individual creativity to social life. Why smaller states provide a greater opportunity to acquire knowledge than large units. Modern specialised talent, old universal genies. Historical examples of productivity in small states. The Greek Statements, the Italian Statements and the German Statements. The English civilisation created during a period of England's political grandfathering. The end of cultural productivity as a result of political unification. Toynbee on political unification as a sign of cultural decline. ; Qu'est-ce qui conduit les patrons d'un petit état à devenir les protecteurs des arts ? Wolf Dietrich de Salzbourg. Raison pour laquelle les petits états usent leurs temps et leurs loisirs à des activités artistiques. Demande sociale astreignante des grandes puissances. Pourquoi les grandes puissances honorent leur mécanique plus que leurs poètes. Toynbee sur le repli de la créativité individuelle vers la vie sociale. Pourquoi les petits états donnent une plus grande opportunité pour acquérir du savoir que de larges unités. Les talents modernes spécialisés, les anciens génies universels. Exemples historiques de productivité des petits états. Les cités-états grecques, les cités états italiennes, les cités-états allemandes. La civilisation anglaise créée durant une période de petitesse politique de l'Angleterre. La fin de la productivité culturelle en tant que résultat de l'unification politique. Toynbee sur l'unification politique comme signe de déclin culturel.

The Muslim World, Hartford Seminary, Blackwell Publishing, Oxford, UK, and Malden, USA. International audience The Islamic Jihad Movement in Palestine is known today as the second-largest Palestinian Islamic organization, following Hamas which was however established almost ten years later. The mediatization of the Palestinian Islamic Jihad has been driven, since the beginning of the 21st century and the outbreak of the second Intifada, by the large number of suicide bombers, "martyrdom operations" carried out on Israeli territory, the most famous being the attack on Maxim's in Haifa. On October 4, 2003, a young (twenty-eight-year-old) Palestinian woman, Hanadi Jaradat, set off explosives strapped to her body. Twenty-one people were killed, and fifty-one wounded. But limiting the analysis of a movement to only one of its aspects, no doubt the most notorious one in the media, political violence, does not help resolve all the difficulties associated with it. Islamic Jihad in the 1980s broke the monopoly of Fatah and leftist forces, bringing them to admit that Islam was from now on a symbolic force that had to be reckoned with. The paradoxical Islamism of Islamic Jihad may have accomplished, and declared at a given moment in history, a double break in the order of symbols, both nationalist and Islamist.

International audience This article examines the recently founded Museo Adolfo Suárez y la Transición - the first Spanish museum dedicated to the Transition to Democracy. Through considering museums as important institutions for the formation of national identities, the article explores the foundation of the museum and its current permanent exhibition in the context of competing narratives of contemporary Spanish history. In doing so, it will be argued that in the context of this museum, the Spanish Transition, as the founding myth for the democratic Spanish nation, also serves to silence the more problematic Spanish history of the twentieth century.

Augustin Marie Morvan, M.D. (1819-1897), born in Lannilis (France), chose to practice medicine in a poor rural area among his own people, even though his titles and reputation could have made him a rich man in the city. He was an early activist in favour of a public healthcare system and stood in support of the impoverished on many occasions. Having first been elected mayor of his village and member of various local assemblies under the Second Empire, he was eventually elected as a left-wing member of the French Parliament under the Third Republic. He also was an accomplished scientist in spite of practicing far from Paris and the academic community. Two diseases are named after him: Morvan's disease is thought to be a rare form of syringomyelia combining analgesic paresis and multiple paronychiae whereas Morvan's fibrillary chorea (a.k.a. Morvan's syndrome) is an autoimmune disease targeting hippocampus and the neuromuscular junction and is primarily characterized by myokymia and central nervous system manifestations. This dissertation consists of a biography of Augustin Morvan, especially focused on his scientific work and his political commitment to public health and healthcare through the nineteenth century historical and scientific context, as viewed through the eyes of a contemporary observer. ; Le docteur Augustin Marie Morvan (1819-1897) de Lannilis fit le choix de pratiquer la médecine parmi les siens dans la campagne de basse Bretagne, quand ses diplômes et sa renommée lui auraient permis d'envisager un plus confortable exercice urbain. Engagé pour le développement de la santé publique et dans la lutte contre l'indigence, Augustin Morvan fut également un homme politique : maire et conseiller général sous le Second Empire puis député républicain sous la Troisième République. Il fut enfin un scientifique accompli qui, malgré son éloignement de la capitale, publia de nombreux articles dans les revues médicales de l'époque. Deux maladies portent son nom : le panaris analgésique de Morvan ou maladie de ...

Why this title, borrowed from Sigmund Freud1, why about a delivery to Syllepse of an Empowerment Cahiers issue? The statement is not a pathological reading, but more symptomatic, that is to say a way — in the way assumed of a "wilful" use of psychanalytic lexics as practised in the history of the present time — of questioning a part of the contemporary French far left agency 2, between academic strategy (s), political reconfiguration (s) around post-colonialism issues; Marxism and its effective policy on the French scene, offering a "Race and capitalism" dossier coordinated by Félix Boggio Éwanjé-Épée and Stella Magliani-Belkacem. At the juncture of the activist and the appointed researcher, the file is as disconcerted as it fits into contemporary issues on the far left, which identify a movance that squarely evokes, apart from Syllepse, La Fabrique, La DecOpen, the Amsterdam editions, but also as a result of the recensions La Revue des Books, in the meantime, when politically speaking seems to be more limited to dialogue between the PIR (Party of Indigenes of the Republic) and the NPA, closely intertwined activists, at least until July 2012. Let us explain our position: Dissidences, both collective and reviewed, focused on the extreme left and revolutionary movements in favour of the French development of gender and post-colonial studies concomitant with the riots in 2005, research paradigms and political reflections intertwined, deeply within the NPA, shared by some activists (from groups such as Le socialism par en bas or international Socialism), partly grouped together in the GA (Antiapitalist Left), which joined the Left Front at the beginning of July 2012. In the present case, that work could not leave us indifferent, particularly since the comments made, the intellectual reinforcement of policy proposals backed by research fields that we regularly time, play a part in their examination of an alarming strangeness, so that we do not give rise to questions. Let's pick up the proposal, the expression refers ...

The existence of maritime training courses in the three main French ports of northern France in the nineteenth century seems obvious, both the history, location and maritime horizon of each of them are making them important places, which the Napoleonic company confirmed when it was envisaged to conquest England. However, consideration should be given to the methods and reasons for the implementation of maritime training, without excluding the importance of interpersonal transmission and reproduction of knowledge, gestures and practices. Many initiatives, more or less sustainable and representative of various modes of administration and operation, respond throughout the 19th century to increasingly articulated training needs. ; L'existence de formations aux métiers de la mer dans les trois principaux ports français du Nord de la France au XIXe siècle semble évidente, tant l'histoire, le site et l'horizon maritime de chacune les érigent en places importantes, que l'entreprise napoléonienne a confirmées lorsque fut envisagée la conquête de l'Angleterre. La réflexion sur les modalités et les motivations de la mise en œuvre de formations maritimes paraît pourtant nécessaire, sans exclure l'importance de la transmission et de la reproduction interpersonnelles des savoirs, des gestes et des pratiques. De nombreuses initiatives, plus ou moins pérennes et représentatives de modes d'administration et de fonctionnement variés, répondent tout au long du XIXe siècle à des besoins de formation de mieux en mieux exprimés.

This Ph-D thesis develops the twofold history of the notions of "race" and "degeneration" between the XVIIth and the XIXth century. This history is studied from two points of view: historical epistemology that is "how race and degeneration became the concepts of various knowledges (natural history, anthropology, psychiatry)"; and history of government practices, that is "how race and degeneration became problems of government". Focusing on the historical link between these notions gives us the possibility to analyze the emergence, in the XIXth century, of a field of knowledge that dealt with what we call the "abnormal man", that is this very specific entity which agglomerates madness, criminality and "inferior" races as deviations of human normality, in an ambiguous space between the normal and the pathological. Our thesis describes the various categories that organise this field of knowledge. More deeply, we want to argue that the notions of race and degeneration, far from being external to humanism and universalism, far from being systematically correlated to practices of exclusion, are intimately connected to a practical and theoretical humanism and to practices of inclusion, that deal with race, madness and crime as alterations of a norm one has to regenerate, correct and improve through specific apparatus of power. Through this historical lens, we want to study all the ambiguities and aporias that lurk in the very heart of this will of inclusion and this analysis of heterogeneous realities as alterations of a norm. We show in particular how we can establish a very strong link between the insertion of the concept of "race" into natural history and monogenism; and, on the other side, how it is important to study the insertion of "race" into the political field and, more broadly, the emergence of the knowledge of the abnormal, to take into consideration its logical links with political liberalism in the beginning of XIXth century. ; Cette thèse fait l'histoire conjointe des notions de " race " et de " ...

This Ph-D thesis develops the twofold history of the notions of "race" and "degeneration" between the XVIIth and the XIXth century. This history is studied from two points of view: historical epistemology that is "how race and degeneration became the concepts of various knowledges (natural history, anthropology, psychiatry)"; and history of government practices, that is "how race and degeneration became problems of government". Focusing on the historical link between these notions gives us the possibility to analyze the emergence, in the XIXth century, of a field of knowledge that dealt with what we call the "abnormal man", that is this very specific entity which agglomerates madness, criminality and "inferior" races as deviations of human normality, in an ambiguous space between the normal and the pathological. Our thesis describes the various categories that organise this field of knowledge. More deeply, we want to argue that the notions of race and degeneration, far from being external to humanism and universalism, far from being systematically correlated to practices of exclusion, are intimately connected to a practical and theoretical humanism and to practices of inclusion, that deal with race, madness and crime as alterations of a norm one has to regenerate, correct and improve through specific apparatus of power. Through this historical lens, we want to study all the ambiguities and aporias that lurk in the very heart of this will of inclusion and this analysis of heterogeneous realities as alterations of a norm. We show in particular how we can establish a very strong link between the insertion of the concept of "race" into natural history and monogenism; and, on the other side, how it is important to study the insertion of "race" into the political field and, more broadly, the emergence of the knowledge of the abnormal, to take into consideration its logical links with political liberalism in the beginning of XIXth century. ; Cette thèse fait l'histoire conjointe des notions de " race " et de " ...

how tumultes in history affect people's mental life? Laure Murat explores the links between folia and politics in the 19th century, looking at both Asian patients, many of whom were for Napoleon, and medical and political elites who tried to exclude and stigmatise them. ; Comment les tumultes de l'Histoire affectent-ils la vie psychique des individus ? Laure Murat explore les liens entre folie et politique au XIXe siècle, s'intéressant aussi bien aux patients des asiles, dont beaucoup se prenaient pour Napoléon, qu'aux élites médicales et politiques qui s'efforçaient de les exclure et de les stigmatiser.

International audience ; Quelle fut la politique des Offices du cinéma scolaire et éducateur durant la période de généralisation du cinéma parlant ? Une première présentation du dispositif de l'Union française des offices du cinéma éducateur laïque permet de décrire les usages du cinéma par les instituteurs, soit dans leurs enseignements (le cinéma scolaire), soit dans l'éducation des adolescents et des adultes (le cinéma éducateur). Puis une étude de l'Office régional d'enseignement cinématographique de Nancy, à partir de ses documents administratifs, révèle un office nettement plus favorable à l'intégration du parlant que l'Office de Saint-Étienne. Finalement il est proposé de nuancer l'idée selon laquelle les animateurs des Offices ont peiné à adopter le cinéma parlant.

The massacre de la Saint-Barthélemy (August 1572) is an episode of the history of France, which is still fascinated by its resistance to qualification. An examination of the sequence of events that led King Charles IX to (presumably) order and then (explicitly) legitimise the collective murder of the then staying or staying in Paris confirms the inherent mystery of the logic of this event. This study goes on to describe the massacre in the light of 'machiavelism', understood less as a means of taking power than as a vision of the world in which political violence is an attempt to counter the vagaries of history. ; International audience ; The massacre de la Saint-Barthélemy (August 1572) is an episode of the history of France, which is still fascinated by its resistance to qualification. An examination of the sequence of events that led King Charles IX to (presumably) order and then (explicitly) legitimise the collective murder of the then staying or staying in Paris confirms the inherent mystery of the logic of this event. This study goes on to describe the massacre in the light of 'machiavelism', understood less as a means of taking power than as a vision of the world in which political violence is an attempt to counter the vagaries of history. ; Le massacre de la Saint-Barthélemy (août 1572) est un épisode de l'histoire de France qui encore aujourd'hui fascine de par la résistance qu'il offre à la qualification. L'examen de l'enchaînement des faits ayant conduit le roi Charles IX à ordonner (vraisemblablement) puis à légitimer (explicitement) le meurtre collectif des Réformés demeurant ou séjournant alors à Paris confirme le mystère intrinsèque de la logique de cet événement. Cette étude entreprend de qualifier le massacre à la lumière du « machiavélisme » entendu moins comme technique de prise du pouvoir que comme vision du monde dans laquelle la violence politique constitue une tentative destinée à contrer les aléas de l'histoire.

At all times, the question of the right to asylum has been closely associated with legal questions about the situation and status of 'foreigner', even beyond the profound development of the latter concept over the centuries. For this reason, it seemed interesting to propose here the considerably increased text of a historical study initially presented in the context of the 16th Colloquium de la Saint-Yves, organised in Tréguier on 16 May 2009 by the Bar Association of Saint-Brieuc, focusing on: "France, reception area?". ; De tout temps, la question du droit d'asile a été intimement associée aux interrogations juridiques sur la situation et le statut de « l'étranger », par-delà même la profonde évolution de ce dernier concept au cours des siècles. C'est pourquoi il a paru intéressant de proposer ici le texte, considérablement augmenté , d'une étude historique primitivement présentée dans le cadre du XVIème colloque de la Saint-Yves, organisé à Tréguier le 16 mai 2009 par le Barreau de Saint-Brieuc, ayant pour thème : « France, terre d'accueil ? ».

International audience Recorded while on fieldwork with Rastafarians living in Shashemene, Ethiopia, this life-history is a unique testimony. In the peculiar rhythm of Jamaican patois, it tells of the growing up of a youth into a Rastafarian, his leaving Jamaica to « repatriate » to Ethiopia, and his experience of living on the remnants of a land grant on the outskirts of a Southern Ethiopian market town. This life-history represents a valuable insight into a dream turned reality, and offers a new perspective on the Rastafari movement, Ethiopian society and the Pan African relationship.

Cet article propose de mieux comprendre les mécanismes de la croissance urbaine à la Réunion en s'appuyant sur une démarche de modélisation qui mobilise la notion de champs géographiques. Le modèle géographique MUTE (Modèle d'Urbanisation du TErritoire) calcule une propension à l'urbanisation du territoire. L'évaluation du modèle met en évidence l'existence, à côté d'une forme d'urbanisation classique, d'un autre modèle d'urbanisation. Ce dernier qualifié de post-agricole permet une interprétation différente des mécanismes de périurbanisation rapide des Hauts de l'île. Loin d'être la résultante d'un dysfonctionnement territorial, il apparaît davantage comme la conséquence d'un héritage historique et de choix politiques réalisés depuis longtemps en faveur d'un modèle de développement agricole postcolonial basé sur l'exclusion sociale.