Search results

In my study, I attempt to illuminate the connection between the creation of citizen-subjects and recent constructions of the Finnish nation through the designation of racialized, gendered non-citizen others, noting that the constriction of the boundaries of Finnish citizenship coincides with increasing global mobility and tightening immigration control in the West. In the context of the welfare state, this process is particularly articulated through the denial of welfare rights. In order to illustrate this, I focus on migration and sex work in Finland, and how these are entangled with race and nation-building when analyzed through citizenship; citizenship can be understood in terms of the rights we usually tie to formal citizenship, as well as being a multi-faceted concept referring to human rights necessary for agency. Citizenship is also critical for analysis here because if a nation is made up of its citizens, it stands to reason that nation-building is directly connected to who can or cannot be a citizen. My data set is two-part. First, I analyze tax laws as applied to sex workers, in particular to dancers in erotic bars in order to provide a more concrete example of how taxation regulates/denies access to welfare rights based on nation of origin. Here, I find that the illegitimacy of sex work makes payment of taxes so complicated that it may ultimately result in the denial of welfare, which then operates as denial of citizenship by depriving migrant sex workers of the social rights necessary for agency. Second, I analyze laws aimed at regulating sex work in the context of anti-trafficking and abolitionist discourse in order to demonstrate the ways in which restrictive policies hide behind humanitarian and egalitarian causes, thereby legitimizing the prevention of "illegal migration" and sex work, as well as the surveillance of migrant female sexuality. I find that these discourses not only justify the exercise of stricter migration policy but also that they make working conditions for sex workers (both Finnish and migrant) much more dangerous, in effect depriving them of autonomy and safety. The illegitimacy of sex work is thus useful to the state, facilitating conflations with illegality and international crime that enable the proliferation of state powers along with intimate regulatory interventions in the lives of migrants and ultimately citizens as well. My conclusion regarding the exclusion and exploitation as propagated by both policy bundles is that not only do they enable the imagining of a certain kind of nation, but they are also directly tied to materially building the (Finnish) nation itself, specifically by determining which bodies can or cannot constitute it. Sex work is thus a site where the Finnish nation is being constructed through the designation of non-citizens, in other words those who are not entitled to free agency, those who are other. This process follows gendered and racialized lines, belying an internal logic that seeks to belong to white privilege through having the power to legislate it. These policies and discourses furthermore intersect to control, marginalize, exploit, and surveil migrants and sex workers with especial damage to migrant sex workers, additionally giving the state the power to manage and surveil its own citizenry. What is immediately necessary on a concrete level is the full legalization and regulation of sex work as a legitimate form of labor, as well as a total re-thinking of citizenship beyond borders and in terms of human rights and freedom. Asiasanat:citizenship, nation, sex work, trafficking, Finland, race, racism, migration, welfare, white privilege, surveillance

de las fronteras entre lo rural y lo urbano, en diferentes regiones del mundo, invitan a asumir una prospectiva estratégica que converja en un modelo de organización territorial válido para las áreas periurbanas de las grandes ciudades en Colombia. Por su índole, el espacio periurbano define simultáneamente un escenario discontinuo y complejo, marcado al mismo tiempo por incongruencias superpuestas ligadas a falencias en la gestión, a una ineficaz interacción social, a una evidente desaceleración económica y a una diversificación notable de los usos del suelo. Por lo contrario, este territorio debería conformar una unidad espacial lograda por el ordenamiento coherente de los elementos que lo integran, de pequeña a gran escala, con el objetivo de hacer frente a las exigencias y a los desafíos que demanda la integración de ese territorio, vasto y heterogéneo, que circunda la ciudad. Es este uno de los grandes retos de urbanistas y planificadores que trabajan para crear una conciencia global sobre la necesidad de hacer coherentes los procesos de expansión urbana, tarea que adquiere aún más sentido gracias al énfasis que se está poniendo en la valorización de los atributos patrimoniales de los espacios rurales contiguos a la ciudad, lamentablemente amenazados por fenómenos como la aglomeración urbana y la degradación del uso del suelo. En consecuencia, el presente artículo busca aproximarse a una serie de mecanismos y estrategias para hacer frente a todas estas problemáticas, a partir de una planificación desde abajo, es decir, un "gobierno del territorio" que conceda la debida importancia al ámbito de la gestión participada, donde la concertación ciudadana contribuya a la creación de espacios de integración y de asociacionismo que puedan llevar a un compromiso municipal en favor del territorio, visto como un patrimonio social común y no como un bien de uso exclusivo de la población residente, dentro de los límites de cada municipio.ABSTRACTThe increasing popularity of the new features of rural areas and the continuous weakening of the boundaries between rural and urban areas in world, invite to assume a strategic foresight in order to converge on a valid model of territorial organization for periurban areas in the major cities in Colombia. By their nature, such areas defines simultaneously an stage discontinuous and complex, marked by overlapping inconsistencies related to management failures as well as an inefficient social interaction, a clear economic slowdown and a significant diversification of land uses. On the contrary, this area should form a spatial unity, achieved by a consistent ordering of the elements that compose it, from small to large scale, in order to fulfill the necessary requirements and challenges to reach the integration of this territory, vast and heterogeneous, which surrounds the city. This is one of the challenges of urban designers and planners that work to create a global awareness about the problems relates to the urban expansion processes, a task that becomes even more meaningful due to the value that has been given to the attributes of rural areas adjacent to the city, unfortunately threatened by phenomena such as urban sprawl and degradation of land use. Consequently, this article seeks to approach to some mechanisms and strategies to canalize these issues, starting with a bottom-up planning, intended as a "government of the territory" able to give significance to the shared management, where the public consultation will contribute to the creation of many opportunities in terms of an integration and partnership that may lead to a municipal commitment for planning, seen as a common social heritage and not as an asset, exclusive of the resident population within the boundaries of each municipality.

It is a critical time for India to prioritize nutrition in its health and development agendas. While dismal nutrition indicators persist, and the country's levels of hunger are considered ―alarming‖ on an international index, India is expected to miss the Millennium Development Goals targeting hunger and undernutrition. Without a targeted, multi-sectoral approach to nutrition, India is still struggling to deliver evidence-based interventions during the most important windows of opportunity. At the same time, the National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) and its Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHA) are gaining ground in delivering critical, community-based health services for women, children, and families. The current period of service delivery innovation and quality improvement presents an important opportunity to better integrate nutrition into health, and to push nutrition programming reform in the country. Recognizing this critical opportunity for nutrition programming innovation and integration in India, this report will examine the following research question: How can a nutrition strategy be better integrated into health programming? In pursuing this question, the paper intends to explore mechanisms for better integration in health planning at national, state, and district levels, and strengthened operational integration between frontline health workers and their supervisory structures. It will also examine how current nutrition efforts, namely Integrated Childhood Development Services (ICDS), can be more functional and thereby be better integrated into maternal and child health services. This report draws largely upon field visits throughout the country, and a field survey conducted in Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, and Rajasthan with anganwadi workers (AWW), Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHA), and young mothers. Our findings from the field highlight strong needs for nutrition-focused outreach to families, and more structured collaboration between health and nutrition initiatives at community, block, district, state, and national levels. With these findings, we recommend actions to be taken within policy, human resources, and operations: We argue that India requires nutrition leadership at national, state, district, and community levels. A concrete, proactive national nutrition policy is needed to unite fragmented nutrition initiatives, hold relevant departments to nutrition outcomes, and drive nutrition programming in high-focus districts. A similar push has already been initiated by the Department of Women and Child Development. We recommend that states reinforce this commitment to nutrition by creating inter-ministerial councils to emphasize political will towards state nutrition policy and planning. We strongly recommend the creation of a community advocate for nutrition, termed an Accredited Nutrition Activist in this paper, to assume outreach operations from the anganwadi centre. This role would serve as a critical point person for community-based nutrition and an intermediary between the anganwadi worker and ASHA. This role would also seek to close critical gaps in nutrition, particularly infant feeding. We advocate mechanisms for improved targeting of nutrition interventions, particularly infant feeding. Targeting the most critical beneficiaries includes focusing on the age group under 24 months (e.g. the 1000-day window of opportunity between pre-pregnancy and two years), and high-risk families through improved outreach operations. Targeting also involves innovative approaches to delivering interventions most effectively (e.g. demonstration-education for families, home-based action), and capturing beneficiaries at critical moments for nutrition counselling and support (e.g. when a child is sick, newborn feeding and care post-delivery). We reiterate calls for an overhaul of ICDS operations, particularly in anganwadi worker supervision, training and support, food supply and distribution, infrastructure, centre timings, oversight, and data management and use for action. The recommendations presented in this paper will also be piloted within the Earth Institute/MOHFW Model District project in Assam, and in due course we will be reporting back on our findings.

A much debated issue within education in 2010 is; how children learn and what children should learn. Kress (2000) has argued that we need to educate children for instability and give them competences for the future rather than for yesterday. The question is what competences are needed in the future and how we are going to teach children of tomorrow. It is widely believed, also by policy makers, that technology can transform learning environments for both teachers and students. Over the past 10 years, the Danish government - like those in other countries - has been investing in interactive whiteboards (IWB) for schools. Besides investing in technology, teachers have been taught how to use technologies, more often that not without paying much attention to pedagogy. However, we see a tendency towards a change in focus, and gradually more attention is being paid to finding ways in which technology will transform the learning situation based on underlying learning principles such as dialogue, interaction and collaboration. Mercer et al (2010) describe what they call technical interactivity and dialogic interactivity and state that IWBs can change the interaction and participation patterns in the class depending on pedagogy. Mercer et al (2010) especially draw on Robin Alexander's (2008) ideas on dialogue inspired teaching. IWBs and a dialogue inspired learning approach can facilitate a space for co-construction of knowledge and meaning between the teacher and learners (Twiner et al., 2010; Mercer et al. 2010). However, such a learning design still requires a teacher to facilitate, manage and lead the participation and interaction patterns of the learners. In this paper, we present an empirical long term study of class room interaction in a setting where technology is introduced to enhance collaboration between peer learners. For one year, the authors have followed the development of a learning practice and a learning design based on use of interactive touch screens. Methodologically, this research is based on action research, dialogue design and ethnographic methods. More than 150 hours of video have been recorded, capturing children working together with various artefacts, materials and assignments. In this paper, we present a learning design where students aged 8-9 are at the centre of the learning activities. Hence the young learners are given the responsibility to facilitate and negotiate interaction and participation patterns, thereby guiding their own learning activities with reference to the materials designed by the teacher. It might seem that the students direct their learning solely with technology, but this is not the case – the teacher is very important in this setup. Not as a knowledge provider in a classical sense, rather in a new and fairly unexplored role, where most the teacher-student interaction takes its'point of departure in the physical and academic position of the learner. In this way, the children guide each other and are guided by the teacher, both in relation to collaborative and academic issues. In the paper, we bring forward perspectives on the creation of learning designs where students engage in dialogue and interaction in a shared workspace. Empirical studies show that children regulate their own learning processes and guide each other through activities in which they have shared objectives. Furthermore, this design requires active participation by the learners, thus giving each student a voice in class. Based on the empirical findings, it is further discussed how an interactive, learner centered approach can be supported by technology in teaching.

Internet and electronic media are becoming increasingly popular tools of information, among other things, due to their interactive nature. This is proved by the abundance of new internet websites enjoying wide popularity. Internet portals and websites are providing information at a higher pace than the traditional media. In addition, they allow active participation of their readership (possibility to comment on published information is but one example of such participation). The present thesis analyzes characteristics of political commentary as a journalistic genre. The aim is to examine characteristics of political commentary on the internet portals www.delfi.lt and www.lrytas.lt during the presidential election period in 2009 and to identify ways in which the political commentary on these websites potentially might have had influence on the opinion and choice of the electorate / society at large. The object of the present analysis: political commentary on the websites www.delfi.lt and www.lrytas.lt. The goals of the analysis: to examine and define the most characteristic features of political commentary featured on the above-mentioned internet portals; to review the processes of creation of internet websites, to highlight the characteristics of electronic media and the possibilities it provides for development of political commentary; to discuss ways in which media potentially influences opinion of the society at large; to provide quantifiable and qualifiable analysis of the columns dedicated to political commentary on two internet portals: www.delfi.lt and www.lrytas.lt; to compare articles dedicated to political commentary on these two portals and to identify its respective characteristics; to discuss the potential influence that the political commentary on the www.delfi.lt and www.lrytas.lt might have had on the readership/electorate during the presidential election in 2009 by applying the method of comparative analysis and qualifiable analysis of the content of the political columns of the two portals. Methods of analysis: analysis of primary and secondary sources; analysis of empirical data; quantifiable analysis of content; comparative analysis of content; analysis of documents (i.e. feature articles, lecture materials, statistics). Actuality of the topic: it is widely assumed that information provided by mass media plays a very important role in the formation of the opinion of society at large, where political commentary is one of the most popular genres. The current thesis analyzes two most popular electronic media websites: delfi.lt and lrytas.lt. The following political columns were analysed: "Komentarai" (lrytas.lt), "Lietuvos pjūvis" and "Politiko akimis" (delfi.lt). The aim was to analyse the influence that these two portals potentially had on the choices that the citizens had made in the run-up to the presidential elections; to reveal what methods of manipulation the columnists might have used; to examine how the presidential candidates were portrayed and characterised. The current work analyses how the techniques of influencing the opinion of general public are used in the political commentary (following the theory of A. Švidunova, i.e. the techniques of "mind-reading", "abasement", "use of nicknames" or "labelling" as well as manipulating the data of opinion polls, etc.). The result of the analysis demonstrates that a wide range of commenting techniques were extensively used to depict D. Grybauskaitė, the then presidential candidate, in the internet portal lrtyas.lt, whereas commentary in the portal delfi.lt was less ardent and less frequent. The columnists usually choose political organs as an object of their criticism, therefore one may state that their opinions receive a wide support among the readership, which allows to conclude that opinion formed by the media is widely accepted. The present work might be useful for political scientists, as well as for journalists and politicians.

Рассматриваются проблемы развития православия в Северной Америке в конце XIX начале XX в. Произошедшее за это время укрепление положения православной церкви и распространение православия по всей территории США, а также в Канаде во многом явилось результатом деятельности архиепископа Тихона (Беллавина), возглавлявшего Алеутскую и Аляскинскую епархию с 1899 по 1906 г. Описываются наиболее значимые результаты его правления, позволившие православной общине Северной Америки пережить катаклизмы начала ХХ в. и сохраниться до сих пор. ; This article discusses issues related to the development and spread of Orthodox Christianity in North America in the late XIX early XX centuries. At this time, immigration from Eastern Europe is growing. Increases the number of people professes Orthodoxy and it starts of influence this denomination for the eastern United States and Canada. These developments have increased prestige of the Orthodox Church in North America before the need for reform to a new level of it activity. Initially, the Orthodox faith was should only apply in North America on the western territories (Alaska, Aleutians and some western states). After the sale (1867) the Alaska to the Government of U.S., Orthodoxy relationship and cultural and economic situation in the region are going down. Indigenous peoples have been deprived of custody of cultural and spiritual help. The new government was interested only in the development of the natural resources region. Rebirth of the Russian Orthodox Church in America began in 1890, the XIX century and it was associated with the activities of Bishop Nikolai (Ziorova). Despite significant increases in the Orthodox community and the territorial expansion of Bishop Nikolai was just a scheme of structural changes. From 1899 to 1906 diocese of the Aleutian Islands and Alaska was led by Bishop Tikhon Bellavin (Archbishop since 1905, Patriarch of the Russian Orthodox Church since 1917). That he managed to solve many problems of Orthodoxy in America to survive on the structural changes in the diocese, which in turn allows the Orthodox Church of America to survive in the disasters of the early twentieth century. In addition, this allowed the Orthodox Church in America to gain independence from government and religious structures of the United States (autocephalous) and persist to this day. After Bishop Tikhon was head of the diocese and it will quickly expand the territory and she gave a population growth of believers. However, challenges remained. These were: lack of money, poor structure, there were few priests, new churches were not there, there was need to build a monastery and seminary. In the seven years of Archbishop Tikhon position of the Russian Orthodox Church in North America is changing qualitatively. As a new leader, He greatly increased the growth of financial assets and activity of fraternities, parishes, and especially Orthodox society Mutual. As a result was done the creation of new and refurbishment of old temples, the construction of the Cathedral in New York, financial assistance to needy through charitable fund, the development of the Orthodox press, the opening of the seminary, the seminary scholarships, etc. Bishop Tikhon opened first America's Orthodox seminary in Minneapolis and school in Cleveland. All of it allowed the diocese prepare priestly personnel for diocese's needs. The number of clergy in leadership of Tikhon was two times greater than before. In 1905 the diocese was opened by an Orthodox monastery. It was the first Orthodox monastery in North America. In summary we can say that the implementation of Archbishop Tikhon transformation considerably strengthened the diocese. He created a cult with a developed infrastructure. For this reason, Orthodox Church in America in a position was to resist the break with Russia and save an independent organization.

Показано становление структур гражданского общества в Томске, одном из крупнейших сибирский центров, на рубеже XIX-ХХ вв., охарактеризованы основные формы и способы проявления гражданских инициатив, выявлены факторы, влияющие на их развитие. ; At the turn of the XX-th century all the spheres of life in Tomsk underwent profound changes, influenced by the capitalist modernization. The institutions of the civil society began to take shape. The citizens social activism was materialized in the activities of public organizations and political parties, in publishing activities, in organizing various campaigns. This article tries to generalize, expand (by means of using new sources) and systematize the information about the origins of the institutions of civil society in Tomsk in the late 19th early 20th centuries, to show the dynamics of their formation and functioning. Greater public activism was connected with the development of education and culture. In the 1880s 1890s the Tomsk clergy set up the affiliations of missionary organizations. The developments of the institutions of civil society in Tomsk, as well as in the whole country, was strongly influenced by the First Russian Revolution. The liberal and revolutionary ideologies became wide-spread. A reflection of the democratization of public life was the creation of the branches of liberal political parties, trade unions, the expansion of the network of non-governmental periodicals. The student organizations were represented by scientific and technical study groups and sport clubs, as well as by a number of organizations uniting people from the same areas/ The organizations of national minorities were tightly controlled by the authorities who thwarted every attempt on their part to exceed the limits of the permitted activities. In the war years the womens movement became more active. The major forms of student associations were still the organizations of descendants from the same areas, with a notable increase in the share of those uniting students from Siberian regions (Omsk, Krasnoyarsk, Irkutsk). The activities of the clergy were also touched by the events. The war brought significant changes in the social life of the city and the public conscience. Growing prices on food, clothes, household goods, as well as their shortage since the autumn of 1915, engendered discontent and animosity. In February 1916 the first sugar riot happened in Tomsk. There were rumours of the approaching famine. In August 1916 cards on sugar were introduced in Tomsk, in January 1917 cards on flour, and later on bread. There was growing public resentment against the authorities. Siberian papers reprinted satirical articles against the tsar and his associates from Moscow and Petrograd papers. By the early 1917 here were clear signs of the revolutionary situation in Tomsk, although the economic crisis in the region was much less salient than in the central part of the country. At the turn of the 20th century the capitalist modernization, accompanied by the changes in the social structures, resulted in the development of the elements of civil society. Since mid-19th century till 1917 at least 235 public and 20 cooperative organizations and the branches of all the big Russian parties functioned in Tomsk with varying degree of activism, 81 periodicals were published. The movements of workers, youth, women, national minorities were gaining strength. 19 conventions and conferences were held in Tomsk, the representatives of the city took part in 11 all-Russian conventions. However, the development of the elements of civil society was hindered by the policies of the tsarist regime. The lack of conditions for the full materialization of civil initiatives paved the way for the setting up of illegal organizations and the reinforcement of anti-government sentiments.

This dissertation investigates the creation, adaptation, and demise of international regimes. Specifically, I ask why international regimes sometimes fail to fulfill their original purpose. Empirically, I examine the evolution and eventual failure of the Energy Charter (ECH), a multilateral regime that governs the Eurasian energy economy. Modeled after the European Steel and Coal Community, the original goal of the regime was to capitalize on economic complementarities in energy to integrate Gorbachev's reforming USSR (later Russia) with Europe and promote pan-European cooperation and peace. By 2010, integration had failed, and the regime itself had become a source of conflict. To understand this outcome, I focus on the foreign energy policy of Russia, a central state within the ECH, which actively participated in designing the regime in the 1990s but two decades later decided that it was no longer in its interest.Using data collected from interviews and archival searches during field research in Russia, Brussels, and Paris, I find that under President Yeltsin, low domestic sovereignty meant the state could not integrate key domestic players into ECH policy-making. This led Russia to conclude a bargain that it could not implement domestically. Under President Putin, high domestic sovereignty meant the state had sufficient capacity to corral these recalcitrant actors. However, the new policy that emerged compelled Russia to attempt to modify the ECH in ways that violated previously accepted norms, thereby alienating its European partners and undermining the regime. This study supports Hegemonic Stability theory which suggests that we can expect regime failure after major shifts in the distribution of power produce changes in the interests and policies of key states. I extend this finding by showing that Russian state power increased due to changes in elite conceptions about the legitimacy of state power. I demonstrate this by using over time comparisons between most similar cases, tracing the process through which ECH policy evolved, and examining intervening variables - state building strategies and elite identities vis-à-vis the state - that changed over time in unexpected ways. The shift in elite beliefs had a transformative effect on the structure of domestic politics, generating new patterns of authority, a higher level of state domestic sovereignty, and enhanced state power. Finally, state domestic sovereignty was associated with state capacity to organize domestic groups, behave as a unitary actor, and follow through on international commitments. To capture these developments, I use the concept of state identity which combines the level of domestic sovereignty (high or low) with elite beliefs about the state's role in the international system (regime maker or regime taker). This generates a typology of four state identities - master, pretender, disciple, and apprentice - that can be used to understand regime outcomes more generally. In political economy, I use the term mercantilist instead of master to connect my research with realist insights about the role of power in international political economy. I propose the term "mercantilist development" which refers to a state that attempts to fundamentally change the structure of the international economy in order to accumulate capital. Thus, mercantilist development helps us understand the micro-mechanisms through which the structure of the international system changes. Finally, I explore the factors associated with successful regime adaptation to accommodate rising powers, an especially pressing contemporary concern given that the balance of power is expected to shift considerably in the twenty-first century.

Instituto de Investigaciones Filosóficas. Facultad de Filosofía. Programa Institucional de Maestría en Filosofía de la Cultura ; As long as the philosophy allows the critical understanding of the culture in its diverse ones environments and spheres, also considering to the Right as one of the facets of the culture, is pertinent to study the speech of the power manifested in the language juridical that, for their institutional and coercive same nature, it regulates the forms of social organization and of the human activity. Under that creation premise and/or transformation of realities through the juridical language was interesting to approach the study of this by means of that enunciated in the current text of the article 2o of the Political Constitution of the Mexican United States and, at the same time to put in perspective, starting from that normative same mark, the generation and/or modification of the reality of the indigenous towns in Mexico. In the personal thing, until some years ago, my experience regarding the tread native was basically result of the education hegemónicamente monoculture that I received from the first years of socialization. It was, because, of a vision slanted and ignorant of the value of the indigenous towns. In good measure, those aspects of those that I speak in the chapters 2 and 3 of this investigation made me to understand the reasons for which such a paupérrima perception existed in me; same that 1 persist in a good part of the Mexicans. Indigenous or not. Having been born in Morelia, the capital of Michoacán, little or null contact direct he/she had had with integral current of indigenous communities. They followed me seeming object of study of historical-archaeological questions or alive Indians that were the same thing that peasants. There was a light modification regarding this vision when in 1995 I began the degree in the Law school and Sciences Social of the University Michoacana of San Nicolás of Hidalgo. ; En tanto la filosofía permite la comprensión crítica de la cultura en sus diversos ámbitos y esferas, considerando además al Derecho como una de las facetas de la cultura, es pertinente estudiar el discurso del poder manifestado en el lenguaje jurídico que, por su misma naturaleza institucional y coercitiva, regula las formas de organización social y de la actividad humana. Bajo esa premisa de creación y/o transformación de realidades a través del lenguaje jurídico resultó interesante abordar el estudio de éste mediante lo enunciado en el texto actual del artículo 2o de la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos y, a la vez poner en perspectiva, a partir de ese mismo marco normativo, la generación y/o modificación de la realidad de los pueblos indígenas en México. En lo personal, hasta hace unos años, mi experiencia respecto a la otredad indígena era básicamente resultado de la educación hegemónicamente monocultural que recibí desde los primeros años de socialización. Se trataba, pues, de una visión sesgada e ignorante del valor de los pueblos indígenas. En buena medida, los aspectos de los que hablo en los capítulos 2 y 3 de esta investigación me hicieron comprender las razones por las cuales existía en mí tal paupérrima percepción; misma que persiste en una buena parte de los mexicanos 1 – indígenas o no –. Habiendo nacido en Morelia, la capital de Michoacán, poco o nulo contacto directo había tenido con integrantes actuales de comunidades indígenas. Me seguían pareciendo objeto de estudio de cuestiones histórico-arqueológicas o indios vivos que eran lo mismo que campesinos. Hubo una leve modificación respecto a esta visión cuando en 1995 comencé la licenciatura en la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad Michoacana de San Nicolás de Hidalgo.

Este trabalho consiste em uma análise da responsabilidade social empresarial (RSE) como um meio de supressão da política e esfera de manifestação do dissenso. A atuação de organizações como o GIFE (Grupo de Institutos Fundações e Empresas) e do Instituto Ethos de Empresas e Responsabilidade Social tem contribuído significativamente para a legitimação das ações de RSE como fontes produtoras de soluções para problemas sociais. Nesse sentido, entendemos que o fundamento ideológico dessa situação encontra-se em um discurso que visa a minimizar o papel do Estado como agente promotor de desenvolvimento social e atribuir aos pobres, como indíviduos, a responsabilidade pela permanência ou não na condição de pobreza. Tais práticas promovem o envolvimento dos beneficiados nas soluções de seus problemas, o que parece ser positivo do ponto de vista da criação de uma esfera de tomada mais democrática de decisões, todavia é preciso ter em mente que os saberes desses beneficiados só são considerados a partir de um esvaziamento do caráter de posturas efetivamente dissenssuais. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: responsabilidade social empresarial, ativismo social empresarial, sociedade civil, novo associativismo civil, dissenso. THE "SOCIAL ACTIVISM" OF BUSINESSES AND ITS BIAS ANTIDISSENSION Attila Magno e Silva Barbosa This paper consists of an analysis of the business social responsibility (RSE in Portuguese) as a means of suppression of politics as a sphere of dissent manifestation. The performance of organizations such as Group of Institutes, Foundations and Companies (in Portuguese, GIFE) and of the Instituto Ethos de Empresas e Responsabilidade Social (Ethos Institute of Companies and Social Responsability) has been contributing significantly to the legitimation of RSE actions as sources of solutions for social problems. In this sense, we understand that the ideological foundation of that situation lies in the discourse that seeks to minimize the role of the State as promoting agent of social development and to attribute to the poor, as individuals, the responsibility for their permanence in or out poverty. For no other reason, such practices promote the beneficiaries' involvement in the solutions of their problems, what seems to be positive from the point of view of creation of a sphere of more democratic decision-making. However, it is necessary to have in mind that these beneficiaries' knowledges are only considered if emptied of effectively dissentious postures. KEYWORDS: business social responsibility, business social activism, civilian society, new civilian associativism, dissent. L' "ACTIVISME SOCIAL" DES ENTREPRISES ET SON BIAIS ANTI-DISSENSUEL Attila Magno e Silva Barbosa Ce travail analyse la responsabilité sociale des entreprises (RSE) comme moyen de suppression de la politique en tant que sphère de manifestation du dissensus. Le travail des organisations telle que le GIFE (Groupe d'Instituts, de Fondations et d'Entreprises) et de l'Institut Ethos d'Entreprises et Responsabilité Sociale a beaucoup contribué à la légitimation des actions de la RSE en tant que source productrice de solutions pour les problèmes sociaux. Dans ce sens, il semblerait que le fondement idéologique de cette situation se trouve dans un discours qui vise à diminuer le rôle de l'Etat comme agent promoteur de développement social et d'attribuer aux pauvres, en tant qu'individus, la responsabilité du maintien ou non de leur condition de pauvreté. Pour les mêmes raisons, de telles pratiques permettent l'engagement des bénéficiaires dans la solution de leurs problèmes, ce qui semble être positif du point de vue de la création d'une sphère de prise de décisions plus démocratique. Néanmoins, il ne faut pas oublier que les savoirs de ces bénéficiaires ne sont pris en compte qu'à partir d'une perte de postures effectivement dissensuelles. MOTS-CLÉS: responsabilité sociale d'entreprise, activisme social d'entreprise, société civile, nouvelle associativité civile, dissensus. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

During the Enlightment century, there was a fad for cities « smartening». Town planning, described as « frôleur » by Georges Duby, become in the eighteenth century a growing concern for the men of this time. For a long time some writers, philosophers, architects and painters have theorized in this area. Leon Battista Alberti in the fifteenth century is one of them: he advocates the combination of beauty, strength and usefulness with respect to urban development. These ideas are reflected in the eighteenth century by the actors who decide and carry out urban operations. Grenoble is involved in this line of thought despite the difficulties it encounters. Contributors are numerous, as conflicts troubling them, which has obviously an impact on the progress, the execution and the implementation of urban projects. The grip of king's agents, the decline of the Office of Finance, the parliamentary opposition and also the sidelining of the consuls are issues that fuel disputes. Grenoble, situated at the confluence of the Isère and the Drac (etymologically : the dragon), two watercourses still largely unconquered at this time, is enclosed in a straitjacket of walls and old ramparts. Its geographical location as well as its status of military place are not without consequences on the urban layout. In the eighteenth century, the emerging representations of the city lead to a change of the « urban landscape » : the hygiene, the healthiness are concerns that government takes more and more into account without sacrificing comfort and the improvement of the resident's living environment. The widening, the straightening and paving of the streets are privileged, the nature is integrated into the arrangements with the creation of walks, gardens, the places are in honour of the King, the notion of monumental perspective develops. This paper relates the Grenoble's town planning evolutions in the eighteenth century, by replacing the city in a general context of cities smartening . ; Le Siècle des Lumières est marqué par l'engouement pour « l'embellissement » des villes. L'urbanisme qualifié de « frôleur » par Georges Duby devient au XVIIIe siècle une préoccupation grandissante pour les hommes de l'époque. Depuis longtemps des écrivains, des philosophes, des architectes ou des peintres ont théorisé dans ce domaine. Leon Battista Alberti au XVe siècle est l'un de ceux-là : il préconise l'alliance de la beauté, de la solidité et de l'utilité pour ce qui concerne les aménagements urbains. Ces idées sont reprises au XVIIIe siècle par les acteurs chargés de décider et de réaliser les opérations urbanistiques. Grenoble participe à ce courant de pensée malgré les difficultés qu'elle rencontre. Les intervenants sont nombreux tout comme les conflits qui les agitent ce qui a évidemment une répercussion sur l'avancement, l'exécution et la réalisation des projets urbains. La mainmise de l'intendant, le déclin du Bureau des Finances, l'opposition du Parlement ou encore la mise à l'écart des consuls sont autant de sujets qui nourrissent les querelles. Grenoble située au confluent de l'Isère et du Drac (étymologiquement : le dragon), deux cours d'eau encore largement indomptées à l'époque, est enserrée dans un carcan de murailles et de remparts anciens. Sa situation géographique ainsi que son statut de place-forte ne sont pas sans conséquences sur le tracé urbain. Au XVIIIe siècle, les nouvelles représentations de la ville qui émergent entrainent un changement du « paysage urbain » : l'hygiène, la salubrité sont des préoccupations que les pouvoirs publics prennent de plus en plus en compte sans oublier le confort et l'amélioration du cadre de vie des habitants. L'élargissement, le redressement et le pavage des rues sont privilégiés, la nature est intégrée aux aménagements avec la création de promenades, de jardins, les places font honneur au Roi, la notion de perspective monumentale se développe. Ce mémoire retrace les évolutions de l'urbanisme grenoblois au XVIIIe siècle, en replaçant la cité dans un contexte général d'embellissement des villes.

Los resultados del "1º Taller Provincial de Educación Ambiental" en Mendoza en 1996 han sido punto de partida para que el Instituto CIFOT de la Universidad Nacional de Cuyo desarrolló el poster educativo Cuyún con el título "Mendoza es tu naturaleza. Sé tú como el Cuyún." La Cooperación Técnica Alemana financió en 1998 la edición de 40.000 unidades para su distribución en las escuelas de la Provincia. El objetivo del poster era difundir los conocimientos geográficos sobre el territorio mendocino y alertar sobre la problemática ambiental existente. Cuyún entonces fue adoptado por parte del gobierno provincial como mascota oficial del medio ambiente. Actualmente los problemas ambientales son más diversos que en la época de los 90. El cambio climático tomó un protagonismo importante en todo el mundo. En el año 2007 la Agencia de Cambio Climático creada dentro del Gobierno de la Provincia y La UNCuyo investiga sobre la aplicación de tecnologías de energías renovables. 18 profesionales de la UNCuyo e instituciones del Gobierno de la Provincia retomaron el éxito histórico del Cuyún. La imagen de la mascota fue modernizada. Bajo el título "Mendoza es tu casa – Ayuda al Cuyún en la lucha contra el cambio climático" el poster refleja a partir de 2010 los siguientes temarios: 1) Marco geográfico de la provincia. 2) Hechos y hábitos que contribuyen al cambio climático. 3) Efectos del cambio climático. 4) Acciones en contra del avance del cambio climático. 5) Tecnologías y políticas perdurables en beneficio al uso de energías renovables. 6) Temas ambientales de la Provincia de Mendoza. La Embajada de Alemania en Argentina financió la impresión de 33.000 posters y la Dirección General de Escuelas colabora en la distribución en las aulas de las 1.800 escuelas de la provincia. Actualmente se trabaja en la creación de un manual que acompañará a los docentes escolares en la capacitación sobre la implementación de los contenidos del nuevo poster. ; The results of the "1st Workshop in Environmental Education" in the Province of Mendoza in 1996 have been the starting point for the CIFOT Institute of the Universidad Nacional de Cuyo to develop the educational poster Cuyún with the title "Mendoza is your nature. Behave like the Cuyún." The German Technical Cooperation funded in 1998 the edition of 40,000 units to be distributed in the Province schools. The poster aimed at disseminating the geographical knowledge of the territory of Mendoza and alerting about the existing environmental problems. Cuyún then was adopted by the provincial government as the official mascot. Nowadays, environmental problems are more diverse than in the time of the 1990s. Climate change took an important role in the whole world. In the year 2007, the Climate Change Agency, created within the Province Government and the UNCuyo researched on the implementation of renewable energy technologies. 18 experts from the UNCuyo and institutions of the Province Government retook the historic success of the Cuyún. The mascot image was modernized. Under the title "Mendoza is your home - Help Cuyún in the fight against climate change", the poster reflects from 2010 onwards the following topics: (1) Geographical framework of the province. (2) Facts and habits that contribute to climate change. (3) Effects of climate change. (4) Actions against climate change advancement. (5) Technologies and enduring policies in benefit of renewable energy use. (6) Environmental issues in the Province of Mendoza. The German Embassy in Argentina funded the printing of 33,000 posters and the Schools General Direction collaborates on the distribution in classrooms of 1,800 Province schools. At present, it is being worked on the creation of a manual that will accompany school teachers in the training and implementation of the new poster contents. ; Fil: Thomas, Peter. Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Secretaría de Desarrollo Institucional

Aquest article se centra en una proposta per a impulsar el desenvolupament dels ODR a la UE amb l'objectiu de contribuir al desenvolupament del mercat intern. En aquest article se suggereix que el creixement dels ODR està estancat a causa de diversos aspectes, com ara el desconeixement dels ODR entre els litigants, la falta de legitimitat dels proveïdors d'ODR i l'escassetat de finançament públic, entre d'altres. La meta en aquest article és plantejar la creació d'una regulació europea per a l'acreditació dels ODR que se centrin en la resolució de controvèrsies entre consumidors i empreses. La regulació proposada crearia estàndards legals per als ODR acreditats que emetin decisions executables i per a aquells la participació dels quals en el procés en línia sigui obligatòria. La base d'aquesta regulació es consolidaria a partir de les provisions processals existents incloses en el marc comunitari, igual que les millors pràctiques i codis de conducta desenvolupats per organismes internacionals. La regulació crearia una marca de confiança europea que s'atorgaria a aquells proveïdors ODR que en compleixin les disposicions legals. El compliment de la normativa seria controlat per organismes nacionals i comunitaris, per mitjà dels centres europeus de consum. ; This article focuses on a proposal for stimulating online dispute resolution (ODR) in the European Union, to contribute to the development of the internal market. It is suggested that expansion of ODR has come to a halt due to various factors, such as the litigants being unaware of ODR, lack of legitimacy of ODR services providers and limited public funding. We put forward the creation of a European regulatory system for the accreditation of ODR services that centre on the settling of disputes between consumers and companies. The proposed regulation would lead to legal standards for accredited ODR providers that pronounce enforceable sentences and for those obliged to take part in the online processes. Consolidation of the foundations for the system would be based on the existing provisions in the EU framework, as are best practice and codes of conduct developed by international bodies. The regulation would create a European seal of confidence to be given to those providers of ODR services that meet the legal requirements. Compliance with the norms would be controlled by national and EU bodies through European Consumer Centres. ; Este artículo se centra en una propuesta para impulsar el desarrollo de los ODR en la UE con el objetivo de contribuir al desarrollo del mercado interno. En este artículo se sugiere que el crecimiento de los ODR está estancado debido a varios aspectos, tales como el desconocimiento de los ODR entre los litigantes, la falta de legitimidad de los proveedores de ODR y la escasez de financiación pública, entre otros. La meta en este artículo es plantear la creación de una regulación europea para la acreditación de los ODR que se centren en la resolución de controversias entre consumidores y empresas. La regulación propuesta crearía estándares legales para los ODR acreditados que emitan decisiones ejecutables y para aquellos cuya participación en el proceso en línea sea obligatoria. La base de esta regulación se consolidaría a partir de las provisiones procesales existentes incluidas en el marco comunitario, al igual que las mejores prácticas y códigos de conducta desarrollados por organismos internacionales. La regulación crearía una marca de confianza europea que se otorgaría a aquellos proveedores ODR que cumplan sus disposiciones legales. El cumplimiento de la normativa sería controlado por organismos nacionales y comunitarios, por medio de los centros europeos de consumo.

International audience ; Established in 1919 by Part XIII of the Treaty of Versailles, the ILO is the result of a political compromise intended to meet the expectations of public opinion while avoiding a major social crisis in a context of demobilization and Communist revolutionary contagion. In the short time of the social history of the industrial world, its creation is a continuation of the nebulous reformer of the social question, as in the dynamics impelled by the international trade union movement during the war. Conceived as a tripartite organization associating employers and workers representatives with States, it focuses its activity on the elaboration of international labor legislation which it bases on humanist values and a fundamental principle inscribed in the first lines of the preamble of the Part XIII: the indissoluble link between the promotion of social justice and the establishment of universal peace. The present study is based on the examination of these legal productions which account for the polemical nature of the debates which cross and surround the nascent institution, in particular in the Twenties. At the same time, they legitimize the ILO as the site of a deeply innovative experience in the field of contemporary international relations which would illustrate a questioning of the presuppositions of the Westphalian system brought about by the growing interdependence of societies and states . By inscribing this organization in a temporality of modernity, this production translates the significance of political and social issues in legal discourse. The empirical and concrete character of the legitimation process is illustrated by the validation of practices contested by certain socio-professional groups, or by certain States, by the voice of diplomats or licensed jurists, which concern the nature of the institution, its areas of competence and its normative capacity. ; Instituée en 1919 par la Partie XIII du Traité de Versailles, l'OIT (ILO) est le résultat d'un compromis politique destiné à répondre à l'attente des opinions publiques tout en évitant une crise sociale majeure dans un contexte de démobilisation et de contagion révolutionnaire communiste. Dans le temps court de l'histoire sociale du monde industriel, sa création s'inscrit dans la continuité de la nébuleuse réformatrice de la question sociale, comme dans la dynamique impulsée par le mouvement syndical international pendant la guerre. Conçue comme une organisation tripartite associant aux Etats des représentants patronaux et ouvriers, elle centre son activité sur l'élaboration d'une législation internationale du travail qu'elle fonde sur des valeurs humanistes et un principe fondamental inscrit dans les premières lignes du préambule de la Partie XIII : le lien indissouble existant entre la promotion d'une justice sociale et l'établissement d'une paix universelle. La présente étude se fonde sur l'examen de ces productions juridiques qui rendent compte du caractère polémique des débats qui traversent et entourent l'institution naissante, notamment dans les années vingt. Ils procèdent dans le même temps à une légitimation de l'OIT comme lieu d'une expérience profondément innovante dans le domaine des relations internationales contemporaines qui illustrerait une remise en cause des présupposés du système westphalien induite par l'interdépendance croissante des sociétés et des Etats. En inscrivant cette organisation dans une temporalité de la modernité, cette production traduit la prégnance des enjeux politiques et sociaux dans le discours juridique. Le caractère empirique et concret du processus de légitimation s'illustre par la validation de pratiques contestées par certains groupes socio-professionnels, ou par certains Etats, par la voix de diplomates ou de jurisconsultes patentés, qui concernent la nature de l'institution, ses domaines de compétence et sa capacité normative.

Russia and four other CIS countries - Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan - are important energy producers and possess substantial reserves, particularly as far as natural gas is concerned. Russia alone accommodates about one quarter of the global gas reserves and has established itself - along with Saudi Arabia - as one of the world's two leading oil exporters. However, Russia's relations with OPEC so far have been largely a history of non-cooperation, and the prospects of future cooperation appear equally problematic. The prospects of the Russian energy sector are to be seen against the background of the newly adopted 'Energy Strategy until 2030'. The key problems tackled in the Energy Strategy are the so far generally insufficient exploration and investments in the new hydrocarbon fields. This is due to a number of factors such as the rising state involvement in the oil sector, the confiscatory tax regime, and the low domestic tariffs for gas. Deposits in the traditional energy-producing regions are largely depleted, while the fields which would enable maintaining or raising production volumes in the years to come lie predominantly in remote and technologically and climatically challenging areas. Their development would require the creation of appropriate production, transport and social infrastructure. The related total investments over the period until 2030 are estimated at some USD 1-3 trillion, implying that a substantial boost from the current investment levels is needed. In addition, the development of offshore gas deposits would require the construction of LNG plants, the expertise for which within the Russian gas industry has been very limited so far. Therefore, attracting more foreign investment and related know-how, and more private capital in general, appears to be indispensable for the government plans to materialize. Intensifying the existing 'Energy Dialogue' between Russia and the EU and deepening the mutual investment penetration would be highly instrumental in achieving these goals. The government's target is to increase, by the year 2030, oil production by 10% and gas production by some 40%, with half of the latter to be provided by the so-called 'independent' (from Gazprom) producers. The increase in the oil output would be largely channelled to domestic consumption, whereas half of the additionally produced gas should be exported gas exports are to rise by about 50%. The rise in domestic gas consumption will be constrained by the planned tariff hikes, which should facilitate the substitution of gas by coal and nuclear energy, and induce energy-saving behaviour. The announced target is to lower the energy intensity of the economy by about three times and bring it close to the levels observed in developed countries with similar climatic conditions. Domestic gas savings resulting from higher energy efficiency, but also reduced flaring and leakages, should further improve Russia's gas export prospects - along with the increased supplies from Central Asia and particularly Turkmenistan, where Russia has been recently successful in advancing its presence. The Russian government's target of exporting up to 20-25% of energy to the potentially promising Asian-Pacific region (including China) by 2030 mirrors the EU's stated objective of diversifying its energy supplies away from Russia. However, so far the results in this respect appear to have been mixed at best. While the geographical diversification of Russian oil exports has been slowly advancing, the diversification of gas exports has been constrained by the price disagreements with China and the limited progress with LNG. Given the envisaged sizeable overall increase in Russian gas exports, such diversification - even if successful - is unlikely to 'crowd out' Russian gas exports to Europe. This implies that Europe will almost certainly remain Russia's biggest energy export market in the medium and long run.