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The paper analyses the phenomenon of populism and its impact on Turkish foreign policy in three dimensions: institutional, instrumental and ideological. The research scrutinizes a wide selection of party manifestos and public speeches of Turkish politicians with primarily focus on Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's statements during his incumbency as the prime-minister and the president. The embeddedness of populism in political culture of Turkey provided it with ideological flexibility and made populism almost a universal instrument for engaging with electorate. Starting from Turkey's transition to multiparty system the majority of political actors have resorted to populism in one or another way. Erdoğan has not only continued this tendency but mastered the populist rhetoric. The character and content of Erdoğan's populism fluctuated following the changing domestic and international environment. In the 2000s it was hinged on the loose concept of conservative democracy. At the turn of the 2000s and 2010s the dreams for the EU membership gave way to ideas of 'civilizational expansionism' which had the concept of Islamic/Ottoman civilization as its core. From the mid-2010s ultra nationalism has come to the forefront of the populist rhetoric. Eventually, the populist binary opposition of 'us' and 'they' took a definite shape of global confrontation between Turkey as a defender of Islam and the 'adverse' West. Populist rhetoric helped Erdoğan to justify his almost two-decades-long incumbency and evade direct responsibility for economic hardships of the 2010s. Populism has become an effective instrument to monopolize the foreign policy in the hands of Erdoğan. Utilizing negative rhetoric against Turkish professional diplomats within the last decade Erdoğan has managed to cement his clout over the foreign-policy making. Institutionally the expansion of populism in the sphere of foreign policy led to its 'domestication' and 'nationalization' while its impact on the foreign policy discourse manifested itself in the spread of civilizationism. Making both domestic and foreign policy process more personalized Erdoğan has reinforced 'personal authoritarianism' at the expense of the state institutions. Thus their decline led to the 'Erdoğanization of the Turkish politics'. The declarative pursuit of Turkey to get more independent and autonomous position in the international system resulted in the strategy of development with primarily focus on the bilateral relations with different states. Consequently Turkey, previously known as a consistent advocate of regional cooperation and integration, in many respects has become a regionally isolated state.

International audience ; The purpose of this article is to analyze and determine the cause that influence the emergence of a conservative movement in Mexico called "Frente Nacional Anti-Amlo" (FRENAAA), which mobilizes a rhetoric framed in conservatism (discursive axes and narrative framework) through the use of innovative mechanisms of persuation. The discursive strategy seeks to establish an identity bourdary between (us)others, on the one hand, by arduously defending Mexican identity and its values and, on the other hand, by raising a xenophobic and anti-communists discourse. For this research, we follow the theoretical approaches of the specialized literature on the radical right in the West and Latin America. We developed our analysis by comparing them with the Mexican situation, through a quantitative analysis (national conditions and social perceptions) and a qualitative analysis (discourse analysis). We show that, although AMLO's coming to power reinforced the polarization between supporters and detractors, in the contextof the health pandemic, the FRENAAA movement has taken on an unprecedented mediatization. We realice that it has been able to capture the moment, trends and feelings, anchoring itself in the disaffection towards democracy and the party. We show that FRENAAA is part of the ultra-right movements, incorporating purely Latin American components. ; El presente artículo tiene como objetivo analizar y determinar las causas que influyen para que emerja un movimiento conservador en México llamado "Frente Nacional Anti-Amlo" (FRENAAA), el cual moviliza una retórica enmarcada en el conservadurismo (ejes discursivos y marcos narrativos) mediante el uso de innovadores mecanismos de persuasión. La estrategia discursiva busca establecer una frontera identitaria entre el (nos)otros, por un lado, al defender arduamente la identidad mexicana y sus valores y, por otro, enarbola un discurso xenófobo y anti-comunista. Para esta investigación, seguimos los planteamientos teóricos de la literatura especializada sobre las derechas radicales en occidente y América latina. Desarrollamos nuestro análisis comparándolos con la situación mexicana, mediante un análisis cuantitativo (condiciones nacionales y percepciones sociales) y cualitativo (análisis del discurso). Evidenciamos que, si bien la llegada al poder de AMLO reforzó la polarización entre seguidores y detractores, en el contexto de pandemia sanitaria el movimiento FRENAAA cobra una mediatización inédita. Damos cuenta de que ha sabido capturar el momento, tendencias y sentimientos, anclándose en la desafección hacia la democracia y el sistema de partidos. Demostramos que FRENAAA se enmarca en los movimientos de ultra derecha, incorporando componentes puramente latinoamericanos.

The purpose of this article is to analyze and determine the cause that influence the emergence of a conservative movement in Mexico called "Frente Nacional Anti-Amlo" (FRENAAA), which mobilizes a rhetoric framed in conservatism (discursive axes and narrative framework) through the use of innovative mechanisms of persuation. The discursive strategy seeks to establish an identity bourdary between (us)others, on the one hand, by arduously defending Mexican identity and its values and, on the other hand, by raising a xenophobic and anti-communists discourse. For this research, we follow the theoretical approaches of the specialized literature on the radical right in the West and Latin America. We developed our analysis by comparing them with the Mexican situation, through a quantitative analysis (national conditions and social perceptions) and a qualitative analysis (discourse analysis). We show that, although AMLO's coming to power reinforced the polarization between supporters and detractors, in the context of the health pandemic, the FRENAAA movement has taken on an unprecedented mediatization. We realice that it has been able to capture the moment, trends and feelings, anchoring itself in the disaffection towards democracy and the party. We show that FRENAAA is part of the ultra-right movements, incorporating purely Latin American components. ; El presente artículo tiene como objetivo analizar y determinar las causas que influyen para que emerja un movimiento conservador en México llamado "Frente Nacional Anti-Amlo" (FRENAAA), el cual moviliza una retórica enmarcada en el conservadurismo (ejes discursivos y marcos narrativos) mediante el uso de innovadores mecanismos de persuasión. La estrategia discursiva busca establecer una frontera identitaria entre el (nos)otros, por un lado, al defender arduamente la identidad mexicana y sus valores y, por otro, enarbola un discurso xenófobo y anti-comunista. Para esta investigación, seguimos los planteamientos teóricos de la literatura especializada sobre las derechas radicales en occidente y América latina. Desarrollamos nuestro análisis comparándolos con la situación mexicana, mediante un análisis cuantitativo (condiciones nacionales y percepciones sociales) y cualitativo (análisis del discurso). Evidenciamos que, si bien la llegada al poder de AMLO reforzó la polarización entre seguidores y detractores, en el contexto de pandemia sanitaria el movimiento FRENAAA cobra una mediatización inédita. Damos cuenta de que ha sabido capturar el momento, tendencias y sentimientos, anclándose en la desafección hacia la democracia y el sistema de partidos. Demostramos que FRENAAA se enmarca en los movimientos de ultra derecha, incorporando componentes puramente latinoamericanos.

Based on the empirical data of two sociological studies conducted in accordance with the uniform methodology using the personal questionnaire method in April 2012 and May 2018 (almost immediately after the election of the President of the Russian Federation), the article analyzes the structure of values of Russian urban voters, influencing their attitude to participation in the presidential elections and to the competing candidates. The socio-economic and socio-political conditions in Russia and their influence on the structure of values of urban voters are considered in the article. The article reveals the reasons why the fewer urban voters participated in the elections and a much larger number of them voted for Vladimir Putin when the economic situation of voters deteriorated in 2012 compared to 2018.The article shows that the structure of values of urban voters remains predominantly "materialistic" (according to Ronald Inglehart). The influence of the value structure of voters on their participation in voting at the presidential election and on the support of a certain candidate is revealed. On the basis of comparing the results of the presidential elections in 2012 and 2018, it is shown that during 6 years the ideological spectrum of candidates has expanded and began to express a wider range of political views on the further development of Russian society and state — from extremely liberal, democratic to extremely conservative, totalitarian, which is essential feature of the modern Russian party and political system. The middle of this spectrum was represented by liberal conservatism of Vladimir Putin, and his support in 2018 reflects a shift in the values of urban voters from the extreme right and the extreme left to the middle, toward liberal conservatism that is becoming inherent in an increasing number of urban voters.It is revealed that within the framework of the "materialistic" value structure of urban voters, the value of material wealth does not play a significant role when voters choose the future development of Russia. The value of unselfish patriotism and family is in the first place. The difficult political conditions in Russia in 2018 gave the voters patriotism a militant character that was absent in 2012. It united Russian society around Vladimir Putin even more and was the cause of a significant increase in his support from voters. Liberal component of conservatism in the program of Vladimir Putin (the expansion of economic, political, and spiritual freedoms) led to his support from moderately liberal voters. All these factors together predetermined the great success of Vladimir Putin in the presidential elections in Russia in 2018.

A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the University of Wolverhampton for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ; In July 1981, the last sections of the state-owned Bilston steelworks were unceremoniously shut, thus ending two centuries of hot metal production in the Black Country, the onetime workshop of the world. The devastating closure of this profitable facility occurred despite a decade-long grassroots defence campaign spearheaded by local rank and file workers. Using previously unexplored primary source material and oral testimony, this thesis provides a detailed analysis of the battle to save Bilston works. It explores how, in the midst of the 1970s steel crisis, an exceptionally diligent type of worker activist adapted traditional production practices to ensure the survival of the plant. With Bilston's steelmen maintaining their uniquely profitable record, bungling industry officials conspired to marginalise their plant in order to justify a deeply flawed state-sponsored rationalisation programme. At the heart of this process were the activities of a senior and divisional management team who systematically rationalised the Bilston facility, whilst seeking to cynically undermine shop-floor solidarity. The thesis, therefore, highlights the ways in which management prerogative impacted the lives of steelworkers and their families. The work critically examines the actions of a small band of shop stewards who mobilised into a multi-union local action committee tasked with saving 2,300 jobs. A key focus here is their chosen strategic framework. As experienced activists, they initially recruited a cross-party coalition of political figures to convince sympathetic policymakers to absorb the facility into a medium-term operating plan. With the unfolding crisis prompting a less forgiving political landscape, Bilston's enterprising shop stewards made a tactical transition, engaging in concerted collective direct action to persuade conservative union leaders to petition decisionmakers on their behalf. The thesis offers a critique of institutional behaviour, revealing how both the state and moderate steel unions undermined Bilston by repeatedly acquiescing to management prerogative. Abandoned by union and Government bureaucrats, the campaign eventually crumbled from within. The research identifies the ways in which ambivalent officials merely sat idly by as management undermined a profitable state concern before insidiously harassing its conscientious employees. The thesis concludes with an account of the legacy of the battle for Bilston works, demonstrating how redundant steelmen, politicised by their experiences, played essential roles in the post-industrial social, cultural and political culture of the town.

Great Britain always demonstrated Euroscepticism in different ways. The discrepancy between the theoretical vision of the EU and actions towards him is largely explained by the fact that the British vision of economic integration, which occurred prior to the signing of the Maastricht Treaty, gradually has been changed to the European vision of a federative union. That is why the Conservatives" coming in 2010 and the aggravation of crises in the EU the opinion about Great Britain had to leave the EU become implemented practically. The aim of this paper is to analyze the problems and the perspectives of political and economic relations between Great Britain and the EU during Brexit. In a referendum on 23 June 2016 British voted to leave the EU. In March 2017, the UK Prime-Minister Teresa May invoked Article 50 of the Treaty of Lisbon to start the first stage of exit from the EU. The key issues on this phase were the issues of migrants, the rights of European and British citizens to reside and to work, the UK payment for its budget commitments for the period of membership in the European Union until 2020, and the problem of crossing the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland. Considering analysts" forecasts, Trade and Economic relations could turn into a game with a negative amount in the way the talks will be in a dead end, or will bring the positive results for both party talks in the case of reaching an agreement that would be worthy of replacing a full UK membership in the Single Market. ; В статье освещаются главные проблемы, связанные с выходом Великобритании из Европейского Союза. Раскрываются ключевые вопросы первого этапа, а также важнейшие экономические и политические последствия Brexit для Великобритании и стран-членов ЕС. Среди главных проблем, которые возникли в первой фазе Brexit, выделяются вопросы мигрантов, права европейских и британских граждан относительно проживания и работы, выплаты Великобританией Европейскому Союзу по ее бюджетных обязательствах за период членства до 2020 г. и вопросы пересечения границы между Ирландией и Северной Ирландией. ; У статті висвітлено головні проблеми, пов'язані з виходом Великої Британії з Європейського Союзу. Розкрито ключові питання першого етапу, а також найважливіші економічні та політичні наслідки Brexit для Великої Британії та країн-членів ЄС. Зокрема, виділено питання мігрантів, права європейських та британських громадян на проживання і працевлаштування, виплати Великобританії за її бюджетними зобов'язаннями за період членства в Європейському Союзі до 2020 р. і питання перетину кордону між Ірландією та Північною Ірландією.

El presente artículo tiene por objeto comprender el escenario político para la institucionalización de las cuestiones de género en la educación brasileña. Para desarrollar la propuesta, se seleccionaron enunciados de noticias y artículos (periodísticos y/o de opinión) para delimitar la trayectoria del debate de género en la arena política a partir de la aprobación del Plano Nacional de Educación en 2014 hasta el periodo actual, donde las articulaciones del Movimiento Escuela sin Partido han ganado cada vez más fuerza en el país. Los enunciados fueron analizados de acuerdo con la teoría de los estudios de género para comprender los enfrentamientos políticos actuales que impiden la institucionalización de las cuestiones de género en la educación. Se observó que educar para la igualdad de género es papel de las escuelas y puede repercutir en las futuras generaciones para la construcción de sociedades más justas y con oportunidades iguales para niñas y niños, hombres y mujeres. Sin embargo, la igualdad de género en la sociedad brasileña solo avanzará incentivando estrategias en el campo de la educación, lo que depende de una fuerte articulación de los movimientos sociales, tomando en consideración el poder de negociación que los grupos religiosos y conservadores poseen en el Congreso Nacional, espacio donde las políticas son decididas. ; This article aims to understand the political scenario for the institutionalization of gender issues in Brazilian education. To develop the proposal, news and articles (newspaper and / or opinion) were selected to delimit the trajectory of the gender debate in the political arena, starting with the approval of the National Education Plan in 2014 until the current period, where The articulations of the Movement without Party School have gained more and more force in the country. The statements were analyzed according to the theory of gender studies to understand the current political confrontations that prevent the institutionalization of gender issues in education. It was noted that education for gender equality is the role of schools and can impact future generations for the construction of more just societies and equal opportunities for girls and boys, men and women. However, gender equality in Brazilian society will only advance by encouraging strategies in the field of education, which depends on a strong articulation of social movements, taking into consideration the bargaining power that religious and conservative groups have in the National Congress, space where the policies are decided.

Great Britain always demonstrated Euroscepticism in different ways. The discrepancy between the theoretical vision of the EU and actions towards him is largely explained by the fact that the British vision of economic integration, which occurred prior to the signing of the Maastricht Treaty, gradually has been changed to the European vision of a federative union. That is why the Conservatives" coming in 2010 and the aggravation of crises in the EU the opinion about Great Britain had to leave the EU become implemented practically. The aim of this paper is to analyze the problems and the perspectives of political and economic relations between Great Britain and the EU during Brexit. In a referendum on 23 June 2016 British voted to leave the EU. In March 2017, the UK Prime-Minister Teresa May invoked Article 50 of the Treaty of Lisbon to start the first stage of exit from the EU. The key issues on this phase were the issues of migrants, the rights of European and British citizens to reside and to work, the UK payment for its budget commitments for the period of membership in the European Union until 2020, and the problem of crossing the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland. Considering analysts" forecasts, Trade and Economic relations could turn into a game with a negative amount in the way the talks will be in a dead end, or will bring the positive results for both party talks in the case of reaching an agreement that would be worthy of replacing a full UK membership in the Single Market. ; В статье освещаются главные проблемы, связанные с выходом Великобритании из Европейского Союза. Раскрываются ключевые вопросы первого этапа, а также важнейшие экономические и политические последствия Brexit для Великобритании и стран-членов ЕС. Среди главных проблем, которые возникли в первой фазе Brexit, выделяются вопросы мигрантов, права европейских и британских граждан относительно проживания и работы, выплаты Великобританией Европейскому Союзу по ее бюджетных обязательствах за период членства до 2020 г. и вопросы пересечения границы между Ирландией и Северной Ирландией. ; У статті висвітлено головні проблеми, пов'язані з виходом Великої Британії з Європейського Союзу. Розкрито ключові питання першого етапу, а також найважливіші економічні та політичні наслідки Brexit для Великої Британії та країн-членів ЄС. Зокрема, виділено питання мігрантів, права європейських та британських громадян на проживання і працевлаштування, виплати Великобританії за її бюджетними зобов'язаннями за період членства в Європейському Союзі до 2020 р. і питання перетину кордону між Ірландією та Північною Ірландією.

The aim of this PhD thesis was to illustrate the modernisation of Swedish and British welfare policies during the time of the EU's Lisbon Agenda which aimed at reconciling social protection with labour market integration. Specifically it should be illustrated if both countries managed to cope with the weaknesses and shortcomings that European policy recommendations identified in relation to unemployment benefits, social assistance schemes, parental leave systems and childcare subsidies. The attempt to grasp which role (European) 'ideas' were able to play in national welfare modernisation processes between 1998-2008 constituted a key consideration in this regard. By using a case-study design it is worked out that Sweden and Great Britain followed their European recommendations; not completely but significantly. Yet, causal connections can hardly be established and the overall development doesn't constitute a 'top-down' implementation of EU recommendations. In both cases a discourse analysis reveals that the realization of European ideas rather depends on party-political preferences and the arrangement of national discourses. It is shown that ideas become powerful in puzzling situations when existing discourses are challenged and in line with the work of authors like Jørgen Goul Anderssen or Vivien A. Schmidt this thesis confirms the importance of an actor-centred perspective for explaining welfare policies. Considering Sweden as a socialdemocratic and Great Britain as a liberal welfare regime the PhD thesis aims as well at contributing to a better understanding of how policy reforms affected these two differing regime types. For the time during the Lisbon Agenda it holds that they moved 'closer' to each other and that welfare modernisation can be described as an exercise of making the social democratic welfare regime a better social democratic welfare regime and of making the liberal welfare regime a better liberal welfare regime. Yet, in 2008 the international financial crisis hit the EU and two years later the Lisbon Strategy was replaced by the EU 2020 Strategy. The PhD thesis takes these developments into account, illustrates the major changes in Swedish and British welfare policies and compares them to the research period. Rather untypical developments in Sweden lead to the conclusion that there might be a certain 'carousel-effect' which seems to kind of reallocate 'problems' and 'solutions' between the different welfare regimes. For Great Britain the conclusion is drawn, that the conservative coalition government triggered a transformation process which wasn't first and foremost caused by the international financial crisis but represented more of a political choice to make the liberal welfare regime more liberal.

Im Zentrum der vorliegenden Diplomarbeit steht sowohl die politische Tätigkeit als auch das kulturpolitische Wirken von Marianne Millwisch-Kaufmann, die eine der ersten Frauen im steirischen Landtag darstellte und in dieser Funktion auch in allen drei Perioden tätig war. Als Basis der vorliegenden Untersuchung dient ihr Nachlass, der sich im Steiermärkischen Landesarchiv befindet. Im Fokus stehen, neben der Aufarbeitung ihrer einzelnen politischen und kulturpolitischen Tätigkeiten, auch die Strategien der Historisierung und Selbsthistorisierung und die damit verbundenen Anstrengungen, die von Millwisch-Kaufmann unternommen wurden, um ihre eigenen Tätigkeiten zu dokumentieren. Eine kurze Darstellung ihrer Biografie sowie das Beleuchten möglicher Beweggründe, die sie zu der Zusammenstellung ihres Nachlasses bewegt haben könnten, werden ebenfalls in die vorliegende Arbeit integriert. Im Zuge der Bestandsaufnahme ihres politischen Engagements soll zudem ihre Orientierung an der Christlich-Sozialen Partei, der sie angehörte, herausgearbeitet werden. Weiters wird auch auf ihre katholisch-konservative Ausrichtung eingegangen. Dem gegenübergestellt wird ihr kulturpolitisches Wirken sowohl im Rahmen der Ersten Republik und der Katholischen Aktion als auch während des autoritären "christlichen Ständestaats". Anhand ihrer literarischen Werke wird zusätzlich die Art und Weise herausgearbeitet, in der Millwisch-Kaufmann Weiblichkeit konstruierte und die Tatsache, dass sie selbst mit diesen Vorstellungen stetig brach. Den Abschluss der Arbeit bilden die Darstellung der Lücken und Auslassungen in ihrer Dokumentation des Nachlasses sowie die Muster ihrer Selbsthistorisierung, die sich durch den Nachlass ziehen. Als Rahmen für die vorliegende Arbeit kann die These gesehen werden, dass die Strukturierung und Organisation des Nachlasses durch die Politikerin selbst ihre Intention widerspiegelt. ; The present diploma thesis deals with the capacities of Marianne Millwisch-Kaufmann, as she was one of the first women in the Styrian "Landtag". Both, her political and her cultural engagements throughout all the three periods are described. The thesis is based on her literary estate, accessible in the Styrian regional archive. In addition to the political activities of Marianne Millwisch-Kaufmann, also the various strategies of historization and self- historization and the efforts, Millwisch-Kaufmann has undergone to document her life, are topic of this thesis. A short biography as well as possible motivations of Millwisch-Kaufmann to document her life and to leave a literary estate are integrated. While describing her political engagements her orientation for the Christian Social Party shall be pointed out and her catholic-conservative alignment is discussed. As a comparison and to show a contrast of her activities, her participation in the cultural policy society in the First Republic and the Catholic Action as well as during the authoritarian catholic corporative state are described. By reference to her literacy work Millwischs perception of feminity is outlined and shown up how she repeatedly broke with it. Finally, the thesis deals with the different gaps found in her documentations and also the method of her self-historization. Hypothesis of this work is that with the structure and the organization of the literary estate, the politician Millwisch-Kaufmann herself prefigured the perception of her life story. ; vorgelegt von Antonia Marianna Mörth ; Zusammenfassungen in Deutsch und Englisch ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2018 ; (VLID)2679541

International audience ; Embodiment representation does not disappear with the triumph of representative government, founded in principle solely on mandate representation. Under the July monarchy, conservatives and republicans made use of both the logic of the mandate and embodiment. In 1848, the Constituent Assembly, elected by universal male suffrage, against the people of Paris, established itself as the only one capable of embodying the people, bypassing the inclusive logics of mandate representation. But it was quickly competed by the President of the Republic, Louis Bonaparte, elected by direct universal male suffrage in December 1848. On the common basis of the exclusion of the people, two conceptions of embodiment then entered in conflict: the Assembly relied on an identity of composition with the nation to defend parliamentary embodiment; the president, wielding the Napoleonic reference, deployed a plebiscitary conception of embodiment, based on an identity of feeling with the people. Faced with these two institutions, two other forms of embodiment emerged that aimed to include the people politically: the social-democrats of the Mountain implemented, through the party, a partisan embodiment which relied on an identity of opinion with the people; the nascent labour movement built, with the association, a form of corporative embodiment, based on an identity of condition. ; La représentation-incarnation ne disparaît pas avec le triomphe du gouvernement représentatif, fondé en principe sur la seule représentation-mandat. Sous la monarchie de Juillet, conservateurs et républicains font usage à la fois des logiques du mandat et de l'incarnation. En 1848, l'Assemblée constituante élue au suffrage universel masculin, face au peuple de Paris, s'impose comme la seule capable d'incarner le peuple, outrepassant les logiques inclusives de la représentation-mandat. Mais elle se trouve rapidement concurrencée par le président de la République, Louis Bonaparte, élu au suffrage universel masculin direct en décembre 1848. Sur la base commune de l'exclusion du peuple, deux conceptions de la représentation-incarnation s'affrontent alors : l'Assemblée s'appuie sur une identité de composition avec la nation pour défendre une représentation-incarnation parlementaire ; le président, maniant la référence napoléonienne, déploie une conception plébiscitaire de la représentation-incarnation, fondée sur une identité de sentiment avec le peuple. Face à ces deux institutions, deux autres formes de représentation-incarnation se font jour qui visent à inclure politiquement le peuple : les démocrates-socialistes de la Montagne mettent en œuvre, par le parti, une représentation-incarnation partisane qui s'appuie sur une identité d'opinion avec le peuple ; le mouvement ouvrier naissant construit, avec l'association, une forme de représentation-incarnation corporative, fondée sur une identité de condition.

Da die Waldheim-Debatte eines der wegweisendsten Ereignisse in der Entwicklung des österreichischen Geschichtsverständnisses markiert und Österreichs Politik kaum international derart polarisierte wie von 1986 bis 1988, nimmt sich diese Diplomarbeit die Analyse der Debatte aus der Sicht des österreichischen Nachbarlandes Deutschland vor. Aufgrund ähnlicher Vergangenheit und enger Zusammenarbeit ist die Wahrnehmung der Debatte, wie sie in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland aufgenommen wurde, das Ziel. Die Reaktionen und Verhaltensweisen offizieller Vertreter_innen und der Politik werden mittels Analyse von Zeitungen (im Zeitraum von 1986 bis 1988) herausgefiltert. Dabei geht es vorrangig darum, auch die Pluralität der Haltungen und Meinungen innerhalb Deutschlands aufzuzeigen. Zu Vergleichszwecken werden zudem Gegenüberstellungen zwischen DDR und BRD angestrebt. Den konkreten Anlass zu dieser Beschäftigung gab die Bundespräsidentenwahl 2016. Durch die Aufmerksamkeit, die diese auch im Ausland erregt hatte, wurde die Bedeutung, die die Einstellung Österreichs zu seiner Vergangenheit hat, erneut vor allem auch international beziehungsweise europaweit deutlich. Durch die qualitative Analyse konnte herausgefunden werden, dass sich die politischen Großparteien der BRD in ihren Einstellungen mit den Schwesterparteien in Österreich durchaus deckten. Eine wichtige Rolle spielte in den Zeitungsartikeln zu diesem Thema außerdem oftmals die fehlende Vergangenheitsbewältigung in Österreich, die von nahezu allen politischen Lagern kritisiert wurde. Das markanteste Ergebnis in dieser Diplomarbeit stellt die de facto Nicht-Wahrnehmung der Waldheim-Debatte in der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik dar. Dies zeigt wiederum einen bedeutenden Unterschied zwischen der Politik der BRD und DDR auf. ; The Waldheim Debate is seen to be one of the most ground-breaking events concerning the interpretation of contemporary history in Austria. Never before has a presidential election arisen so much attention and interest in Austrian policy. Hence, this is the main reason why this diploma thesis aims to analyse reactions and attitudes of Germany to this (international) debate. Due to the strong connections as well as collaborations between the states of Austria and Germany (federal republic of Germany) and because of the similar and related history, the investigation of German newspapers between 1986 and 1988 is intended. It is hoped to gain different opinions and attitudes towards Austria and Kurt Waldheim from this analysis. In order to be able to compare those outcomes, also reactions in the former GDR are consulted. The origin of this thesis lies in the presidential elections in 2016 in Austria, which was also discussed controversially and had striking parallels to the election in 1986. After the analysis of German newspapers, it can be noticed that the parties in Germany had mostly the same opinions of Kurt Waldheim than their Austrian equivalent sister party. The conservatives in Germany supported him, whereas left or liberal parties strongly disagreed with his concepts and person. However, nearly all political parties and newspapers criticised a lack of coping with the past in Austria. This played an important role in the debate about the Austrian president in general. The most striking result of this analysis, however, is the non-existence of the Waldheim Debate in the former GDR, which again highlights the difference between the two former German states. ; vorgelegt von Regina Maria Kern ; Zusammenfassungen in Deutsch und Englisch ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2018 ; (VLID)2429720

El presente artículo tiene por objeto comprender el escenario político para la institucionalización de las cuestiones de género en la educación brasileña. Para desarrollar la propuesta, se seleccionaron enunciados de noticias y artículos (periodísticos y/o de opinión) para delimitar la trayectoria del debate de género en la arena política a partir de la aprobación del Plano Nacional de Educación en 2014 hasta el periodo actual, donde las articulaciones del Movimiento Escuela sin Partido han ganado cada vez más fuerza en el país. Los enunciados fueron analizados de acuerdo con la teoría de los estudios de género para comprender los enfrentamientos políticos actuales que impiden la institucionalización de las cuestiones de género en la educación. Se observó que educar para la igualdad de género es papel de las escuelas y puede repercutir en las futuras generaciones para la construcción de sociedades más justas y con oportunidades iguales para niñas y niños, hombres y mujeres. Sin embargo, la igualdad de género en la sociedad brasileña solo avanzará incentivando estrategias en el campo de la educación, lo que depende de una fuerte articulación de los movimientos sociales, tomando en consideración el poder de negociación que los grupos religiosos y conservadores poseen en el Congreso Nacional, espacio donde las políticas son decididas. ; This article aims to understand the political scenario for the institutionalization of gender issues in Brazilian education. To develop the proposal, news and articles (newspaper and / or opinion) were selected to delimit the trajectory of the gender debate in the political arena, starting with the approval of the National Education Plan in 2014 until the current period, where The articulations of the Movement without Party School have gained more and more force in the country. The statements were analyzed according to the theory of gender studies to understand the current political confrontations that prevent the institutionalization of gender issues in education. It was noted that education for gender equality is the role of schools and can impact future generations for the construction of more just societies and equal opportunities for girls and boys, men and women. However, gender equality in Brazilian society will only advance by encouraging strategies in the field of education, which depends on a strong articulation of social movements, taking into consideration the bargaining power that religious and conservative groups have in the National Congress, space where the policies are decided.

The aim of this study is to analyze how the economic and financial crisis in Lithuania is metaphorically conceptualized by three sociopolitical groups, i.e., the leading political party (the Conservatives), the Opposition and the media, with a primary focus on the methodological issues of metaphor analysis. The analysis is based on a three-step procedure originally suggested by Charteris-Black: first, linguistic metaphors are identified in the discourse; next, they are interpreted in relation to their underlying conceptual metaphors; and finally, they are explained—or, in other words, they are analysed from a rhetorical perspective (Identified → Interpreted → Explained). This paper focuses mainly on the first stage of analysis and addresses different problems which the researcher faces while undertaking metaphor analysis. The discussion of the procedure of metaphor identification and interpretation is supported with factual data and statistics. Furthermore, the paper outlines directions for future research into crisis metaphors. ; Ekonominės ir finasinės krizės metaforų analizė: nustatymas, interpretavimas ir paaiškinimasŠiame darbe keliami du tikslai. Pirma, analizuojama, kaip trys skirtingos sociopolitinės grupės (valdančioji konservatorių partija, opozicija ir žiniasklaida) metaforiškai konceptualizuoja ekonominę ir finansinę krizę Lietuvoje. Antra, pagrindinis dėmesys yra kreipiamas į metaforų analizės metodus, t.y. metaforos analizuojamos remiantis Charterio-Blacko (2005) pasiūlyta trijų etapų procedūra – pirma, lingvistinės metaforos yra nustatomos diskurse; antra, jos yra siejamos su konceptualiosiomis metaforomis; trečia, jos yra analizuojamos iš retorinės perspektyvos (nustatymas → interpretavimas → paaiškinimas). Didžiausias dėmesys yra skiriamas pirmam analizės etapui, kuriame pabrėžiamos problemos, su kuriomis itin dažnai susiduria tyrėjas, analizuodamas metaforas. Metaforos nustatymo ir interpretacijos procedūros aprašomos kartu su faktiniais pavyzdžiais ir statistiniais duomenimis. Darbe taip pat pateikiamos tolimesnio KRIZĖS metaforų tyrimo gairės. Analiza metafor kryzysu gospodarczego i finansowego: ustalenie, interpretacja i wyjaśnienie Niniejsza praca ma dwa cele. Pierwszym jest analiza metaforycznej konceptualizacji kryzysu gospodarczego i finansowego na Litwie w języku trzech różnych grup społeczno-politycznych (rządzącej partii konserwatystów, opozycji i mass mediów). Drugim jest zastosowanie metod analizy metafor, a mianowicie zaproponowanej przez Jonathana Charterisa-Blacka (2005) trzyetapowej procedury: 1) ustalenia metafor językowych w dyskursie; 2) powiązania metafor językowych z metaforami konceptualnymi; 3) analiza metafor z perspektywy retorycznej (Ustalenie → Interpretacja → Wyjaśnienie). Największą uwagę poświęcono pierwszemu etapowi analizy, wyszczególniono najczęstsze problemy, jakie stają przed badaczem przy analizie metafor. Opis procedur ustalenia i interpretacji metafory ilustrują przykłady i dane statystyczne. W pracy wskazano również kierunki dalszych badań nad metaforami KRYZYSU.SŁOWA KLUCZOWE: kryzys gospodarczy i finansowy, metafory językowe i konceptualne, metody analizy metafor.

Рассматриваются вопросы, связанные с возможным участием черносотенных организаций в еврейских погромах в России в октябре 1905 г. Проведенный источниковый анализ показывает, что еврейские погромы являли собой стихийную реакцию традиционалистски настроенных масс на осквернение государственных символов и религиозных святынь со стороны представителей оппозиции, имевшее место сразу же после опубликования Манифеста 17 октября 1905 г. Участие в погромах представителей черносотенных организаций не подтверждается в связи с хронологически более поздним оформлением указанных структур ; The liberal and Soviet historiography accusations of autocracy, the conservative part of the Russian Orthodox church's priesthood and the Black Hundreds organizations in inspiration of October 1905 Anti-Jewish pogroms was not confirmed by the historical sources of the Russian federal and local archives, as the organization was established later. After the legalization of the extreme right unions the pogrom movement was gone on the territory of the Russian Empire. New pogroms occurred during the Civil War of 1918-1920. Anti-Jewish pogroms in October 1905 were determined by the reaction of traditionalist groups of population on desecration of the State symbols and religious sacred objects by the opposition representatives and Jews after the publication of the Tsar's Manifesto of October 17, 1905. The cause for the mass outrage was identical everywhere in Russia: firing at religious processions from Jewish houses, which took place in Yaroslavl, Tambov, Tver and so on. Criminals and hooligans also provoked traditionalists to daylight robberies of Jewish belongings. After the First Russian Revolution the Black-Hundreds organizations (such as the Union of Russian people, the Russian monarchical party, the Union of Michael Archangel and others) condemned acts of terrorism grounding it with religious obstacles, law-abiding nature of their organizations, expedience of the pogroms to opponents. The Black Hundreds ideologists blamed cosmopolitan bureaucracy in Anti-Jewish pogroms for their incapacity to build up protective mechanisms to prevent mass violence and corruption of the executive power. Exterritoriality and universality of the pogroms gave them grounds to insist that economic (domination in many spheres of national economy and exploitation of aboriginal population) and political (revolutionary) activities resulted in destruction of traditional forms of life and spontaneous violence. In the final and complete shape the picture of the Anti-Jewish pogroms in October 1905 can be composed in case of a thorough study of each pogrom with the following summarizing of the results. Historians ought to pay attention to the Zionist factor. Available data make it clear that Zionists provoked Jewish population against Russian traditionalists and traditionalists against Jews for the purpose of national unification.