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Objectives: To explore the association of colorectal cancer with environmental solar radiation and sun exposure behavior, considering phenotypic variables (eye color, hair color and skin phenotype), dietary intake of vitamin D and calcium, and socio-demographic factors. Study design: Multicenter population-based frequency matched case-control study in Spain (MCC-Spain), with 2140 CRC cases and 3950 controls. Methods: Data were obtained through personal interviews using a structured epidemiological questionnaire that included socio-demographic data, residential history, environmental exposures, behavior, phenotypic and dietary information. An environmental-lifetime sun exposure score was constructed combining residential history and average daily solar radiation, direct and diffuse. Logistic regression was used to explore the association between different variables. A structural equation model was used to verify the associations of the conceptual model. Results: We found a lower risk of CRC in subjects frequently exposed to sunlight during the previous summer and skin burning due to sun exposure. No association was observed in relation to the residential solar radiation scores. Subjects with light eye or light hair colors had a lower risk of CRC that those with darker colors. Dietary calcium and vitamin D were also protective factors, but not in the multivariate model. The structural equation model analysis suggested that higher sun exposure was associated with a decreased risk of CRC, as well as dietary intake of calcium and vitamin D, and these factors are correlated among themselves and with environmental solar radiation and skin phenotypes. Conclusion: The results agree with previous observations that sun exposure, dietary vitamin D and calcium intake, and serum 25(OH)D concentration reduce the risk of CRC and indicate that these factors may be relevant for cancer prevention. ; The study was partially funded by the "Accion Transversal del Cancer", approved on the Spanish Ministry Council on the 11th October 2007, by the Instituto de Salud Carlos III-FEDER, a way to build Europe (PI08/1770, PI08/0533, PI08/1359, PI09/00773-Cantabria, PI09/01286-Leon, PI09/01903-Valencia, PI09/02078-Huelva, PI09/01662-Granada, PI11/01403, PI11/01889-FEDER, PI11/00226, PI11/01810, PI11/02213, PI12/00488, PI12/00265, PI12/01270, PI12/00715, PI12/00150, PI14/01219, PI14/0613), by the Fundacion Marques de Valdecilla (API 10/09), by the ICGC International Cancer Genome Consortium CLL (The ICGC CLL-Genome Project is funded by Spanish Ministerio de Economia y Competitividad (MINECO) through the Instituto de Salud Carlos III (ISCIII) and Red Tematica de Investigacion del Cancer (RTICC) del ISCIII (RD12/0036/0036)), by the Consejeria de Educacion, Junta de Castilla y Leon (LE22A10-2), by the Consejeria de Salud, Junta de Andalucia (2009-S0143), by the Conselleria de Sanitat of the Generalitat Valenciana (AP_061/10), by the Recercaixa (2010ACUP 00310), by the Regional Government of the Basque Country, by the Consejeria de Sanidad y Politica Social, Comunidad Autonoma de la Region de Murcia, by the European Commission grants FOOD-CT-2006-036224-HIWATE, by the Scientific Foundation, Spanish Association Against Cancer (AECC), by the Agency for Management of University and Research Grants (AGAUR) of the Catalan Government grant 2017SGR723, by the Fundacion Bancaria Caja de Ahorros de Asturias and by the University of Oviedo. Samples: Biological samples were stored at the biobanks supported by Instituto de Salud Carlos III-FEDER: Parc de Salut MAR Biobank (MARBiobanc) (RD09/0076/00036), "Biobanco La Fe" (RD 09 0076/00021) and FISABIO Biobank (RD09 0076/00058). Also at the Public Health Laboratory from Gipuzkoa, the Basque Biobank, the ICOBIOB-ANC PT13/0010/0013 (sponsored by the Catalan Institute of Oncology), the IUOPA Biobank from the University of Oviedo and the ISCIII Biobank.

This article deals with the concepts of space and territoriality in law and politics seen through reflexion on borders, which are understood primarily as forms of identification and the basis for nation-building. While in the classical antiquity, borders were seen as exclusionary defensive structures, in modern international law in the 18th and 19th centuries, they became spaces for the delimitation of states sovereign territories. The author attempts to enligthen the symbolic significance of borders in modern European history, which have been connected with imperial designs, nationalist discourses and political imaginaries. Border rhetoric often emphasised territorial inclusions and exclusions relied to the concepts such as sovereignty, security and natural living space ("natural borders"). The concept of borders is also related to the understanding of the division of Earth's surface into areas defined as regions. Regions may construct and transcend natural and political borders. Although, borders have been through world history sites of conflict, they also build ways of interconnections between locals and neighbours. The struggle over cultural and political domination and attempts to integrate and assimilate border populations were mostly reflected into deliberate linguistic policies relating to the language of administration and the public sphere. After the Second world war, the perception of borders have changed and the new understanding of borders have prevailed, based upon the idea of cooperation and the recognition of local traditions and minority rights. The principle of uti possidetis iuris was applied in order to prevent redrawing of the borders of new states and to maintain the territorial stability of the regions. But the recent migration crisis and security concerns in Europe and America have re-actualised the perception of state borders as defensive structures. Moreover, introduction of new technologies, such as ICT and the bio-metric, have transformed classical, linear forms of territorial border surveillance into mechanisms of remote control and ruling at a distance. ; U radu se razmatra koncept prostora i teritorijalnosti u pravu i politici u odnosu na granice koje se smatraju ponajprije oblikom identifikacije i temeljem izgradnje nacije. Dok su u klasičnoj antici granice bile strukture u funkciji obrane, u modernom međunarodnom pravu 18. i 19. stoljeća one postaju prostori kojima države razgraničavaju suverenost svoga teritorija. Autor u radu razjašnjava simbolički značaj granica u suvremenoj europskoj povijesti vezano uz stvaranje imperija, nacionalistički diskurs i političke zamisli. U retorici granica često se naglašava teritorijalnu inkluziju i isključenost koje se oslanjaju na pojmove kao što su suverenitet, sigurnost i prirodni životni prostor ("prirodne granice"). Koncept granica također se odnosi na razumijevanje podjele Zemljine površine na područja definirana kao regije. Regije mogu činiti i prelaziti prirodne i političke granice. Iako su tijekom povijesti granice bile mjesta sukoba, one su bile i prostori povezivanje lokalnog i susjednog stanovništva. Borba za kulturnu i političku dominaciju kao i pokušaji integracije i asimilacije stanovništva koje živi uz granice, utjecali su na jezične politike vezane uz jezik uprave i javne sfere. Nakon Drugog svjetskog rata percepcija o granicama promijenila se i prevladalo je novo razumijevanje granica koje se temelji na ideji suradnje i priznavanju lokalnih tradicija i manjinskih prava. Načelo uti possidetis iuris primijenjuje se kako bi se spriječilo prekrajanje granica novonastalih država i kako bi se održala teritorijalna stabilnost regija. Međutim, nedavna migracijska kriza i sigurnosni problemi u Europi i Americi ponovno su aktualizirali percepciju državnih granica kao obrambenih struktura. Štoviše, uvođenje novih tehnologija, kao što su ICT i biometrika, mijenja klasične, linearne oblike nadzora teritorijalnih granica u mehanizme daljinskog nadzora i vladanja na daljinu.

Defence date: 13 December 2017 ; Examining Board: Professor Marise Cremona, European University Institute; Professor Petros Mavroidis, Columbia University; Professor Marco Bronckers, Leiden University; Professor Pieter-Jan Kuijper, University of Amsterdam ; The Laeken Council Declaration of 2001 committed the European Community to a constitutional reform that aimed at enhancing the legitimacy of EU governance through "more democracy, transparency, and efficiency". In the area of Common Commercial Policy (CCP), the coming into force of the Treaty of Lisbon on December 1, 2009, responded to the Laeken Declaration with the most extensive reform in history and substantially amended applicable provisions on decisionmaking, scope of EU exclusive competence, objectives, and principles. Against the benchmark set out by the Laeken Council objectives, this study examines the law, practice, and quality of institutional change in CCP governance after Lisbon. To this end, the study advances a twofold comparative institutional analysis that is based on a transaction-cost approach to the understanding of legal, political, and informal institutions that govern the CCP and EU external economic relations more broadly. The study finds that the reallocation of horizontal competences among EU institutions through the empowerment of the European Parliament has generally decreased the process efficiency of the CCP. At the same time, it has markedly decreased the cost of political participation for public and private stakeholders and introduced increasingly effective democratic control to the now bicameral system that governs the CCP in the Lisbon era. Parliamentary involvement, moreover, has radically enhanced process and substantive transparency and opened a space for public deliberation of external economic policy. Opinion 2/15 of the Court of Justice of the European Union has, secondly, confirmed the Treaty-induced tectonic shifts in the allocation of vertical competences. It is argued that the Court's Opinion sets incentives for a fundamental change of the institutional practice that governs the conclusion of EU external economic agreements. Ending the tradition of 'mixed' agreements in favor of 'EUonly' treaty conclusion would further approximate the achievement of all three Laeken Council objectives and render EU external economic governance more efficient, effective, representative, and legitimate. In order to fully employ the democratic potential of 'EU-only' CCP governance, however, such practice will require the reinforcement of national parliamentary engagement in that process. ; The following chapters of this PhD thesis draws upon an earlier published versions: -- Chapter III 'EU External Economic Integration : Core Concepts, Multi-Level Games, and the 'Global Europe' Strategy' as an e-book 'EU preferential trade agreements : commerce, foreign policy and development aspects', Florence : European University Institute, 2013 -- Chapter IV 'The Lisbon Treaty reform of EU common commercial policy : law, practice, and political institutions' as an article 'Taking stock : EU common commercial policy in the Lisbon era' (2011) in the journal 'Aussenwirtschaft' and as a CEPS Working Document, 2011/345 -- Chapter V 'Opinion 2/15 : litigating institutional change in post-Lisbon external economic governance' as an EUI RSCAS WP 2017/23 'Reading opinion 2/15 : standards of analysis, the Court's discretion, and the legal view of the Advocate General' -- Chapter VI 'The 'Wallonian saga' and Opinion 2/15 : the case for 'EU-only' external economic agreements' as an EUI RSCAS WP 2016/58 'The signing, provisional application, and conclusion of trade and investment agreements in the EU : the case of CETA and Opinion 2/15' -- The Epilogue 'After 'the end of history' : reforming EU trade defence in the shadow of WTO law' as an EUI RSCAS WP 2016/37 'The vulnerability of EU anti-dumping measures against China after December 11, 2016'

International audience ; In the late 1950s the French revolutionary artists' group the Situationist International (SI) formed to fight against, and destabilize, capitalist society by creating visual representations, objects and situations that would question the spectators, invite them to reconsider their own position towards society, and increase their international consciousness. Guy Debord and Constant Nieuwenhuys articulate the SI initiative, as "The situationists must take every opportunity to oppose retrograde forces and ideologies, in the culture and wherever the question of the meaning of life arises." An example of their actions and modalities is an attack made by the SI during the International Assembly Of Art Critics in Belgium. They disrupted the press conference by handing out a flyer signed "In the name of the Algerian, Belgian, French, German, Italian and Scandinavian sections of the SI, by Khatib, Korun, Debord, Platschek, Pinot-Gallizio and Jorn" . It was a tactic that had served them well as the Lettrist International when they disrupted a Charlie Chaplin press conference , or when one member, dressed as a priest, denounced God and the church from the pulpit of Notre Dame cathedral. To reach international audiences, they supported acts of defiance such as the Los Angeles Watts race riots of 1965. They wrote and asked for support from artists and intellectuals in Europe to sign the Declaration on the Right to Insubordination in the Algerian War and published it in September 1960. Within their home nation of France, they made assaults on cyberneticians at Strasbourg University in 1966 and against sociologists at Nanterre University. These violent actions were a prelude to the events of May '68, the first wildcat strike in history and the largest general strike to stop the economic functioning of an industrial capitalist society. In a speech about the aftermath in June 1968, Charles De Gaulle declared "this explosion was provoked by groups rebelling against modern consumer and technical society, whether it be the communism of the East or the capitalism of the West." The ramifications of this movement in different cultural contexts are interesting enough to warrant a specific study of its history, its goals and its various means of expression.The transmission of these powerful political and aesthetic moments were part of my training initiated with Jean Rouch; and were rooted in the dynamic of détournement , a word that is near impossible to translate into English. Ken Knabb who translated into English most of the texts of the Situationist movement explained "The French word détournement means deflection, diversion, rerouting, distortion, misuse, misappropriation, hijacking, or otherwise turning something aside from its normal course or purpose." A look back on Rouch's transmission process, regularly referring to these ideas could be a useful tool allowing us to fully understand the ways such ideas and values can be transmitted in an academic context. Jean Rouch, ethnologist, engineer and internationally famous filmmaker, questioned our relationship to the so called 'real', our ways of perceiving differences in cultural expression, and our means of understanding phenomena classified as invisible. After a brief historical overview of the SI and their political agenda based on détournement, I will explore some of the work produced by Jean Rouch as a connecting factor between the SI and the Remix movement to recall some of the different forms taken by the remixer in the visual arts and in music production, and then examine how the détournement, in correlation with the programming language affected the remix and influenced it in regard to its different political, aesthetic and technical dimension.

International audience ; In the late 1950s the French revolutionary artists' group the Situationist International (SI) formed to fight against, and destabilize, capitalist society by creating visual representations, objects and situations that would question the spectators, invite them to reconsider their own position towards society, and increase their international consciousness. Guy Debord and Constant Nieuwenhuys articulate the SI initiative, as "The situationists must take every opportunity to oppose retrograde forces and ideologies, in the culture and wherever the question of the meaning of life arises." An example of their actions and modalities is an attack made by the SI during the International Assembly Of Art Critics in Belgium. They disrupted the press conference by handing out a flyer signed "In the name of the Algerian, Belgian, French, German, Italian and Scandinavian sections of the SI, by Khatib, Korun, Debord, Platschek, Pinot-Gallizio and Jorn" . It was a tactic that had served them well as the Lettrist International when they disrupted a Charlie Chaplin press conference , or when one member, dressed as a priest, denounced God and the church from the pulpit of Notre Dame cathedral. To reach international audiences, they supported acts of defiance such as the Los Angeles Watts race riots of 1965. They wrote and asked for support from artists and intellectuals in Europe to sign the Declaration on the Right to Insubordination in the Algerian War and published it in September 1960. Within their home nation of France, they made assaults on cyberneticians at Strasbourg University in 1966 and against sociologists at Nanterre University. These violent actions were a prelude to the events of May '68, the first wildcat strike in history and the largest general strike to stop the economic functioning of an industrial capitalist society. In a speech about the aftermath in June 1968, Charles De Gaulle declared "this explosion was provoked by groups rebelling against modern consumer and technical society, whether it be the communism of the East or the capitalism of the West." The ramifications of this movement in different cultural contexts are interesting enough to warrant a specific study of its history, its goals and its various means of expression.The transmission of these powerful political and aesthetic moments were part of my training initiated with Jean Rouch; and were rooted in the dynamic of détournement , a word that is near impossible to translate into English. Ken Knabb who translated into English most of the texts of the Situationist movement explained "The French word détournement means deflection, diversion, rerouting, distortion, misuse, misappropriation, hijacking, or otherwise turning something aside from its normal course or purpose." A look back on Rouch's transmission process, regularly referring to these ideas could be a useful tool allowing us to fully understand the ways such ideas and values can be transmitted in an academic context. Jean Rouch, ethnologist, engineer and internationally famous filmmaker, questioned our relationship to the so called 'real', our ways of perceiving differences in cultural expression, and our means of understanding phenomena classified as invisible. After a brief historical overview of the SI and their political agenda based on détournement, I will explore some of the work produced by Jean Rouch as a connecting factor between the SI and the Remix movement to recall some of the different forms taken by the remixer in the visual arts and in music production, and then examine how the détournement, in correlation with the programming language affected the remix and influenced it in regard to its different political, aesthetic and technical dimension.

International audience ; In the late 1950s the French revolutionary artists' group the Situationist International (SI) formed to fight against, and destabilize, capitalist society by creating visual representations, objects and situations that would question the spectators, invite them to reconsider their own position towards society, and increase their international consciousness. Guy Debord and Constant Nieuwenhuys articulate the SI initiative, as "The situationists must take every opportunity to oppose retrograde forces and ideologies, in the culture and wherever the question of the meaning of life arises." An example of their actions and modalities is an attack made by the SI during the International Assembly Of Art Critics in Belgium. They disrupted the press conference by handing out a flyer signed "In the name of the Algerian, Belgian, French, German, Italian and Scandinavian sections of the SI, by Khatib, Korun, Debord, Platschek, Pinot-Gallizio and Jorn" . It was a tactic that had served them well as the Lettrist International when they disrupted a Charlie Chaplin press conference , or when one member, dressed as a priest, denounced God and the church from the pulpit of Notre Dame cathedral. To reach international audiences, they supported acts of defiance such as the Los Angeles Watts race riots of 1965. They wrote and asked for support from artists and intellectuals in Europe to sign the Declaration on the Right to Insubordination in the Algerian War and published it in September 1960. Within their home nation of France, they made assaults on cyberneticians at Strasbourg University in 1966 and against sociologists at Nanterre University. These violent actions were a prelude to the events of May '68, the first wildcat strike in history and the largest general strike to stop the economic functioning of an industrial capitalist society. In a speech about the aftermath in June 1968, Charles De Gaulle declared "this explosion was provoked by groups rebelling against modern consumer and technical society, whether it be the communism of the East or the capitalism of the West." The ramifications of this movement in different cultural contexts are interesting enough to warrant a specific study of its history, its goals and its various means of expression.The transmission of these powerful political and aesthetic moments were part of my training initiated with Jean Rouch; and were rooted in the dynamic of détournement , a word that is near impossible to translate into English. Ken Knabb who translated into English most of the texts of the Situationist movement explained "The French word détournement means deflection, diversion, rerouting, distortion, misuse, misappropriation, hijacking, or otherwise turning something aside from its normal course or purpose." A look back on Rouch's transmission process, regularly referring to these ideas could be a useful tool allowing us to fully understand the ways such ideas and values can be transmitted in an academic context. Jean Rouch, ethnologist, engineer and internationally famous filmmaker, questioned our relationship to the so called 'real', our ways of perceiving differences in cultural expression, and our means of understanding phenomena classified as invisible. After a brief historical overview of the SI and their political agenda based on détournement, I will explore some of the work produced by Jean Rouch as a connecting factor between the SI and the Remix movement to recall some of the different forms taken by the remixer in the visual arts and in music production, and then examine how the détournement, in correlation with the programming language affected the remix and influenced it in regard to its different political, aesthetic and technical dimension.

A queda de Acre sob o poder das forças muçulmanas em 1291 foi um dos mais devastadores eventos na história do Reino Latino de Jerusalém. A queda da principal cidade das cruzadas, de fato a capital do Reino Latino, foi o último episódio na longa história da resistência das cruzadas na Terra Santa. A queda de Acre teve influência decisiva na população cristã, na Igreja e na nobreza em toda a Europa. Também gerou um grande impacto nas Ordens Militares, afetando suas capacidades e força. Este artigo irá analisar uma das principais ordens militares na Terra Santa - a Ordem Teutônica, e a maneira como a queda da Terra Santa influenciou a tomada de poder de sua tradição. As principais crônicas sobre a Ordem Teutônica, escritas na primeira metade do século XIV por seus inspiradores Peter Von Dusburg e Nicolaus Von Jeroschin mostram isso claramente. Este evento crítico em que os cavaleiros teutônicos também participarão é tido como um evento central. Apesar do tempo decorrido desde a queda do Reino Latino e a longa distância da batalha teutônica na região dos Bálticos, este evento crucial na Terra Santa se tornou um símbolo tido como um lamento (klage em alemão). Este lamento representou um profundíssimo sentido de dor causado pela grande perda e sofrimentos associados com a queda da Terra Santa. Este artigo acentuará ainda mais a afirmação de que mesmo entre os membros da Ordem Teutônica dentro das margens do cristianismo na região dos Bálcãs, bem separada da atividade cristã na Bacia do Mediterrâneo, a queda da Terra Santa foi fundamental. Isso dominou o estado emotivo em que a Ordem Teutônica, afetando e se envolvendo nas tradições. Tendo se tornado os meios por que a O. T. expressou solidariedade para com a dor causada pela perda da Terra Santa, o lugar onde suas tradições começaram e onde foi forjada sua herança medieval. ; The fall of Acre to the Muslim forces in 1291 was one of the devastated events in the history of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. The fall of main Crusader city in fact the capitol of the Latin Kingdom, was the last military episode in long history of the Crusader resistance in the Holy Land. The fall of Acre had a decisive influence on the Christian population, the Church and the nobility throughout Europe. It created also a forceful impact on the Military Orders, affecting their capability and strength. This article will focus on one of the main Military Orders in the Holy Land - the Teutonic Order, and on the manner in which the fall of the Holy Land had influenced the empowering of its tradition. Major chronicles of the Teutonic Order, written in the first half of the fourteenth century by its brethren Peter von Dusburg and Nicolaus von Jeroschin show it clearly. This critical event in which the Teutonic Knights also participated is treated as a central event. Despite the time that elapsed from the fall of the Latin Kingdom and the long distance from the Teutonic fighting in the Baltic region, this crucial event in the Holy Land had become a symbol destined as a lament (Klage in German). This lament represented an emotional and sense of pain caused by the great loss the suffering associated with the fall of the Holy Land. This article will further accentuate the assertion that even among the members of the Teutonic Order within the borders of Christianity in the Baltic region, well separated from Christian activity in the Mediterranean basin, the fall of the Holy Land had been fundamental. It had dominated the emotional state in the Teutonic order, affecting its evolving traditions. In had become the means through which the Teutonic Order had expressed solidarity with the pain caused by the loss of the Holy Land, the place where their traditions began and was further shaped their medieval heritage.

Монографія присвячена дослідженню організаційної структури та правового статусу Галицької (з 1539 р. – Львівської) єпархії від часу її заснування в середині XII ст. до кінця XVIII ст., коли в Галичині розпочалися австрійські секуляризаційні реформи, а на Поділлі російська влада ліквідувала унію. У роботі, що опирається на багату джерельну базу, сучасний науковий інструментарій і міждисциплінарний підхід, особливу увагу звернено на тісний зв'язок між тогочасною українською (руською) культурою та Східною церквою (Православною, а з 1700 р. й Унійною). Їхня взаємодія у середньовіччі та в ранньомодерний період допомагала формувати українську етнічну територію в різних її реґіональних виявах, а також маркувати західну й частково південну межі розселення української етноконфесійної спільноти. Єдина канонічна територія Галицької (Львівської) єпархії, домінуюча києвохристиянська (передовсім літургійна) традиція, спільний слов'янсько-візантійський обряд, усталена еклезіальна пам'ять про минуле та подібна «ментальна географія» в сукупності творили елементи тяглості. За умов конфесійних, політичних і станових поділів церковні структури – від владичої резиденції до парафії включно – відіграли важливу, а іноді й вирішальну роль у збереженні єдності української культури, долучившись на теренах Галичини і Поділля, а в окремі періоди також Брацлавщини, Південної Київщини та Русо-Влахії, до формування протонаціональної самосвідомості сучасних українців та, почасти, молдаван і румунів. Для фахівців з історії та культури України домодерної доби, а також студентів і всіх тих, хто цікавиться історичною традицією й духовним життям сучасних християнських Церков у країнах Східної та Центрально-Східної Європи. ; Für die finanzielle Unterstützung dieser Publikation danken wir "Pro Oriente" und "Missio Pro Europa" ; Видання монографії здійснене завдяки доброчинній підтримці фундацій Für die finanzielle Unterstützung dieser Publikation danken wir Pro Oriente und Missio Pro Europa ; The monograph represents a thorough research of the organizational structure and the legal status of the Eparchy of Halych (Eparchy of Lviv since 1539). The study covers the period from the establishment of the eparchy in the middle of the 12th century through to the time of the Austrian reforms in Galicia and the liquidation of the Union in Podolia by Russian authorities at the end of the 18th century. The work is based on a huge number of sources. The author employs contemporary scholarly methods and the interdisciplinary approach. Special attention is paid to a close connection between the Ukrainian (Ruthenian) culture and the life of the Orthodox (Uniatic since 1700) Church in medieval and modern times. The author demonstrates how the interaction of the Ukrainian culture and ecclesiastical life influenced the formation of the Ukrainian ethnic territory with its multiple regional variations, especially of the western and southern borders of the Ukrainian ethnic and confessional community settlement. A single geographical space of the Eparchy of Halych (Lviv), the domination of the Kyivan Christian tradition, the common Byzantine rite, the permanent ecclesiastic memory of the past and «mental geography» – all these factors provided the historical continuity and played a pivotal role in preserving the identity of the Ukrainian culture in the reality of various confessional and political divisions on different levels of the Church from the eparch to the parish. The interplay of these factors on the territory of Galicia and Podolia (and at times also in the regions of Braclav, Southern Kyiv and Ruthenian Moldavia) considerably contributed to the formation of protonational self-consciousness of the Ukrainians as well as of the Moldavians and the Romanians. The book is intended for specialists in history and culture of premodern Ukraine, for students and all who are interested in the history and spiritual life of Christian Churches of Central-Eastern Europe.

For more than three hundred years after the great Shanyu Modun [or Maodun], at the end of the third century BC, the Xiongnu dominated the steppe-lands north of China, and contended for influence in central Asia. Other contributors consider the earlier history of the state, and its rivalry with the Chinese dynasty of Former Han; the present paper deals with the decline and fall of the Xiongnu during the first two centuries AD, at the time of the Later Han dynasty. The overwhelming amount of information on the people and their rulers comes from Chinese sources, which are for the most part predictably hostile. Few words are recorded of the Xiongnu language, and small confidence can be placed on transcription from their alien speech through ancient Chinese to the present day. The Chinese term "Xiongnu" presumably reflects the sound of the foreign tongue; though identification has often been suggested the name need not be related to that of the later Huns who afflicted Europe centuries later. Like other steppe regimes, the Xiongnu government was a family affair, with authority in the hands of the royal house and a limited number of clans related by marriage. The name of the state came from the royal tribe, while outside clans and tribes of the steppe were held in submission by the threat of force and by largesse from the leadership, frequently acquired by trade or warfare with the settled people of China As Lattimore argued in 1940, the development of the Xiongnu state reflected tensions on the frontier as the Qin and Han dynasties of China consolidated their power. On the one hand, the people of the steppe were threatened by the expansion of the Chinese empire in the north, but at the same time the products of China offered opportunities of wealth and luxury far beyond those available in the grasslands. Much of the history of the Xiongnu state can be seen as a reaction to Chinese encroachment, combined with the desire to obtain goods either by trade or by war. For their part, the emperors of China sought to dominate the northern regions by controlling the trading outlets and, of comparable importance, ensuring that the peoples either side of the limes were kept apart. Besides its obvious function of military defence and warning, the Great Wall of Qin and Former Han was an excellent instrument for these purposes, and though much of the fortification was left unmanned by Later Han the policies of separation of people and restriction of trade were sought by other means. A major concern of the Xiongnu rulers was to gain access to the wealth of China and thus maintain their authority over other peoples of the steppe; and they pursued this policy through regular trade, through the exchange of official gifts often a disguised tribute or by actual or threatened warfare. Their power depended very largely upon the relationship with China, and the structure of their state was not sophisticated. At the same time, it was to Chinese advantage that this foreign state should be maintained in control of peoples and regions beyond the reach of imperial arms and government. During the first century AD, however, division among the Xiongnu leadership and over-ambition at the court of Han destroyed the balance and brought disorder and disintegration.

For more than three hundred years after the great Shanyu Modun [or Maodun], at the end of the third century BC, the Xiongnu dominated the steppe-lands north of China, and contended for influence in central Asia. Other contributors consider the earlier history of the state, and its rivalry with the Chinese dynasty of Former Han; the present paper deals with the decline and fall of the Xiongnu during the first two centuries AD, at the time of the Later Han dynasty. The overwhelming amount of information on the people and their rulers comes from Chinese sources, which are for the most part predictably hostile. Few words are recorded of the Xiongnu language, and small confidence can be placed on transcription from their alien speech through ancient Chinese to the present day. The Chinese term "Xiongnu" presumably reflects the sound of the foreign tongue; though identification has often been suggested the name need not be related to that of the later Huns who afflicted Europe centuries later. Like other steppe regimes, the Xiongnu government was a family affair, with authority in the hands of the royal house and a limited number of clans related by marriage. The name of the state came from the royal tribe, while outside clans and tribes of the steppe were held in submission by the threat of force and by largesse from the leadership, frequently acquired by trade or warfare with the settled people of China As Lattimore argued in 1940, the development of the Xiongnu state reflected tensions on the frontier as the Qin and Han dynasties of China consolidated their power. On the one hand, the people of the steppe were threatened by the expansion of the Chinese empire in the north, but at the same time the products of China offered opportunities of wealth and luxury far beyond those available in the grasslands. Much of the history of the Xiongnu state can be seen as a reaction to Chinese encroachment, combined with the desire to obtain goods either by trade or by war. For their part, the emperors of China sought to dominate the northern regions by controlling the trading outlets and, of comparable importance, ensuring that the peoples either side of the limes were kept apart. Besides its obvious function of military defence and warning, the Great Wall of Qin and Former Han was an excellent instrument for these purposes, and though much of the fortification was left unmanned by Later Han the policies of separation of people and restriction of trade were sought by other means. A major concern of the Xiongnu rulers was to gain access to the wealth of China and thus maintain their authority over other peoples of the steppe; and they pursued this policy through regular trade, through the exchange of official gifts often a disguised tribute or by actual or threatened warfare. Their power depended very largely upon the relationship with China, and the structure of their state was not sophisticated. At the same time, it was to Chinese advantage that this foreign state should be maintained in control of peoples and regions beyond the reach of imperial arms and government. During the first century AD, however, division among the Xiongnu leadership and over-ambition at the court of Han destroyed the balance and brought disorder and disintegration.

Bibliography: leaves 100-108. ; This thesis is in search of voices from the margin in biblical hermeneutics. Firstly, biblical hermeneutics in the third world (Korea and South Africa) is marginalized by European biblical hermeneutics. However, their biblical hermeneutics plays significant roles in a political and cultural context in the name of the same God. Therefore, from a historical viewpoint, this thesis compares and analyses 'contextualized biblical hermeneutics' in Korea and South Africa. in the process, this thesis reveals that their voices have significance. From a cultural aspect, Koreans' unique Christian religious practices, which were characterized by 'early-morning prayers', 'audible prayers' and 'rice contribution', induced Christianity to be transformed into Korean Christianity. Similarly, Africans interpreted the Bible without losing their traditional cultural assets such as 'ancestor worship', 'polygamy', 'music & dance', and 'healing'. Furthermore, they developed and transformed Christianity into the African Christianity through their own agencies, AIC (African indigenous Churches). On the other hand, from a political aspect, whether Europeans (Afrikaners) or black South Africans; whether Japanese or Koreans; whether oppressors or oppressed, the Bible was the object of political interpretation for strengthening Bible readers' political power in each context. in other words, Bible reading was contextualized given political context of each Bible reader. if Bible reading was important to Europeans, so it was also vital to Koreans and South Africans. This is because the Bible has been interpreted on the basis of Bible readers' context in history, whether in European, Korean or South African cultural and political contexts. On this ground, there is no reason why Korean and South African biblical hermeneutics should be disregarded by European biblical hermeneutics. In the name of Korean Christianity or South African Christianity, they must have their voices. Secondly, biblical hermeneutics of Jehovah's Witnesses (JWs)' is marginalized in the name of heresy by Christendom, which includes mainline churches in Europe, South Africa and Korea. However, their biblical hermeneutics plays important roles in unifying people of different contexts on the basis of the same Bible. Therefore, this thesis reveals the significance of their 'decontextualized biblical hermeneutics' through exemplary biblical interpretations. In the process, their voices have significance. From a cultural aspect, JWs' missionaries arrived comparatively later than mainline church missionaries. Accordingly, they did not have to get through cultural conflicts between traditional cultural norms and biblical norms. On this ground, their biblical interpretation could be applied in a global dimension, which reveals a sur-cultural aspect. In particular, their 'house-to-house preaching work' and 'abstaining from blood transfusion' are their representative religious practices, whether in Korea or South Africa. From a political aspect, .JWs have not participated in wars, military service or military training. Therefore, they have been persecuted by governments and military authorities. Worse still, they have been branded as heretics by Christendom. Nonetheless, on the basis of 'decontextualized biblical hermeneutics', this thesis puts an emphasis on various biblical reasons why they consistently have rejected and continue to reject military service. Central theme of their Bible reading is based on God's Kingdom beyond their political and cultural context. Nonetheless, this theme of God's Kingdom provides JWs with great strength, with which they are able to live in global unity. On this stance, they did not take part in the past tragic political history, whether in Korea or South Africa. Lastly, even though diverse and pluralistic biblical interpretation was a threat rather than a productive challenge to church authority, this thesis reveals that a dichotomous category could be the first step in reading the Bible for contemporary Bible readers in the name of 'contextualized and decontextualized biblical hermeneutics.'

Books reviewed:Aragon, Lorraine V., Fields of the lord: animism, Christian minorities, and state development in IndonesiaBurdick, John, Blessed Anastácia: women, race, and popular Christianity in BrazilGifford, Paul, African Christianity: its public roleGlucklich, Ariel, The end of magicHarding, Rachel E., A refuge in thunder: Candomblé and alternative spaces of blacknessHicks, David, Ritual and belief: readings in the anthropology of religionParkin, David & Stephen Headley, (eds) Islamic prayer across the Indian Ocean: inside and outside the mosqueSchnell, Scott, The rousing drum: ritual practice in a Japanese communityBarnard, Alan, History and theory in anthropologyBell, Sandra & Simon Coleman, The anthropology of friendshipBernard, H. Russell (ed.), Handbook of methods in cultural anthropologyBonte, Pierre & Michel Izard, Dictionnaire de l'ethnologie et de l'anthropologieFabian, Johannes, Out of our minds: reason and madness in the exploration of Central AfricaCole. Douglas, Franz Boas: the early years, 1858‐1906Goody, Jack, The power of the written traditionGuha, Ranajit, Dominance without hegemony: history and power in colonial IndiaHumphrey, Caroline & David Sneath, The end of nomadism? society, state and the environment in Inner AsiaJaarsma, Sjoerd R. & Marta A. Rohatynskyj (eds), Ethnographic artifacts: challenges to a reflexive anthropologyLoizos, Peter & Patrick Heady (eds), Conceiving persons: ethnographies of procreation, fertility and growthRuby, Jay, Picturing culture: explorations of film and anthropologyStrathern, Andrew & Pamela J. Stewart (eds), Identity work: constructing Pacific livesStrathern, Marilyn (ed.), Audit cultures: anthropological studies in accountability, ethics and the academyThomas, Nicholas & Diane Losche (eds), Double vision: art histories and colonial histories in the PacificYoung, Michael W, Malinowski's Kiriwina: fieldwork photography, 1915‐1918Albrecht, Gary, L., Ray Fitzpatrick & Susan C. Scrimshaw, (eds) The handbook of social studies in health and medicineBastos, Cristiana, Global responses to AIDS: science in emergencyHacking, Ian, Mad travellers: reflections on the reality of transient mental illnessesHeath, Dwight B., Drinking occasions: comparative perspectives on alcohol and cultureJenkins, Richard, (ed.) Questions of competence: culture, classification and intellectual disabilityKohn, Tamara & Rosemary Mckechnie, (eds) Extending the boundaries of care: medical ethics & caring practicesMohatt, Gerald & Joseph Eagle Elk, The price of a gift: a Lakota healer's storypound;20.00 (cloth)Ram, Kalpana & Margaret Jolly, (eds.) Maternities and modernities: colonial and post‐colonial experiences in Asia and the PacificTraphagan, John W., Taming oblivion: aging bodies and the fear of senility in JapanBaumann, Gerd, The multicultural riddle: rethinking national, ethnic, and religious identitiesBillings, Dwight B. & Kathleen M. Blee, The road to poverty: the making of wealth and hardship in AppalachiaFuchs, Martin, Kampf um Differenz: Repräsentation, Subjektivität und soziale Bewegungen: das Beispiel IndienGamage, Siri & I.B. Watson, (eds) Conflict and community in contemporary Sri Lanka: 'Pearl of the East' or the 'Island of tears'Shore, Cris, Building Europe: the cultural politics of European integrationViti, Fabio, II potere debole: antropologia politica dell'Aitu nvle (Baule, Costa d'Avorio)Alter, Joseph S., Knowing Dil Das: stories of a Himalayan hunterColloredo‐Mansfeld, Rudi, The native leisure class: consumption and cultural creativity in the AndesFreeman, Carla, High tech and high heels in the global economy: women, work, and pink‐collar identities in the CaribbeanJacobson‐Widding, Anita, Chapungu: the bird that never drops a feather: male and female identities in an African societyLiu, Xin, In one's own shadow: an ethnographic account of the condition of post‐reform rural ChinaRobson, Garry, 'No one likes us, we don't care': the myth and reality of Millwall fandomSaouter, Anne, Être rugby: jeux du masculin et du fémininVan Esterik, Penny, Materializing ThailandWade, Peter, Music, race, and nation: música tropical in ColombiaWong, Heung Wah, Japanese bosses, Chinese workers: power and control in a Hong Kong megastoreWardle, Huon, An ethnography of cosmopolitanism in Kingston, Jamaica

International audience ; The last two decades have seen the term 'foreign fighter' enter our everyday vocabulary. The insurgencies in Afghanistan and Iraq, the Syrian Civil War and the rise and fall of the Islamic State group have sparked public interest in the phenomenon of people choosing to leave their own country and fight in a foreign conflict. Foreign fighters, their origins, motives, activities and potential danger to their home countries have become subjects of debate, attracting contributions from politicians, military personnel, the media, security analysts, political scientists, legal scholars but to a much lesser extent from historians. The ten articles of this special issue showcase new historical research on foreign military labour, including an overview of the early modern period and numerous case studies which cover the last 165 years and stretch over five continents. The aim is to better understand the experiences and challenges faced by both the foreigners and the host country, particularly its armed forces, and to highlight the significance of these trends to the contemporary debate on foreign fighters. Designed after a conference held in June 2018 at the Centre for History at Sciences Po, Paris the issue is inspired by a number of key questions. What motivated individuals to join a foreign conflict or army? How were they treated and perceived by their host, and, when taken prisoners, by the enemy? How complete was their integration in the host's combat formations? How did foreigners perform in battle? What happened to them after the war ended?

International audience ; The last two decades have seen the term 'foreign fighter' enter our everyday vocabulary. The insurgencies in Afghanistan and Iraq, the Syrian Civil War and the rise and fall of the Islamic State group have sparked public interest in the phenomenon of people choosing to leave their own country and fight in a foreign conflict. Foreign fighters, their origins, motives, activities and potential danger to their home countries have become subjects of debate, attracting contributions from politicians, military personnel, the media, security analysts, political scientists, legal scholars but to a much lesser extent from historians. The ten articles of this special issue showcase new historical research on foreign military labour, including an overview of the early modern period and numerous case studies which cover the last 165 years and stretch over five continents. The aim is to better understand the experiences and challenges faced by both the foreigners and the host country, particularly its armed forces, and to highlight the significance of these trends to the contemporary debate on foreign fighters. Designed after a conference held in June 2018 at the Centre for History at Sciences Po, Paris the issue is inspired by a number of key questions. What motivated individuals to join a foreign conflict or army? How were they treated and perceived by their host, and, when taken prisoners, by the enemy? How complete was their integration in the host's combat formations? How did foreigners perform in battle? What happened to them after the war ended?

International audience ; The last two decades have seen the term 'foreign fighter' enter our everyday vocabulary. The insurgencies in Afghanistan and Iraq, the Syrian Civil War and the rise and fall of the Islamic State group have sparked public interest in the phenomenon of people choosing to leave their own country and fight in a foreign conflict. Foreign fighters, their origins, motives, activities and potential danger to their home countries have become subjects of debate, attracting contributions from politicians, military personnel, the media, security analysts, political scientists, legal scholars but to a much lesser extent from historians. The ten articles of this special issue showcase new historical research on foreign military labour, including an overview of the early modern period and numerous case studies which cover the last 165 years and stretch over five continents. The aim is to better understand the experiences and challenges faced by both the foreigners and the host country, particularly its armed forces, and to highlight the significance of these trends to the contemporary debate on foreign fighters. Designed after a conference held in June 2018 at the Centre for History at Sciences Po, Paris the issue is inspired by a number of key questions. What motivated individuals to join a foreign conflict or army? How were they treated and perceived by their host, and, when taken prisoners, by the enemy? How complete was their integration in the host's combat formations? How did foreigners perform in battle? What happened to them after the war ended?