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AbstractWhat explains the action of United States legislators in matters of international trade? Do they only respond to protectionist pressures or are they also responsive to pressures from groups favourable to free trade? Is their vote primarily influenced by diffuse or concentrated interests? What is the role played by ideology and partisanship in determining their vote? Given the increasingly important share of exports in the US economy in recent years, the presence in their constituencies of industries potentially hurt by more protectionist policies should influence the voting patterns of members of the US Congress to a similar extent as would the presence of import-sensitive industries. The analysis of a composite index of support for free trade suggests that US senators are not sensitive only to the protectionist demands of import-sensitive industries, but also to exporters' demands for the maintenance of policies consistent with a liberal trade regime. In sum, the political responsiveness that leads legislators to defend industries in their constituencies is not a one-way street. Interdependence means that it can also work to foster the maintenance of existing liberal policies.

THIS ARTICLE EXPLORES WHETHER "FREE-TRADE NATIONALISM" IS A CONTRADICTION IN TERMS AND WHETHER THERE IS A POSTIVE LINKAGE BETWEEN NATIONALISM AND FREE TRADE. IT EXAMINES THE LINKAGE BETWEEN THE REVIVAL OF QUEBEC NATIONALISM SINCE THE LATE 1980S AND THE SUPPORT FOR NORTH AMERICAN FREE TRADE BY QUEBEC'S POLITICAL PARTIES AND PUBLIC OPINION. IT SHOWS THAT THE BIPARTISAN CONSENSUS AND THE HIGH LEVEL OF SUPPORT FOR FREE TRADE IN QUEBEC WAS A CONSEQUENCE OF THE PARTISAN PURSUIT OF NATIONALIST GOALS. IT NOTES THAT NATIONALISM MOVEMENTS SEE TRADE INTEGRATION AS A WAY OF REDUCING DEPENDENCE UPON A CENTRAL STATE.

AbstractIs political choice under conditions of uncertainty influenced more by expected losses than by expected gains? Does the relative importance of economic rationality in political choice vary between generations? The analysis of individual opinion on sovereignty in Quebec sheds new light on these questions. Among determinants of individual support for sovereignty, apprehensions of possible losses play a more important role than expectations of possible gains. The relative importance of the evaluation of economic consequences in the decision to support sovereignty, however, differs across three generations. These differences can be explained with reference to the economic context that prevailed when members of each generation reached adulthood.

IS POLITICAL CHOICE UNDER CONDITIONS OF UNCERTAINTY INFLUENCED MORE BY EXPECTED LOSSES THAN BY EXPECTED GAINS? DOES THE RELATIVE IMPORTANCE OF ECONOMIC RATIONALITY IN POLITICAL CHOICE VARY BETWEEN GENERATIONS? THE ANALYSIS OF INDIVIDUAL OPINION ON SOVEREIGNTY IN QUEBEC SHEDS NEW LIGHT ON THESE QUESTIONS. AMONG DETERMINANTS OF INDIVIDUAL SUPPORT FOR SOVEREIGNTY, APPREHENSIONS OF POSSIBLE LOSSES PLAY A MORE IMPORTANT ROLE THAN EXPECTATIONS OF POSSIBLE GAINS. THE RELATIVE IMPORTANCE OF THE EVALUATION OF ECONOMIC CONSEQUENCES IN THE DECISION TO SUPPORT SOVEREIGNTY, HOWEVER, DIFFERS ACROSS THREE GENERATIONS. THESE DIFFERENCES CAN BE EXPLAINED WITH REFERENCE TO THE ECONOMIC CONTEXT THAT PREVAILED WHEN MEMBERS OF EACH GENERATION REACHED ADULTHOOD.

Analyzes factors leading to US decision to enter the North American Free Trade Agreement; in light of past policy towards Mexico and international commerce. Summary in English.