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The article explores the limitation of one of the privacy and data protection rights when using generative AI models. The identified limitation is assessed from the perspective of the 'essence' of the right to the protection of personal data. With the further aim of assessing the limitation, the author explores whether the right to be forgotten (RTBF) is relevant or effective in an AI/machine learning context. These considerations are focused on the technical problems encountered when applying the strict interpretation of the RTBF. In particular, the antagonism between, on the one hand, the values of privacy and data protection rights, and on the other, the technical capabilities of the producer of the generative AI models, is further analysed in this context. As the conclusion emphasizes that the RTBF cannot be practicably or effectively exercised in the machine learning models, further considerations of this exposed limitation are presented. The proportionality principle, as an instrument that supports the proper application if there is any limitation of the conflicting rights, has been utilized to depict the qualitative approach. The integration of this principle supports the conclusion by identifying a more efficient way to address some regulatory issues. Hence, the conclusion of the article presents some suggested solutions as to the interpretation of this right in the light of this new technological advancement. Ultimately, the paper aims to address the legal conundrum of how to balance the conflict between the interest of innovative use of the data (the data producer's right) and privacy and data protection rights.

The political orientation and participation of esoteric groups and movements remain under-researched and restricted by many stereotypes. There is an oversimplifying tendency to classify all esoteric groups as extreme right-wing and proto-fascist or, by contrast, as counter-cultural, left-wing, anti-authoritarian, and progressive. An equally persistent stereotype, often expressed by insiders, is that esotericism is beyond politics, immersed in thinking only about eternal or spiritual issues. In this paper, analysing the practices and discourses of Russian esotericists of the first decade after the collapse of the Soviet Union, we will show that the forms of interaction between the esoteric and political spheres are much more complex and ambiguous.

What were esoteric groups like in the times of political cataclysms, namely during the Soviet collapse and subsequent turbulences of the 1990s? Which political participation and exclusion forms were practised inside Russian esoteric communities? Analysing the 1990s esoteric biweekly newspaper Anomaly, published in St Petersburg (1990–2019), we have identified two types of esoteric civic activity, which we call esoteric citizenship (actions and political statements performed by esotericists) and metaphysical politics (esoteric forms of political participation, such as predictions, divination, channelling, and utopian projection). We consider these concepts helpful in describing different variants of esoteric civic participation while being aware that the boundaries between both are rather flexible.

PurposeThe European Union (EU) member states are obligated to implement the separate collection of textile waste by the year 2025. Nowadays, non-profit organizations (NPOs) are the largest collectors of post-use textiles. In support of upcoming changes, this study develops an understanding of barriers and drivers for establishing partnerships between NPOs and companies in reverse textile supply chains.Design/methodology/approachThis study adopts the embedded single-case design. The main data source is semi-structured interviews with NPOs, companies and research institutes in Finland, identified through intensity case sampling. The drivers and barriers are categorized into seven categories: environmental, economic, social, institutional, technological and informational, supply chain and organizational categories.FindingsThis study elaborates on the barriers and drivers in a new context of textile valorization and prioritizes them. The study identifies the alignment of interests and goals, increased transparency and clarity of terminology and other main factors in establishing the partnership.Research limitations/implicationsExpanding the geographical boundaries of current research will capture the experiences of NPOs and companies in other contextual settings.Practical implicationsThis study contributes to the existing knowledge with a broad picture of different barriers and drivers. The findings intend to support the integration of NPOs in reverse textile supply chains.Social implicationsThe partnership can potentially minimize the export of post-use textiles to developing countries, thus reducing the negative environmental footprint and social impact of the textile industry.Originality/valueThe study looks at an emerging form of partnership between NPOs and companies in reverse supply chains for enabling valorization of post-use textiles.

Fehlende formale Qualifikationen wirken sich negativ auf Erwerbschancen aus, insbesondere für Frauen. Während die Forschung bisher vor allem makrostrukturelle Faktoren beleuchtete, nimmt dieser Beitrag die Mesoebene in den Blick und fragt danach, wie die Erwerbschancen Geringqualifizierter durch branchenspezifische Formen der Beschäftigung und Arbeitsorganisation beeinflusst werden. Durch den Vergleich zweier geschlechtersegregierter Branchen, dem Bau- und Reinigungsgewerbe in der Schweiz, wird aufgezeigt, wie Systeme der kollektiven Lohnverhandlung, Strategien des Personaleinsatzes sowie Regeln und Praktiken der Beförderung und Weiterbildung zu ungleichen Erwerbschancen beitragen. Analytisch knüpft der Artikel an die Theorie der Unterschätzung von Frauenarbeit an und konzipiert Erwerbschancen als Resultat unterschiedlicher Konstruktionen des Werts von Arbeit. Als empirische Grundlage dienen qualitative Interviews mit Arbeitgebenden, geringqualifizierten Arbeitskräften und Gewerkschaftsvertretern. Zudem wurden die Kollektivverträge der beiden Branchen analysiert. Der Fokus liegt auf Generalunternehmen der Baubranche und auf der Unterhaltsreinigung. Während sich Erstere durch hohe Mindestlöhne sowie institutionalisierte Aufstiegsmöglichkeiten auszeichnen, ist Letztere durch niedrige Löhne, Unterbeschäftigung und mangelnde Möglichkeiten der beruflichen Weiterentwicklung geprägt. Der Beitrag belegt die Vielschichtigkeit der Faktoren, die auf der Ebene von Branchen und Betrieben die Erwerbschancen von Geringqualifizierten beeinflussen.

PurposeThis paper aims to investigate the mechanisms behind the development of e-democracy. The contrasting cases of Italy and Hungary are selected as the case studies. With the development of new information and communication technology, more and more elements of domestic politics have been transferred to the internet-based platforms. As a response to the deep financial, economic and political crisis that Europe endured over the period 2010-2015 and as a result of the disappointment with traditional parties, new political movements and parties were created. In this paper, the Italian Five Star Movement (M5S) and the Hungarian Lehet Más a Politika ("Politics Can Be Different") and Momentum are examined to trace the specific mechanisms that led to their establishment.Design/methodology/approachThe research is based on mixed method approach, using primary and secondary data to identify and examine mechanisms conducive to the emergence of e-democracy. It uses quantitative analysis along with discourse analysis and social media analysis. The research is based on the analysis of respective parties' social media communication. The social media analysis has been carried out by the SentiOne social listening software within the time frame of February 2018 and the end of 2019. Along different types of democracy measurements, Italy and Hungary have been analysed between 2017 and 2019.FindingsThe paper identifies the key preconditions for the emergence of e-democracy. These are freedom, gender gap, inequality and corruption. It also then elaborates on mechanisms, such as social media activity and citizen engagement, which lead to the emergence of e-democracy. The thesis of this article is that in Hungary (compared to Italy), elements of high-quality standards for a democracy are still missing to establish a successful political party which uses the sustainable concept for e-democracy. In Hungary, the examined parties use social media only as media representation without exploiting the possibilities lying in social media platforms. They mostly rely on these networking sites during elections and no strong sentiments can be identified in their communication. Italy is a more developed democracy where online platforms are used to engage citizens regularly. M5S actively communicates through these platforms, which is reflected in the amount of comments and strong social media activity even out of election period.Originality/valueThe originality of the paper is the social media analysis to test the use of social media in the parties' political communication. The paper defines key factors and mechanisms concerning the establishment of e-democracy through inductive analysis of two contrasting cases. Italy and Hungary are two member states of the European Union (EU) with different development, their current preparation and situation regarding e-democracy give insights on how the quality of democracy determines their attitude towards cyber parties. While Italy being a founding member of the EU has become an established democracy, Hungary, after the transition, has developed into a new democracy.

The paper presents results of a qualitative study on ethics in small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in Slovakia. It aims at identifying the best practices in developing business ethics in SMEs, and what needs to be done to implement ethics into the business practice and ensure that SMEs' representatives would be willing to introduce ethics into their businesses. In order to gain a deeper understanding of how SMEs' representatives perceive ethical issues that influence their businesses, the focus group method with a consecutive thorough in-depth analysis of the transcribed material was used for the purposes of this study. The research has revealed several new findings on the challenges of business ethics in SMEs. Interestingly, results indicate that Slovak SMEs' representatives might not see themselves as subjects directly responsible for the development of ethics in their organizations, and they would consider implementing ethics only if the legislative conditions changed and it would pay off for them to act in an ethical manner.

The article describes Karolina Grzywnowicz's Chwasty (Weeds) project. In order to provoke the recipients to reflect on the life of the resettled people, the artist cut out a piece of the Bieszczady meadow and transferred it to Warsaw, where the installation was accidentally mowed. Attempting to answer the question why Weeds were destroyed, we examine how accurate the artist's recognition is that the Bieszczady landscape is a carrier of memory of the resettled people, and then we prove that the part of the meadow, which in the Bieszczady co-created the keenly practiced landscape, is alienated and transformed into a commodity, and thus it loses its culture-forming functions. The project and the concept of landscape closely related to it are analysed from two complementary perspectives: field experience and anthropology of art.