This research compared male and female elected social workers to discover whether they report the same gender differences as other elected officials. Few gender differences were found among respondents. Differing from elected officials as a whole, female and male social workers reported similar levels of recruitment, favorable views of power and the demands of office and family, and interest in and knowledge about a variety of issues, with the exception of the issue of abortion. The potential contribution of anticipatory socialization and implications for social work education, political recruitment, and reproductive rights work are discussed.
ABSTRACTSteven Lukes has advanced the bold claim that power research is a political activity. The purpose of this article is to examine the credentials for this claim. The conclusion arrived at by the present author is that Lukes's arguments are wanting, but that power research actually contains political elements. Some of these elements will be unearthed in the article. This operation is performed, time and again, by raising the crucial question: does this particular choice by the power analyst require normative justification?
Strengthening the idea of national ideology in the period of radical social changes in the country is inextricably linked with the process of national identity of the Uzbek people, national identity, the growth of political culture - a progressive phenomenon, an important achievement of national independence. At present, the socio-economic essence of the Uzbek people's development, its spiritual activity has become a key factor in the search for ways of national awakening, development and improvement of national identity, which will become a powerful force only if they know and understand the history, culture and spirituality.
Introduction. This paper presents a hierarchical model of socio-political activity of contemporary youth based on the system-diachronic approach. The author developed and tested a new diagnostic tool for measuring the degree of activity, intentionality, and destructiveness in subjects of social, public, and political life – a questionnaire on young people's socio-political activity. Methods. The study employed qualitative and quantitative data collection methods, standardized questionnaires, and inventories. The data collected were processed using content analysis and secondary mathematical and statistical analysis. Results. Age, income, education level, professional activity, patriotic consciousness, absence of political infantilism, absence of achievement and power motivations, satisfaction with living conditions, dissatisfaction with leisure sphere and partner relationships, and focusing on emotions together determine the transition from socio-political passivity to socio-political activity. The transition from a destructive form of socio-political activity to a constructive one is determined by dominance of values of individualism and individualistic orientation, consumption in leisure, low confidence in authorities, high power motivation, absence of affiliation motivation, high satisfaction with education and professional activity, emotional stress caused by living conditions and social climate, and certain behavioral strategies, including repression, suppression, and use of sedatives. The transition from an unintentional socio-political activity to an intentional one is associated with reflection, socio-political competence, political socialization, high achievement and power motivations, dissatisfaction with leisure sphere and professional activity in the absence of emotional stress caused by living conditions, and a high propensity to plan. Discussion. Various combinations of determinants form the types of subjects of socio-political activity who are characterized by different correlations among the ...
Data from the 1965, 1968, 1974, 1979, 1980, & 1984 national election studies in Canada are drawn on to reanalyze the findings of Jerome H. Black & Nancy E. McGlen (see SA 29:2/81L3759) on sex differences in political activity. Results challenge their suggestion that such differences have declined over time. Any changes in political activity that did occur were idiosyncratic. It is found that the presence of young children has a differential effect on men's vs women's political activity, & that this difference accounts for much of the difference in political activity overall. 4 Tables. Modified HA
This article builds a conceptual framework to help explain the political behavior of multinational corporations (MNCs). I build on three streams of literature, i.e. heterogenous firms, global value chains, and governance, and provide an overarching framework to help understand firms' political activities undertaken across value chain networks. I put forward a model that outlines MNCs' coordination of political mobilization using their affiliates and subsidiaries in different jurisdictions and demonstrate models of governance they have at their disposal to reach political goals. I argue that the spread of global value chains allows firms to develop legal links with enterprises across borders through which they orchestrate political activity or delegate policy goals. The degree of flexibility between MNCs and associated firms determine the model of governance they undertake with corporations in their network. They engage in such costly coordination either to obtain legal standing in foreign jurisdictions or to cultivate a sort of critical mass that goes after a policy objective. I demonstrate the plausibility of my propositions with anecdotal evidence and identify future lines of research.
We discuss some implications for citizenship education, based on a survey of young people in four European countries in which they were asked how they think they will act politically when they are adult. The empirical sections of the article are based on a survey of 2,400 students aged between 11–17 in 2008–2009 in Poland, Spain, Turkey and England. This study is discussed within the broader context of a widespread concern about a so-called 'democratic deficit', and in particular about the political apathy of youth. We suggest that young people appear to intend to act in very similar ways as adults do. We raise questions about expectations of political activity, especially concerning particular kinds of political behaviour, about young people's own intentions, and about what might be an appropriate educational response to these intentions.
Since de advent of what is known as new constitucionalism, jurists have faced a difficult task in order to overcome some failures of normative positivism. In this context, the judiciary has played a renewed role, which can be justified on grounds of legal theory and on institutional reasons. However, this new role has led legal philosophers to several concerns, such as the relationship between law and ethics. On one hand, Critical Legal Studies points out that the judge always acts informed by his own convictions. On the other hand, according to R. Forst (within another context, but also relevant here), this is not really a problem, because a rule can be provided with ethics, but not ethically justified. This openness of law to moral makes it difficult for the interpretative judicial discourse to be taken as claimed by K. Günther: as a discourse of application only, and not of justification. All these controversies, however, lead to a common statement: the constitutional adjudication has been exercising a different activity. Some legal systems allows such activity legitimacy in some extent, like Brazilian's, for example, which i) states a very broad adjudication, ii) provides an extensive catalog of basic rights, and iii) contains several procedural mechanisms for their protection. This empowers the adjudication to exercise what can be called a political activity. Therefore, a series of moral issues which were once exclusive to the political arena have been brought to the judiciary, such as: gay marriage, abortion, affirmative action, religious freedom, federation, separation of powers, distribution of scarce resources. In a democracy, these moral questions ought to be mainly decided through deliberation outside the judiciary, but not always this is what happens. The paper discusses these issues, showing also how the Brazilian Supreme Court has dealt - technically, or not - with this relationship between law and justice in a complex and pluralist society.
