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This paper aims to place the Srebrenica massacre in its broader context, both in terms of its place in the Bosnian war, and theoretically. The Srebrenica massacre is the only war crime of the Bosnian war that has, in legal terms, been solidly confirmed to have constituted genocide. In the ICTY, 2001 convicted Radislav Krstic of complicity in genocide for his role in the Srebrenica massacre, thereby establishing the fact of the Srebrenica genocide. The ICJ, in its ruling of 2007 in Bosnia vs Serbia, explicitly stated that the Srebrenica massacre was an act of genocide. However, the ICJ in the same ruling stated that other massacres of the Bosnian war, in particular those of 1992 when Bosnian Serb military forces were formally under Belgrade's command, were not genocide. The ICTY has so far failed to convict any suspect of genocide except in relation to the Srebrenica massacre. Consequently, the Srebrenica massacre has assumed the status of a crime apart in the Bosnian war.

Bocinje is a village in rural Bosnia which, before the war, had about 4,000 inhabitants. If one considers the recent history of this local community and the fact that almost all its dwellings were destroyed, some in 1995 and the rest in 2001, when the mujaheddin left, the return process here can be deemed a success. Houses have been rebuilt in groups of 10 or 20, depending on the possibilities of the organizations involved in the reconstruction. As elsewhere in Bosnia, the funds were insufficient for repairing all the damage. Most people, however, have been able to come back, their property has been given back to them and, according to the residents, there are no more problems of security. Even so, many of those who came back have left again. Today little more than 600 people live in the local community of Bocinje -- less than a quarter of the original inhabitants. Adapted from the source document.

An interview with Lord "Paddy" Ashdown, High Representative of the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina responsible for overseeing the Bosnian peace process since May 2002 and EU Special Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina. The interview covered many aspects of peacekeeping operations and the political situation in Bosnia, including challenges, the economic crisis, termination of NATO's SFOR and deployment of EUFOR, democratization versus international intervention; and potential Bosnian membership in the Partnership for Peace.

The Bosnian-Herzegovinian drama was occasionally performed on the Czechoslovak and Czech stages. The plots were not systematically translated, nor cultural-artistic contacts were planned, especially when it came to the twentieth century. With the arrival of students in the Czech Republic in the last two decades, systematic translation began, various stage readings were organized and Bosnian-Herzegovinian literature, including drama, began to be published. In the history of Czech theater, Ahmed Muradbegović was the first Bosnian dramatic who was tagged in Czechoslovakia, while the audience could also read contemporary playwrights, which were either published (Bašović, Imširević) or represented by theater agencies (Bukvić, Karahasan, Milenić, Šljivar). Text adaptations of Bosnian authors, dramalets, performances, and various stage events are presented and held in the Czech Republic thanks to the Bosnian community in Prague.

This paper aims to place the Srebrenica massacre in its broader context, both in terms of its place in the Bosnian war, and theoretically. The Srebrenica massacre is the only war crime of the Bosnian war that has, in legal terms, been solidly confirmed to have constituted genocide. In the ICTY, 2001 convicted Radislav Krstic of complicity in genocide for his role in the Srebrenica massacre, thereby establishing the fact of the Srebrenica genocide. The ICJ, in its ruling of 2007 in Bosnia vs Serbia, explicitly stated that the Srebrenica massacre was an act of genocide. However, the ICJ in the same ruling stated that other massacres of the Bosnian war, in particular those of 1992 when Bosnian Serb military forces were formally under Belgrade's command, were not genocide. The ICTY has so far failed to convict any suspect of genocide except in relation to the Srebrenica massacre. Consequently, the Srebrenica massacre has assumed the status of a crime apart in the Bosnian war.

Some words require that the sentence in which they serve as predicate must state the specific circumstances and if it is absent the sentence would be grammatically incorrect. This means that the valence of certain verbs require that they must be complemented by specific adverbial

The impact of ethnicity for the onset of conflicts has often been dismissed in the cross-country empirical literature on civil wars. Recently, however, several studies using disaggregated data have reached different conclusions and highlight the importance of the configuration of ethno-national groups. This article follows the latter approach and investigates a different phenomenon: the impact of ethnic heterogeneity on the severity of violence. Using disaggregated data at municipality level in Bosnia and Herzegovina, we perform a quantitative analysis to assess the impact of various indices of heterogeneity on the number of casualties that occurred in the 1992–95 war in the 109 municipalities composing the country. We argue that in a context where ethnicity plays a key role in shaping rivalry among groups, ethnic polarization, in particular, creates strategic incentives for severe violence as armed groups try to create ethnically homogenous territories in the first phase of the war. By also including the temporal dimension in the analysis, we show that ethnic polarization loses its impact as the war evolves over time; therefore, the geographic location of the municipalities becomes the best predictor of severe clashes because as the war goes on, ethnic groups shift their objective from creating internally homogenous municipalities to consolidating wider areas. As such, municipalities located on politically and militarily relevant frontlines experience the highest levels of violence.

This paper analyzes the international determinants that led to and triggered the Bosnian War in the 1990s. An overview of the Socialist Yugoslavia and its international stance up to its dismemberment is presented at first, focusing on the integration of the country in the international system (and its impact on Yugoslavia) and on its international economic status. Then, the onset of the war and the actions of the Great Powers — United States, France, Germany, United Kingdom, and Russia — are analyzed, looking at the undermining of the Yugoslav state's sovereignty and the empowerment of domestic actors through external support to belligerent groups. It is seen that after Yugoslavia's economic destabilization, foreign interference propelled the start of the war by making the belligerent groups in Bosnia confident because of their foreign support. Geopolitical interests were a determinant of the Bosnian War, which was characterized as an intractable ethnic conflict to hide political agendas at play.Keywords: Bosnian War; Yugoslavia; Post-Cold War geopolitics; Dismemberment of Yugoslavia; Great power politics; Ethnic conflict.

This edited volume considers a varied range of post-war, post-Dayton and post-911 problems and issues in Bosnian security.

Early Arrivals -- Yugoslavia, Before and After Tito -- Out of the Inferno -- St. Louis Responds to War and Genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina -- Sarajevo's Last Child -- Bosnians Helping Their Own -- The Community Organizes -- The Community Settles -- The Community Mourns -- The Community Flexes Its Political Muscle -- The Community Prospers -- The Community Establishes Religious Roots -- Remembering Srebrenica -- Prijedor: Lives from the Bosnian Genocide -- Coming of Age in a Time of War -- The Era of the Refugee -- Recollecting the Past: The Bosnia Memory Project.

Examines the social, political, & ethnic factors surrounding wartime rape. Feminist scholarship on rape in Bosnian & Latin American wars is reviewed to illustrate the diversity of issues accompanying wartime rape & the diversity of feminist perspectives that address it. It is argued that rape serves as a symbol of ethnic dominance, a form of initiation for military recruits, & a means of isolating military men from the community. It is concluded that wartime rape must be understood as a practice of both ethnic & gender oppression. 6 References. M. Nichols-Wagner