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Активизации действий «мягкой силы» Турции в странах евразийского региона способствовали ее история и географическое положение на пересечении путей из Европы в Азию, как и наличие национальной, религиозной и языковой общности народов, проживающих на данных территориях. За два последних десятилетия комплекс внутрии внешнеполитических факторов привел к значительной трансформации политики «мягкой силы» в Турции, что усилило ее влияние в странах, которые входят в сферу геополитических интересов этой страны, в первую очередь в странах Кавказа и Центральной Азии. Главным внешнеполитическим фактором стало образование новых независимых государств после распада СССР в 1991 г. Изменение подхода к внешней политике Турции было обусловлено приходом к власти в 2002 г. Партии справедливости и развития (AKP), умеренно консервативной направленности, ориентированной на западные ценности. Демократические реформы снизили уровень влияния военных на политику страны и укрепили гражданское общество Турции. Реформы также привели к более тесному вовлечению новых акторов, таких как бизнес-организации и организации гражданского общества, во внешнюю политику Турции. Благодаря Ахмету Давутоглу, министру иностранных дел Турции (с мая 2009 г. по настоящее время), был выработан новый подход в турецкой внешней политике, основывающийся на доктрине «стратегической глубины» (Stratejik Derinlik). Ключевым аспектом нового подхода стала «политика нулевых проблем» с соседними странами, предполагающая наращивание политического диалога, экономическую взаимозависимость и культурное согласие. «Политика нулевых проблем» стимулировала усиление политики «мягкой силы» Турции. Кроме того, после арабских волнений в Северной Африке и на Ближнем Востоке турецкая государственная модель стала рассматриваться как источник подражания, что также усилило турецкое влияние. Немаловажным аспектом наращивания «мягкой силы» стало активное участие Турции в различных международных объединениях.Выработанные турецкими дипломатами и специалистами в сфере международных отношений за этот небольшой период времени стратегии, механизмы и конкретные действия реализации «мягкой силы» в сфере продвижения языка, образования и науки, делового сотрудничества, содействия развитию доказали свою эффективность, что демонстрирует позитивный и привлекательный имидж Турции, сложившийся в общественном мнении большинства стран. Для реализации политики «мягкой силы» Турция использует не только двустороннее, но и многостороннее сотрудничество. Например, с целью усиления взаимодействия со странами Центральной Азии и Кавказа Турция выступила инициатором создания таких организаций, как Совет по сотрудничеству тюркоязычных стран (CCTS), Парламентская ассамблея тюркоязычных стран (TurkPA), Организация по культуре и искусству тюркоязычных стран (TÜRKSOY). Несмотря на достигнутые положительные результаты политики «мягкой силы», перед Турцией стоит задача выработать многомерную стратегию продвижения своего влияния за рубежом с учетом необходимости решения текущих внешнеполитических вопросов, таких как стимулирование переговоров с ЕС и смягчение напряжения в отношениях с Сирией и Кипром. В данной статье представлен исторический обзор и анализ политики «мягкой силы» Турции, ее концептуального содержания и механизмов реализации, которые базируются на конкретных страновых примерах. ; This article provides a historical background and analysis of Turkey soft power policy, its concept and tools. Turkey's use of soft power in Eurasian countries is facilitated by its history and position at the intersection between Europe and Asia, as well as ethnic, religious and linguistic communities on its territory. Over the last two decades, complex internal and external factors have transformed its soft power policy and enhanced its influence in the countries where it has geopolitical interests, especially in Caucasus and Central Asia. The main external factor was the formation of new independent states after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. Turkey's foreign policy approach was transformed by the rise to power of the centre-right conservative Justice and Development Party in 2002. Democratic reforms reduced the military's influence over foreign policy, strengthened civil society and increased the active participation of actors such as business and civil society organizations in foreign policy. In addition foreign affairs minister Ahmet Davuto lu's new approach of "Zero Problems with Our Neighbours," based on the doctrine of strategic depth (Stratejik Derinlik) and using political dialogue, economic interdependence and cultural harmony, reinforced Turkish soft power. Moreover, protests in the Middle East and North Africa led to a consideration of the Turkish state model as an example to be followed. Another important factor was Turkey's participation in various international institutions. The efficient use of soft power strategies, tools and activities in language promotion, education and scientific cooperation, business collaboration and development assistance by Turkish diplomats and experts in international relations has resulted in a positive and attractive international image of Turkey. Turkey implements its soft power policy through bilateral and multilateral cooperation. For example, it established the Cooperation Council of Turkic-Speaking States (CCTS), the Parliamentary Assembly of Turkic-Speaking Countries (TURKPA) and the Joint Administration of Turkic Culture and Art (TÜRKSOY) to increase collaboration with target countries. Despite of the positive outcomes from soft power, Turkey needs a multidimensional strategy to promote its influence abroad that takes into account key foreign policy objectives such as negotiations with the European Union and decreasing tensions with Syria and Cyprus.

The present article analyses the qualitative and quantitative parameters of the execution of foreign policy in the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania. It should be noted that the matters of foreign policy were on the brink of constitutional regulation for a long time. The powers of institutions of the state in the field of foreign relations were established laconically by the Constitutions of first and second "waves" of establishment of constitutionalism. It was argued that the choices of decisions and the execution of foreign policy were determined by political reasons and the law could only fix the results of that policy. That is why these constitutions should be seen as establishing quantitative characteristics of action of the state institutions in the field of foreign policy. As a result of the changes in the concept of the Constitution and the general recognition of the relevance of constitutional regulation from the middle of the twentieth century the constitutional acts began to define not only the powers of certain state institutions in the field of the foreign policy but also the objectives and principles of this policy. These objectives and principles are qualitative parameters of the action of state institutions, which are mandatory constitutional requirements to all subjects engaged in foreign policy. From a qualitative standpoint, the powers of the state institutions can be exercised only by taking the constitutional objectives into account and by respecting the Constitution. The Constitution establishing both qualitative and quantitative characteristics of the execution of foreign policy becomes an actual basis of this policy. It is unlawful to execute foreign policy without complying with its objectives and constitutional principles. The institutions of constitutional review have the powers to determine the constitutionality of legal acts related to the execution of foreign policy. Constitutional regulations previous to the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania of 1992 only defined the powers of state institutions, i.e. the quantitative parameters of their action. The Lithuanian Constitution of 1992 also established the constitutional objectives and principles of foreign policy. This area of constitutional regulation has been enhanced by the participation of the Republic of Lithuania in the European Union. The author suggests analysing this matter as an autonomous constitutional principle and not only as a case of participation in international organisations or an integral element of the principle of geopolitical orientation. Constitutional objectives and principles of foreign policy, as well as the other provisions of the Constitution regarding the exercise of foreign policy, are interpreted in constitutional jurisprudence. In cases concerning the constitutionality of international treaties, laws and other legislative acts directly related to the exercise of foreign policy, the Constitutional Court reveals the content and meaning of the qualitative and quantitative constitutional parameters of foreign policy. Despite the fragmented nature of the case law one can see the precise contours of the foreign policy system. ; Straipsnyje analizuojami Lietuvos Respublikos Konstitucijoje įtvirtinti kokybiniai ir kiekybiniai užsienio politikos įgyvendinimo parametrai. Reikia pažymėti, kad ilgą laiką užsienio politikos formavimas ir įgyvendinimas buvo konstitucinio reguliavimo pakraštyje. Pirmosios ir antrosios konstitucionalizmo įtvirtinimo "bangų" konstitucijose buvo fiksuojami tik valstybės valdžios institucijų įgaliojimai užsienio santykių srityje, dažniausiai itin lakoniškai. Buvo teigiama, kad vienokių ar kitokių užsienio politikos tikslų ar sprendimų pasirinkimą lemia politiniai motyvai, kad teisei lieka tik tos politikos įforminimo vaidmuo. Todėl šiose konstitucijose regime vien kiekybines atitinkamų valstybės institucijų veikimo užsienio politikos srityje charakteristikas. Konstitucijos sampratos pokyčiai, konstitucinio reguliavimo visa apimančio pobūdžio pripažinimas lėmė, kad nuo XX a. vidurio konstituciniuose aktuose imta įtvirtinti ne tik tam tikrų valstybės institucijų įgaliojimus užsienio politikos klausimais, bet ir fiksuoti šalies užsienio politikos tikslus bei principus. Tai jau kokybinio pobūdžio valstybės veiklos parametrai, kurie tampa privalomais konstituciniais imperatyvais, saistančiais užsienio politiką įgyvendinančius subjektus. Kiekybiniu požiūriu nustatytų valstybės institucijų įgaliojimai gali būti įgyvendinami tik siekiant konstitucinių tikslų, tik paisant konstitucijos. Konstitucija tampa tikruoju šalies užsienio politikos pagrindu. Užsienio politika, pažeidžianti konstitucinius jos tikslus ir principus, negalima. Konstitucinės kontrolės institucijos įgyja įgaliojimus vertinti teisės aktų, susijusių su užsienio politika, įgyvendinimo konstitucingumą. Lietuvos Respublikos konstituciniame reguliavime iki 1992 m. Lietuvos Respublikos Konstitucijos buvo nustatomi tik veikimo kiekybę fiksuojantys valstybės institucijų įgaliojimai. 1992 m. Konstitucijoje fiksuojami ir užsienio politikos tikslai ir principai. Konstitucinis narystės Europos Sąjungoje fiksavimas sustiprino tokią konstitucinio reguliavimo kryptį. Autoriaus manymu, Lietuvos narystę Europos Sąjungoje reikia traktuoti kaip savarankišką konstitucinį principą, kurio turinys netelpa vien į narystės tarptautinėje organizacijoje atvejo ar geopolitinės orientacijos sudėtinio elemento rėmus. Konstituciniai užsienio politikos tikslai ir principai, kitos konstitucinės nuostatos, susijusios su užsienio politikos įgyvendinimu, yra oficialiai aiškinamos konstitucinėje jurisprudencijoje. Konstitucinis Teismas, nagrinėdamas bylas dėl tarptautinių sutarčių, įstatymų ir kitų teisės aktų, susijusių su užsienio politikos įgyvendinimu, konstitucingumo, atskleidžia tiek kokybinių, tiek kiekybinių užsienio politikos konstitucinių parametrų turinį ir reikšmę. Nepaisant jurisprudencijos fragmentiškumo, joje galima aiškiai matyti konstitucinių užsienio politikos pagrindų sistemos kontūrus.

Das Verständis der Komplexität der gegenwärtigen Lage von Kleinbauern stellt eine große Herausforderung dar, nicht nur, weil sie mit mehrfachen Problemen konfrontiert sind, sondern eine klare öffentliche Politik fehlt, die Lösungsansätze für diese Probleme aufzeigt. Dies ist eine gemeinsame Charakteristik in vielen Entwicklungsländern. Andererseits würden präzisere Diagnosen der Lage von Kleinbauern zweifellos erheblich zur Verbesserung der Eingriffe der öffentlichen Hand hinsichtlich der Gestaltung neuer und der Anpassung existierender Politikinstrumente beitragen.Diese Froschungsarbeit konzentriert sich auf die Produktionskapazität von Kleinbauern, wobei sie Wichtigkeit weiterer Faktoren neben der Erzeugung landwirtschaftlicher Güter, wie z.B. Kultur, Werte, Armut oder soziale Netzwerke, anerkennt. Die Arbeit untersucht die mehrfachen Faktoren, die die Produktion von Kleinbauern beeinflussen können. Im Speziellen werden die Auswirkungen des formellen Kreditmarktes, des außer-landwirtschaftlichen Arbeitsmarkets und der Produktionsdiversifizierung auf die landwirtschaftliche Erzeugung. Für die Analyse wird eine landesweite Stichprobe von Kleinbauern herangezogen, die 2004 von INDAP, einer öffentlichen Institution in Chile, die Kredite und Beratung an Kleinbauern bereitstellt, gesammelt wurde. Die ökonometrische Untersuchung berücksichtigt verschiedene Gruppen von Erzeugern, die entweder spezialisiert und nichtspezialisiert sind. Die Methoden der Stochastic Frontier Analysis und der Switching Regressions Models werden zur Analyse der 835 Kleinbauern der Stichprobe basierend auf Haushaltsmodellen benutzt. Außerdem werden in den ökonometrischen Schätzungen die Heterogenität unter den Landwirten und Endogenitätsprobleme in Verbindung mit dem Auswahlprozeß berücksichtigt.Die Hauptergebnisse dieser Forschungsarbeit zeigen die Existenz verschiedener Produktionsstrukturen in den analysierten Produktionssektoren. Der formelle Kreditmarkt spielt eine Rolle hinsichtlich der Erklärung von Unterschieden in Produktionsniveaus von Kleinbauern sowohl relativ (Effizienzanalyse) als auch absolut (Regimeänderungsanalyse). Weiterhin konnten basierend auf einem theoretischen Rahmen keine Anhaltspunkte für die Hypothese eines Liquiditätseffektes in den berücksichtigen Gruppen von Kleinbauern gefunden werden. Andererseits kommt die Analyse zu dem Schluß, daß sowohl die Diversifizierung landwirtschaftlicher Produktion als auch die Teilnahme in außer-landwirtschaftlichen Tätigkeiten von nichtspezialisierten Landwirten die Produktionseffizienz aller Kleinbauern reduziert. Außerdem wird festgestellt, daß im Allgemeinen das Eingreifen der öffentlichen Hand nicht zu den erwarteten Ergebnissen hinsichtlich der Erzeugung geführt hat. Die Beratungspraktiken haben unabhängig von der Finanzierungsquelle (privat oder öffentlich) nicht in eine Erhöhung des Produktionsniveaus gemündet. Faktoren, die verbunden sind mit der Lage, der Bewässerung, demographischen Charakteristika und direkten Entscheidungen der Landwirte hinsichtlich der Betriebsverwaltung, der Teilnahme an außer-landwirtscahftlichen Tätigkeiten, des Spezialierungsgrades des Betriebes und der Abhängigkeit des landwirtschafltichen Einkommens vom Gesamteinkommen sind Schlüsselelemente für das Verständis der betrieblichen Effizienzniveaus.Diese Ergebisse zeigen, daß analytische Methoden existieren, die die Verbesserung der Diagnose der Lage von Kleinabuern ermöglichen. Die Herausforderung besteht in der Überzeugung von privaten und öffentlichen Institutionen, diese zu benutzen, um ihre Politiken und Handlungsrichtlinien zu verbessern. Schlußendlich erscheint es angemessen, den Einfluß von Politikmaßnahmen und landwirtscahftlicher Beratung auf die Produktivität basierend auf einer systematischeren und ausführlicheren Datengrundlage zu untersuchen, was in der gegenwärtigen chilenischen institutionellen Landschaft von INDAP federführend durchgeführt werden sollte in den kommenden Jahren. ; Understanding how complex the small farmers situation is today is a great challenge, because not only do they face multiple problems, but also there is not a clear public policy concerning how those problems can be solved in the near future, a common characteristic in most developing countries. On the other hand, there is no doubt that more precise diagnosis of the small farmers situation would significantly contribute to improve the public intervention in both the design of new instruments and the adjustment of existing ones.This research focuses on the small farmer s production capacity, recognizing that there are other factors as important as production such as culture, values, poverty, and social networks. We analyzed the multiple factors that can affect small farmers production. In particular, we studied the effects of the formal credit market, the off-farm labor market and production diversification on the agricultural production. To do that, we used a country-wide sample of small farmers collected in 2004 by INDAP, a public institution that provides credit and extension services to small farmers, and we studied different groups of producers, specialized and non-specialized, by conducting econometric analyses. The techniques of Stochastic Frontier Analysis and Switching Regressions Models were the methodological frameworks used to analyze a sample of 835 farmers, and the analyses were carried out based on household models. Additionally, the econometric results took into account the heterogeneity among farmers, and the endogeneity associated with selectivity processes.The main results of this research show that there are different production structures among the production sectors analyzed. The formal credit market plays a role in explaining differences in production levels among farmers both in relative (efficiency analysis) and absolute (regime change analysis) terms. In addition, based on a theoretical framework, we could not find evidence to support the hypothesis of Liquidity in the farmer groups analyzed. On the other hand, in the case of non-specialized farmers, we found that both on-farm production diversification and participation in off-farm activities decrease efficiency among small farmers. Moreover, the results would suggest that, in general, the intervention of public policy has not produced the expected outcomes in terms of production, and the practices of extension, independently of who finances them (publicly or privately), have not been successful in producing changes in production levels. Factors related to localization, irrigation, demographical characteristics and direct decisions of farmers with regard to management on-farm, participation in off-farm activities, specialization on farm, and dependence of on-farm income on total income are key elements to understanding what is going on at the efficiency level.From those results, it has been shown that analytical tools are available to advance towards better diagnosis in small farmers. The challenge is to encourage public and private institutions to use them in order to improve their policies. Finally, it would seem pertinent to investigate in more detail the impact of public policy and extension services on productivity, based on a more systematic and detailed database, a task that in the current institutional-political structure should be led by INDAP in the next few years.

The present article analyzes how and why women are those who "lose their sense of shame" to coordinate and take part in social interventions and dissident activities based on the notion of "participation" in the peripheries of La Laguna, a rural agro city in the province of Buenos Aires, Argentina. Supported by extensive ethnographic fieldwork, this article asserts that an emic worldview in which women are associated with mothers and mothers with care enables women in La Laguna to withstand stigmatization and oppose hegemonic views on agricultural production and health in a district where social protest is nearly completely absent. The political maternalisms that we describe let women "take care" of "society", the "neighborhood", their "children" and even themselves. When doing so, they put themselves at risk, but such social risk is much less than it would be for men, who, with identities linked to notions of "real work" and "discretion", do not have time for "stupidities". Women are, thus, doubly able to both resist and fulfill gender expectations. ; Cet article analyse comment et pourquoi ce sont les femmes qui « n'ont plus honte » quand elles coordonnent et rejoignent des interventions sociales et des activités dissidentes fondées sur la notion de « participation » dans la périphérie de La Laguna, une ville rurale dans la province de Buenos Aires en Argentine. Cet article s'appuie sur une vaste étude de terrain ethnographique afin de montrer qu'une vision du monde émique, dans laquelle les femmes sont associées aux mères et les mères à la notion de soin, permet aux femmes de La Laguna de résister à la stigmatisation et de s'opposer à des vues hégémoniques concernant la production agricole et la santé dans une région où la protestation sociale est pratiquement inexistante. Les maternalismes politiques décrits ici laissent les femmes « prendre soin » de « la société », du « quartier », de leurs « enfants » et même d'ellesmêmes. Se faisant, elles prennent des risques, mais un tel risque social est bien inférieur à celui qui existerait pour les hommes dont les identités sont liées à des notions de « vrai travail » et de « discretion » et qui n'ont par conséquent pas de temps à consacrer à ces « stupidities ». Les femmes sont ainsi doublement capables, dans un même temps, de résister aux stéréotypes de genre et de s'y conformer. ; En este artículo se analiza cómo y porqué las mujeres son las que "pierden la vergüenza". Así pueden coordinar y participar en las prácticas de iniciativas de intervención social y disidencia centrados en la "participación" puestos en marcha en La Laguna, un distrito del interior rural de la provincia de Buenos Aires. Tras realizar un trabajo de campo etnográfico prolongado, se sostiene que desde una visión emica que asocia mujer a madre y madre a "cuidados", las mujeres pueden resistir a prácticas de estigmatización, y a visiones hegemónicas de la producción agropecuaria y de la salud en un distrito que no tiene casi protestas sociales. Los maternalismos políticos que describimos permiten a las mujeres "cuidar" a la "sociedad", al "barrio", a "sus hijos" y hasta a ellas mismas. Al hacerlo, se ponen en riesgo social, pero éste es menor que el que experimentarían los hombres si lo hicieran. Atada su identidad al "trabajo en serio" y a la "discreción", los varones no tendrían tiempo para "pavadas". Las mujeres en su doble movimiento pueden así quebrar y cumplir las expectativas de género. ; Este artigo analisa como e por que as mulheres são as que "perdem a decência". As mulheres que consideramos neste trabalho podem coordenar e tomar parte em ações e iniciativas de intervenção social e dissidência, centradas na participação e postas em prática em La Laguna, distrito rural da província de Buenos Aires. Após extenso trabalho de campo, este artigo sustenta que desde o ponto de vista êmico, onde mulheres são associadas a mães e mães a cuidados, as mulheres podem resistir às práticas de estigmatização e às representações hegemônicas da produção agropecuária e da saúde, em um distrito onde quase não há protestos sociais. Os maternalismos políticos que descrevemos dão às mulheres a faculdade de cuidar da sociedade, do bairro, de seus filhos e até mesmo delas mesmas. Desse modo, elas se expõem ao risco social, que ainda assim é menor do que aquele que enfrentariam os homens na mesma situação: atados a sua identidade de trabalhador sério e à discrição, os homens não teriam tempo para brincadeiras. As mulheres em seu duplo movimento podem assim quebrar e cumprir as expectativas de gênero. ; Fil: Kunin, Johana R. Universidad Nacional de San Martín. Instituto de Altos Estudios Sociales; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

The purpose of this qualitative case study was to examine the communication strategies and decision-making processes of executive higher education leaders at a specific, residential liberal arts higher educational institution. Supplemental interviews with three executive leaders at similar institutions were also identified and recommended for participation by interview respondents at the original case site. The actions of higher education executive leaders at this case site and supplemental institutions were investigated in the context of understanding how organizational identity and culture and marketing efforts impact the construction of higher education institutions' communication strategies, and how identity and culture shape communication strategies in an iterative way during a time of two concurrent crises—COVID-19 pandemic and racial justice protest movement. Four research questions guided the study: What are the communication strategies of higher education executive leaders during a time of two concurrent crises—COVID-19 pandemic and racial justice protest movement? What are the internal and external pressures that influence their decisions regarding the communication strategies they adopt? To what extent, if any, do their communication strategies support or challenge organizational culture, identity, and marketing efforts during a time of two concurrent crises—COVID-19 pandemic and racial justice protest movement? In what ways have these two concurrent crises—COVID-19 pandemic and racial justice protest movement—changed these communication processes? Findings from the case study interviews fell into five categories: communication strategy, decision-making processes, internal and external pressures, organizational culture and identity, and changes in communications strategies due to the concurrent crises. Studying the communication strategies of higher education leaders and the impact of their communication decisions not only provides frames of reference for leadership decision-making in academia as a cultural-shaping industry, but also reveal powerful nuances in understanding "value" perceptions that dwell far beyond the institutional structure of higher education, particularly during this time of two concurrent crises—COVID-19 pandemic and racial justice protest movement.

Women's participation in politics has increased significantly over the past 100 years. Indeed, in 1890 women did not have the right to vote anywhere in the world, while nowadays 81% of the world's countries have at least 10% of women in their Parliaments. Although women have made remarkable inroads into traditionally male occupations (and higher education), the political sphere remains an area where women still have far to go (Paxton and Hughes, 2017). In other words, politics remains an area dominated by men. In an effort to change this trend, many countries have adopted gender quotas mechanisms (reserved seats, party quotas, legislative quotas) in order to increase women's representation (Schwindt-Bayer, 2009:5; Krook 2005; Norris 2004; Dahlerup, 2006). Generally speaking, in relation to the presence of women in politics, there is a common factor that can be found in virtually every country, i.e., gender horizontal segregation, and gender vertical segregation. Concerning horizontal segregation, defined as the over- or under-representation of a certain social group in specific occupations or sectors, which is not supported by any factual criterion (Bettio and Verashchagina, 2009; Regini, 2007), it is considered as a constant in the labour market in all Western countries (Rubery and Fagan, 1993; Anker, 1998) and it is also deeply rooted in history. As for horizontal segregation, the distribution of women and men ministers by type of portfolio indicates that men continue to hold most of the key positions, such as economics and finance, foreign and international affairs and defense. On the contrary, women continue to hold the so-called "soft" portfolios with socio-cultural functions. On the other hand, vertical segregation occurs when the opportunities for career developments within a sector are severely reduced or denied to a given group (Bettio and Verashchagina, 2009:32). As a result, vertical segregation tends to keep women out of the top positions in private and public organisations (Maron and Meulders, 2008) as well in politics (Reskin, 2000). Closure connected to the concept of vertical segregation is glass ceiling, defined as an invisible barrier which prevents women to achieve the highest positions of power. This last form of underrepresentation, that of women in electoral bodies, will be the focus of this study. The main motivation for specifically dealing with the domain of politics, in relation to the scarce presence of women, is that politics is the crucial arena, where rules are set and decisions taken that concern both genders – but actually and unfortunately without enough active participation and contribution of women. The main questions around which the present study revolves are the following: is there any means to overcome the vertical segregation of women in politics, or the glass ceiling? Are gender quotas such a means? And, at all events, do women really make a difference in the political arena? If so, to what extent and in what terms? Do we need women to be represented in the public sphere because they can take care of their own interests better than men, or because they work for the good of the entire society? Ultimately, all these questions amount to one: why should we care for women to be equally represented in the political sphere? Apart from considerations of social justice and equal rights – that have a worth in themselves, of course – can we single out any further reason that would backup the claims for equal representation? After all – although indeed history does not say this is the case – men could be capable of taking care of everybody's interest, irrespective of his/her gender. Why do we need women in politics? Evidently, the latter question is rhetorical; but is it really so, after all? Research evidence coming from seventy countries shows that men are more oriented towards individualistic values, competitiveness, power and success in life, while women privilege universalistic and communitarian values (Schwartz and Rubel, 2005). Does this make any difference, when it comes to politics? In the Italian context, the glass ceiling in politics confines women to position of lesser power than those held by men; hence, it is worth asking whether the above-mentioned findings also hold when we get to the highest level of political representation, namely, the Italian Parliament: do women make a difference? Do more women mean a better politics for a better society? The dissertation will seek at addressing these issues by combining the vast body of knowledge on the topic of women and politics, with an approach borrowed from economics, that is, treating the Italian Parliament as if it were a corporation, and measuring the effectiveness of a condition (ie., the presence or absence of women in the Parliament) on the output of the 'company', namely the kind and number of bills proposed by parliamentarians in the legislatures from 2001 to 2018. Italy has been taken as a case study, since in 2008 the Democratic Party voluntarily introduced gender quotas in its statute, being the only Italian party (back then and until present days) to do so. However, the approach and methodology I propose can be easily generalized to other countries and periods, while the Italian case can be interesting per se, given the sharp resurgence of sexism and male chauvinism this country witnessed from the first Berlusconi government on, starting in 1995 (Volpato, 2013), well represented by the proudly masculine and genuinely sexist character of parties like the Lega Nord (Baroncelli, 2006; Caputo, 2012). Moving on to the specific focus of this research, there were four main aspects taken into consideration. First of all, the analysis concentrated on the effectiveness of voluntarily gender quotas adopted by the Italian Democratic Party in its electoral lists. In order to determine whether gender quotas have to an increase in the number of women elected in the Chamber of Deputies, we considered the two legislatures prior to the introduction of quotas, and the two legislatures that followed (from the XIV to the XVII legislature, from 2001 to 2018). By considering different control variables, such as age and education level, social status in connection with a deputy's career and the geographical area of the electoral district in which she or he was elected, and by means of binomial logit regressions, the hypothesis has been confirmed. Secondly, it was important to test the hypothesis that whether an increased number of female representatives, elected mainly thanks to the quota mechanism, has led to an increased focus on issues concerning women's interests (i.e., women's rights, violence, sexual harassment), by representatives of both genders. In other words, I wanted to test the existence of substantive representation, i.e, speaking for and acting to support women's issues such as violence against women, sexual harassment and so on (Krook, 2007; Dalehrup, 2006) by both women and men. Indeed, several studies show that an increased number of elected women leads to greater attention to women's issues in the policy making process (Krook and Zetterberg, 2016). The results of the second hypothesis confirm previous studies (see for example Krook, 2007; Dalehrup, 2006; Krook and Zetterberg, 2016). Thirdly, I sought to verify whether women representatives elected in the Democratic Party, more than their male colleagues, tend to propose bills in women's interest. The results show that this is indeed true, thus bringing the following question: if female elected officials better represent women's interests, as shown by the changes that have occurred after the introduction of gender quotas, then who had been representing women's interest in the past? Finally, I considered whether the women elected with the Democratic Party after the introduction of quotas have proposed more bills not only concerning women's interests, but also in other fields such as children and family, health, education, welfare policies and environment, as domains of common interest for the society as a whole. Results indicate that Democratic women deputies, elected after quotas were established, are indeed more active than their male counterparts in proposing bills in all the above-listed fields, not only in those directly connected with women's interests and rights.

›Gerücht‹.—Ein Begriff, unter dem sich jeder etwas vorstellen kann und eine Form der Botschaft, die in geradezu unerhörter Weise zu affektieren vermag. Denn wer schätzt nicht eine gute Geschichte, besonders wenn sie vermeintliche Wahrheiten enthüllt, die einen Wissensvorteil, also einen zumindest winzigen Machtvorsprung erlauben? Geschichten sind Macht, wer Vergangenheit und Gegenwart in eine gute Erzählung zu verkleiden weiß, hält das Geschick der Menschheit in den Händen. Zugegebenermaßen ist dies eine kühne Behauptung. Stark vom Finale der achten Staffel Game of Thrones' motiviert, macht die Verfasserin dieser Zeilen doch darin eine ganz simple Wahrheit aus: Menschen lieben Unterhaltung, ganz besonders, wenn es sich dabei um sie selbst dreht, wenn sie durch die Einbettung in eine Narration ein Stück Ewigkeit für sich beanspruchen können. Somit leitet dieses Essay auch eine an diesen Gedankengang geknüpfte Überlegung ein: Ist das Gerücht nicht zunächst einfach nur eine unterhaltsame Erzählung, in der wir uns selbst und unsere weltbewegenden Fragen erkennen? Über einen primär emotionalen Zugang soll versucht werden, zu verstehen, warum das Gerücht sich sowohl im Interessensspektrum der Psychoanalyse, als auch in dem der Politik wiederfindet. Wann wird die Geschichte zur Waffe; wann zum ›Monster‹, das sich von unseren Sehnsüchten und Ängsten nährt? Ist das Gerücht ein Medium ›potenziell monströser Machenschaften‹? Ist es ein Werkzeug, das ebenso gut im, wie gegen den Sinn der Demokratie eingesetzt werden kann? Oder ist es vielmehr so, dass jede Waffe letztlich beides ist—je nachdem, wer sie führt? Welche Rolle spielt dabei die gemeinsame Wahrheit als verbindender Faktor, gegen die scheinbare Unwissenheit der Ausgeschlossenen? Zu diesem Zweck soll sich im Folgenden die Betrachtung des Gerüchts aus dem Umkreis von Kunst und Literatur nach und nach ins Zentrum aktueller Mediennutzung vorarbeiten, wobei die emotionale Verbindung zum Rezipienten stets im Blick behalten werden soll. Sowohl Aufbau als auch Inhalt der Untersuchung wollen zeigen, wie sich diese besondere Form der Narrative zunächst auf einer rein ästhetischen, lustvollen Ebene erspüren, dann nach und nach als konkreter Gegenstand der Medienwahrnehmung fassen und schlussendlich bezüglich seiner öffentlichen Wirksamkeit kritisch hinterfragen lässt. Bewusst ist dabei der zeitliche Rahmen, innerhalb dessen das Phänomen betrachtet werden soll, weit gefasst. Es wird versucht, dort in die gegenwärtige Wahrnehmung des Gerüchts einzudringen, wo es sich als ›monströse Entität‹ für oder gegen die Demokratie bemerkbar macht. ; 'Whoever rules over mankind's stories shall be king.'—When Game of Thrones' season eight ended, some considered this an answer too simple for eight seasons of fighting and suffering. It is this author's opinion that this truth is beautiful just because it is humble. The following article does not consider 'stories per se', but a form of narrative, which is as much unique as it is ancient: 'rumour'. If we consider rumour 'to be a story' and if we also allow the idea of stories to be powerful, rumour must appear as one of the strongest kind of narratives, as rumours do not only tell interesting myths; they also seem to provide 'us' with secret knowledge, with a little bit more truth than 'those', who did not hear it. Starting from a point of view where rumour is basically seen as an aesthetic phenomenon with strong emotional impact, the following article is going to ask how the rumour becomes interesting for both a psychoanalytical approach and a political one. Reasoning forward, the question shall be asked how this seemingly simple device of narration rises from emotion building to becoming a 'true monster', influencing mankind to the core of democracy. Or is it rather to be seen as a weapon for truly democratic participation? Notion is that both truths are true in their own way and that the relevant question actually should ask if the true 'hero' and/or 'monster' is not actually the one who carries this specific weapon. Due to this, the emotional impact rumours have, shall always be kept in mind during the following examination. Aim of this essay is, to bit-by-bit develop an idea of rumour, starting from an aesthetical regarding to a rather psychoanalytical and finally to a political, or rather society-affecting, point of view. In terms of structure and content, this essay aims to dig out rumour from a more sensual level of perception, to the concrete analysis of rumour as part of daily media consumption. The basic statement of this essay is that rumour can have the potential to become destructive, to 'be a monster', because we love it so dearly—and have been loving it for such a long time. In order to emphasize this notion, a rather wide and open historical frame is chosen, with the intention to pierce into current perceptions at times, just to illustrate the rumour's 'monstrosity'—but also to underline its inherent 'ambiguity'. Editors' Note: Sturm's essay on the rumour's potentially monstrous character ('Authority, Manipulation, and Togetherness—Media Spaces of the Rumour') appears in German. Its narrative mode can best be described as a colourful, multi-faceted stream of consciousness: From Adam and Eve via The War of the Worlds to 'Netzwerkdurchsetzungsgesetz'; and beyond. From the worlds to the words: Those of our readers who may lack sufficient German proficiency, are encouraged to have a look at the English translation of Hans-Joachim Neubauer's Fama (1998; 2009 [1998])—The Rumour (1999 [1998]). There are also Chinese, Croatian, Finnish, Japanese, Korean, and Spanish editions.A good read! See: Neubauer, Hans-Joachim. 1998. Fama: Eine Geschichte des Gerüchts. First German edition. Berlin: Berlin Verlag. Neubauer, Hans-Joachim. 1999 [1998]. The Rumour: A Cultural History. Translated by Christian Braun. First English edition. London/New York: Free Association Books. Neubauer, Hans-Joachim. 2009 [1998]. Fama: Eine Geschichte des Gerüchts. Second, extended and updated German edition. Berlin: Matthes & Seitz Berlin. ; 'Whoever rules over mankind's stories shall be king.'—When Game of Thrones' season eight ended, some considered this an answer too simple for eight seasons of fighting and suffering. It is this author's opinion that this truth is beautiful just because it is humble. The following article does not consider 'stories per se', but a form of narrative, which is as much unique as it is ancient: 'rumour'. If we consider rumour 'to be a story' and if we also allow the idea of stories to be powerful, rumour must appear as one of the strongest kind of narratives, as rumours do not only tell interesting myths; they also seem to provide 'us' with secret knowledge, with a little bit more truth than 'those', who did not hear it. Starting from a point of view where rumour is basically seen as an aesthetic phenomenon with strong emotional impact, the following article is going to ask how the rumour becomes interesting for both a psychoanalytical approach and a political one. Reasoning forward, the question shall be asked how this seemingly simple device of narration rises from emotion building to becoming a 'true monster', influencing mankind to the core of democracy. Or is it rather to be seen as a weapon for truly democratic participation? Notion is that both truths are true in their own way and that the relevant question actually should ask if the true 'hero' and/or 'monster' is not actually the one who carries this specific weapon. Due to this, the emotional impact rumours have, shall always be kept in mind during the following examination. Aim of this essay is, to bit-by-bit develop an idea of rumour, starting from an aesthetical regarding to a rather psychoanalytical and finally to a political, or rather society-affecting, point of view. In terms of structure and content, this essay aims to dig out rumour from a more sensual level of perception, to the concrete analysis of rumour as part of daily media consumption. The basic statement of this essay is that rumour can have the potential to become destructive, to 'be a monster', because we love it so dearly—and have been loving it for such a long time. In order to emphasize this notion, a rather wide and open historical frame is chosen, with the intention to pierce into current perceptions at times, just to illustrate the rumour's 'monstrosity'—but also to underline its inherent 'ambiguity'. Editors' Note: Sturm's essay on the rumour's potentially monstrous character ('Authority, Manipulation, and Togetherness—Media Spaces of the Rumour') appears in German. Its narrative mode can best be described as a colourful, multi-faceted stream of consciousness: From Adam and Eve via The War of the Worlds to 'Netzwerkdurchsetzungsgesetz'; and beyond. From the worlds to the words: Those of our readers who may lack sufficient German proficiency, are encouraged to have a look at the English translation of Hans-Joachim Neubauer's Fama (1998; 2009 [1998])—The Rumour (1999 [1998]). There are also Chinese, Croatian, Finnish, Japanese, Korean, and Spanish editions.A good read! See: Neubauer, Hans-Joachim. 1998. Fama: Eine Geschichte des Gerüchts. First German edition. Berlin: Berlin Verlag. Neubauer, Hans-Joachim. 1999 [1998]. The Rumour: A Cultural History. Translated by Christian Braun. First English edition. London/New York: Free Association Books. Neubauer, Hans-Joachim. 2009 [1998]. Fama: Eine Geschichte des Gerüchts. Second, extended and updated German edition. Berlin: Matthes & Seitz Berlin.

In the Presidential Regimes of Latin America, the institution of the Vice Presidency has been barely studied, unlike that of the United States. It only received some comments from authors such as Juan Linz, doubting its effectiveness and pointing out some of the issues surrounding its figure, like the criteria for nomination of candidates and conflicts with the Presidents. But Vice Presidency was practically not taken into account in the debate on presidencialism and parlamentarism, despite being the second place of importance in a presidential regime. With democracy back in the region, Vice Presidency has generated numerous political problems, but there virtually isn't any academic debate on this. Severe tensions and conflicts between the President and Vice President, even Vice Presidents turned into opponent, are some of the problems observed. On the other hand, some Vice Presidents have taken, with varying success, the role of President be it because of the former's death or because of political crisis that culminated with the resignation of the President. In the United States, historically, there has been a devalued image of Vice Presidency and similar problems observed in Latin America. But in the United States, Vice Presidency has been studied for some time and the institution has evolved through para-constitutional practices. Now, Vice Presidency is an important part of the institutional system and it is located in the orbit of the Executive Branch. It has earned tasks, new roles and influence, beyond the persistence of the images that do little in its favor. Due to this para-constitutional evolution, it is to be expected, from a Vice President, his participation in the Presidential Cabinet, his «lobbying» in the Senate, the representation of the President in foreign countries, the role of presidential adviser and the development of important tasks that the president might command to him. And the Vice President can expect, as well, a good position in the future, even presidential succession. This is how it has been pointed out that it constitutes a field of experience and preparation for the maximum institutional position: towards the last of the 20th Century, thirteen out of the forty North American Presidents served in Vice Presidency. To summarize, this study provides a focused analysis on Vice Presidency, and deals with some of the problems that it has brought upon Latin American countries. Then, an analysis of the North American experience and the evolution of the institution in this country, is formulated. The analysis of the North American case results useful to initiate a debate on Vice Presidency in the region, to explore a necessary research agenda and as one of the possible alternatives at the time of its reform. ; En los regímenes presidenciales de América Latina la vicepresidencia ha sido poco estudiada, a diferencia de los Estados Unidos. Apenas recibió algunos comentarios de autores, como Juan Linz, dudando de su eficacia y señalando algunos de los problemas que rodean su figura, como los criterios de nominación de los candidatos y los conflictos con los presidentes. Pero, prácticamente, la vicepresidencia no se tuvo en cuenta en el debate crítico en relación con el presidencialismo y el parlamentarismo, a pesar de ser el segundo puesto en importancia en el régimen presidencial. Vuelta la democracia en la región, la vicepresidencia ha generado numerosos problemas políticos, sin embargo no existe prácticamente un debate académico sobre ella. Tensiones y graves conflictos entre el presidente y el vicepresidente, hasta vicepresidentes convertidos en opositores son algunos de los problemas observados. Por otra parte, algunos vicepresidentes han ocupado, con distinta suerte, el lugar del presidente ya sea tanto por su fallecimiento como por crisis políticas que culminaron con la salida del mandatario. En los Estados Unidos, históricamente, existía la imagen devaluada de la vicepresidencia y problemas similares a los observados en América Latina. Pero en el país del norte la vicepresidencia ha sido estudiada desde hace tiempo y la institución ha evolucionado a través de prácticas paraconstitucionales. Ahora la vicepresidencia es una pieza importante del sistema institucional y se encuentra ubicada en la órbita del Ejecutivo. Ha ganado tareas, nuevas funciones e influencia, más allá de la persistencia de las imágenes que poco la favorecen. Debido a esta evolución paraconstitucional cabe esperar de un vicepresidente su participación en el gabinete, su «lobbying» en el Senado, la representación del presidente en el exterior, el papel de consejero presidencial y el desarrollo de tareas importantes que pueda encomendarle el presidente. Y el vicepresidente puede esperar, a su vez, proyección hacia el futuro, incluso la sucesión presidencial. Así se ha señalado que constituye un campo de experiencia y preparación para el cargo máximo: hacia finales del siglo XX trece de los cuarenta presidentes norteamericanos sirvieron en la vicepresidencia. En síntesis, en este estudio se brinda un enfoque de análisis de la vicepresidencia y se tratan algunos de los problemas que ha presentado en los países de America Latina. Luego se realiza un análisis de la experiencia norteamericana y de la evolución de la institución en ese país. El análisis del caso norteamericano resulta útil para iniciar un debate sobre la vicepresidencia en la región, para explorar una necesaria agenda de investigación y como una de las alternativas posibles a la hora de su reforma.In the Presidential Regimes of Latin America, the institution of the Vice Presidency has been barely studied, unlike that of the United States. It only received some comments from authors such as Juan Linz, doubting its effectiveness and pointing out some of the issues surrounding its figure, like the criteria for nomination of candidates and conflicts with the Presidents. But Vice Presidency was practically not taken into account in the debate on presidencialism and parlamentarism, despite being the second place of importance in a presidential regime. With democracy back in the region, Vice Presidency has generated numerous political problems, but there virtually isn't any academic debate on this. Severe tensions and conflicts between the President and Vice President, even Vice Presidents turned into opponent, are some of the problems observed. On the other hand, some Vice Presidents have taken, with varying success, the role of President be it because of the former's death or because of political crisis that culminated with the resignation of the President. In the United States, historically, there has been a devalued image of Vice Presidency and similar problems observed in Latin America. But in the United States, Vice Presidency has been studied for some time and the institution has evolved through para-constitutional practices. Now, Vice Presidency is an important part of the institutional system and it is located in the orbit of the Executive Branch. It has earned tasks, new roles and influence, beyond the persistence of the images that do little in its favor. Due to this para-constitutional evolution, it is to be expected, from a Vice President, his participation in the Presidential Cabinet, his «lobbying» in the Senate, the representation of the President in foreign countries, the role of presidential adviser and the development of important tasks that the president might command to him. And the Vice President can expect, as well, a good position in the future, even presidential succession. This is how it has been pointed out that it constitutes a field of experience and preparation for the maximum institutional position: towards the last of the 20th Century, thirteen out of the forty North American Presidents served in Vice Presidency. To summarize, this study provides a focused analysis on Vice Presidency, and deals with some of the problems that it has brought upon Latin American countries. Then, an analysis of the North American experience and the evolution of the institution in this country, is formulated. The analysis of the North American case results useful to initiate a debate on Vice Presidency in the region, to explore a necessary research agenda and as one of the possible alternatives at the time of its reform.

In tempi di crisi, la voglia di immaginare un futuro migliore e diverso prende il sopravvento. A partire dagli sconvolgimenti politici e sociali del '68 passando attraverso le crisi sistemiche del 1970 e ad ogni crisi da allora, le città europee hanno assistito a fenomeni di "riappropriazione" di spazi fisici urbani che sono stati sperimentati da movimenti sociali e volontariamente appropriati poi come pratiche dal basso dagli abitanti delle citta` che hanno utilizzanto la "occupazione" come una tattica legittima di protesta. Le pratiche di riappropriazione, sono state inoltre messe in pratica dalla cittadinanza insorgente, negli ultimi decenni, per resistere alla crisi dello stato sociale e individuare strategie alternative per dare risposta a problemi nella fornitura di alloggi a canoni accessibili, al numero crescente di senzatetto, e alla mancanza di spazi pubblici per la socialita` che non siano associati al consumo, problematiche che segnano la società contemporánea. Questi problemi in parte legati alla riduzione degli spazi pubblici e' andata crescendo paradossalmente insieme alla produzione costante di spazi vuoti. L'ennesima crisi di oggi ha riaperto la questione da una prospettiva globale a partire dall'emergere del movimento Occupy, che incarna una serie di dinamiche di "(ri)appropriazione insorgente" dello spazio pubblico promosso da una nuova configurazione della cittadinanza attiva. Negli ultimi anni, allo stesso tempo, mentre molti "spazi interstiziali" venivano "recuperati" dal basso, molti di questi venivano incorporati nelle strategie e discorsi dominanti dello sviluppo urbano e la maggior parte di essi sono stati repressi o sono in procinto di essere chiusi da una ofensiva su vasta scala contro ogni forma conflittuale di dissenso non autorizzata. La tesi tenta di analizzare il potenziale democratico che è inteso nella negoziazione di queste pratiche del dissenso cosiderate come elementi potenziali di sviluppo urbano dal basso. Il cambio di prospettiva nella comprensione di questi fenomeni, intesi non solo piu' come legali o illegali ma analizzati dal punto di vista della legittimita' e della capacita' di intercettare il bene comune, risulta fondamentale per aprire un dibattito sulla possibilita' di individuare strumenti capaci di introiettare alcune di queste pratiche nelle forme piu' tradizionali della pianificazione. ; In times of crisis, the urge to imagine a better and different future gets the upper hand. Since the political and social upheaval of '68 through the 1970's systemic crisis and at every crisis since, European cities faced a phenomenon of "reclaiming" of urban physical spaces that was carried on by social movements and wilfully appropriated by citizens using "occupation" as a legitimate tactic of protest. In addition to that, insurgent citizenship, in the last decades, have developed reclaiming strategies to resist to the welfare state crisis and the problem in the provision of housing, the homelessness, and the lack of social space that mark contemporary society, paradoxically increasing together with the constant production of vacant spaces. Today's umpteenth crisis reopened the issue from a global Occupy movement perspective, embodying a series of dynamics of "insurgent (re)appropriation" of public space fostered by a new configuration of active citizenship. In the last years, at the same time a lot of "interstitial spaces" are being reclaimed, many of them are being incorporated in the city development strategies and discourses and most of them are in the process of being shut down by a large scale offensive against conflictive and non-authorized actions of dissent. These coercive and incorporating processes seems to be pushed by property developers' and local and extra-local elites, so central in the neoliberal urban development strategies. In fact, in the last decade, new laws and policies have been deliberately constructed on one side to defend both the private property and interests to the detriment of new dynamics of collective action that spontaneously proliferated in urban contests, on the other side to gradually harness these creative, unplanned, dynamic and alternative "temporary uses of space" into urban development policies and city marketing discourses. Looking back in time over the past thirty years, the processes of re-appropriation of space linked to urban social movements (claiming social rights or the definition of new political and cultural identities) have been a characteristic feature of the development of many cities in the advanced capitalist societies (Holm, Kuhn, 2011) and have given rise to interesting experiences of participation from the point of view of the social practices of selforganization and self-empowerment. Nevertheless, I argue that the inherent "generative" and "evolutionary" potential of these bottom-up strategies was hidden or not fully understood. These performative practices embody "Dissent" in the moment in which they start to challenge the status quo (the existing structure of norms, values […] and especially authorities that underwrite the present ways of doing things) (Shiffrin, 2000) and therefore these practices are adversarial to the idea of "consensus". Indeed, now is even more important to identify sort of legitimation tool to empower those "informal actors' practices" and learn to know and recognize these practices of "self-made city" understanding them as a legitimate expression of a "right to the city", implemented by a part of civil society whose instances, although minoritarian, have the right to be heard and negotiated in the city's transformation processes. It results crucial for the definition of more mature democratic approaches capable to include a "conflictive consensus" (Mouffe). This research aims to investigate the inherent potential of the "insurgent practices" seen as on-going experiments of self-organization, presenting these "state of exception proclaimed from the bottom" (Virno, 2012), and practices developed within these conditions, as silent driving forces behind the evolution and production of new urban policies and practices. These "practices of freedom" (Foucault, 2002) or "Spaces of hope" (Harvey, 2001) are the places where alternative politics can be both devised and pursued. Within such frame, the research also addresses the question of how the strategies developed by "informal actors" (re)appropriating public urban spaces have been or could be able to influence the agenda of urban planning and urban policies, and what happen when these practices are institutionalized. Indeed, the comprehension of the dissent's procedural efficacy looks important from the perspective of democratic theory because of «its ability to oblige people to rethink their own views, conceptions, and underlying assumptions, especially when those other views challenge the status quo» (Martin, 2013). These bottom-up strategies of production of space, (re)claiming urban vacant spaces for public purposes, besides reveal the inherent political and imaginary potential of these "indeterminate" spaces, produce symbolic/political contents that make "visible" abandoned places in the urban geography of the citizens' everyday life. Moreover, they define a space of counter-power from where push for the rights to the city's "evolution", more than for "revolution" - that implies the substitution of an hegemonic order with a new one (Newman, 2011). On the other side, considering that dissent often end up being manipulated by defenders of the status quo through the definition of a set of strategies that incorporate, co-opt, commodify or neutralize the adversarial practices and discourses (Mouffe, 2012) and incorporate them in the hegemonic strategies, how can we define who influences whom in this process? This analysis entails, then, the unfolding of strategies defined in the confrontation between configuration of power and counter-power positions, hegemonic and counter-hegemonic models, "having rights" and "having-not" (Arnstein, 1969) and this is why this analysis looks crucial for a deep understanding of issues related to forms of democracy and democratic participation, contrasting manipulation and reaching real citizen empowerment.

The present thesis is part of the line of research referring to new Urban Development Models, related to the Mixed Urban Management (public-private-civil society) of Self-managed Industrial Communities (CIA) In Perú according to statistics from the Ministry of Industry and Tourism, the National Institute of Statistics (INE), the association "Promotion of Micro and Small Business" (PROMPYME) and newspapers such as Gestion and El Comercio (January 2014), SMEs account for 99.72% of registered companies 98.10% for Micro and Small Enterprises (MSESs) only-totaling 3.5 million businesses and employing 75% of the active population(PEA)and generating more than 45% of the GDP. The MSE segment is the one concentrating Self-managed Industrial Communities and Associations, such as AAPITAC (Association of Artisans and Small Industrial of Tacna) in te Tacna region. Industrial Associations and Communities suffer a lack od active policies, articulating strategies, mechanisms and actions with tangible results, due to poor urban management, coupled with the lack of political will. The absence of standards, the inefficient allocation of resources, the poor implementation of strategic plans, the insufficient participation of te private sector and civil society, are today broadly attributed to the reluctance on the modernization of public management and its exacerbated centralism. Public management has proven to be slow and insufficient in particular from a finacal point of view, where the State is the prime responsible for direct participation. This coupled with a traditional planning, essentially regulatory (Testino, M;), makes te informal growth of industrial areas increasingly disproportionate. Perú and its regions are now therefore keen on "achieving a smarter, sustainable and socially inclusive urban development" (Alfonso Vergara:2013,16)The city as we know it has a central role to play in this development through the implementation of a mixed management model, uniting Public Management(SP),initiatives from the Private Sector (SPr) be implemented in the AAPITAC sector, today ferent kinds of resources(human, financial, organizational, political and urban competitiveness, that the local government should promote. The success of the Mixed Urban Management (GUM) model for CIAs depends on a holistic approach taking into account a territorial perspective which decision-making mechanisms promote harmoniously all dimensions of sustainability (social, economic, urban, environmental, legal and political) for new industrial areas like for the consolidated ones. Tis should allow the new sustainable regional economy to be based on the integration of te city, through an intensive (vs. extensive) use of land, avoiding speculation, in particular for land dedicated to housing(housing-workshops)and industry(elementary or light industry).The Tacna region has not seen any improvement regarding these issues in the past 30 years, and there are currently no management tools with characteristics similar to tose raised in this research, which also aim modernize the set of processes and actions ensuring continuous adaptation and improvement of this model and have a results-based management, efficient and effective, for Self-managed Industrial Communities (CIA). This new model sould be appropriate (involving all stakeholders) and actionable (replicable), anchored in the territorial and institutional reality. As a pilot it will be implemented in the AAPITAC sector, today association of small industrials and artisans, aiming at envolving into a Self-managment Industrial Community (CIA), within a new model of governance in the Pocollay district, province and region Tacna-Perú. ; La presente Tesis se enmarca en la línea de investigación referida a nuevos Modelos de Desarrollo Urbano, vinculada con la Gestión Urbana Mixta (público-privada-sociedad civil) de Comunidades Industriales Autogestionarias(CIA). Partiendo de la problemática del sector industrial, referido a las micro empresas (MYPES) y pequeñas empresas (PYMES) en el Perú, donde según estadísticas del Ministerio de Industria y Turismo, Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE), Promoción de la Micro y Pequeña empresa (PROMPYME) y diarios como Gestión y el Comercio (enero del 2014), el 99.72% del sector empresarial está constituido por MYPES (98.10%) y PYMES (1.62%) en un número de 3.5 millones dando empleo entre ambas al 75% de la PEA y generando más de 45% del PBI nacional. Es este sector donde se encuentran las Asociaciones y CIA, como es el caso de AAPITAC (Asociación de Artesanos y Pequeños Industriales de Tacna), cuya mayor problemática para este sector radica en la falta de políticas activas, estrategias articuladoras, mecanismos y acciones con resultados tangibles, generados por la deficiente gestión urbana, sumado a la falta de voluntad política, a la ausencia de normas, ineficiencia en la asignación de recursos deficiente implementación de planes estratégicos, la casi nula participación del sector privado y la sociedad civil, debido a la renuncia en la modernización de la gestión pública y al acentuado centralismo. Por consiguiente, la gestión pública es deficitaria débil y poco ágil especialmente desde el punto de vista financiero, donde el estado es el mayor responsable por tener una participación indirecta, ello sumada a una planificación tradicional, esencialmente reguladora. (Testino, M.; 2010, 42), hace que el crecimiento informal de zonas industriales sea cada vez más desproporcionado, por ello el Perú y sus regiones también quieren apostar por "la consecución de un desarrollo urbano más inteligente, sostenible y socialmente inclusivo"(Alfonso Vegara: 2013, 16) es la ciudad la que debe tomar protagonismo con un modelo de gestión mixta, donde sumados a la gestión pública (SP), intervengan iniciativas como el sector privado (SPR) y sociedad civil (SC) articulando distintos tipos de recursos (humanos, financieros, organizacionales, político y naturales) orientados a logros simultáneos de mejores estándares de habitabilidad y funcionalidad, consideraciones hacia la productividad y competitividad urbana que deben ser promocionados por el gobierno local. El éxito del modelo de GUM para CIA estará en el resultado de la visión global y exhaustiva convenientemente enmarcada dentro de una perspectiva territorial cuyos mecanismos de decisión, promuevan armoniosamente todas las dimensiones de sostenibilidad (social, económico, urbano, ambiental y jurídico político) tanto de las nuevas áreas industriales como de las consolidadas, para que la nueva economía sostenible para el desarrollo regional pueda estar basada en la integración de la ciudad, lo que supone un consumo intensivo y no extensivo del suelo, evitando de esta manera la especulaciones, más aun tratándose de áreas con uso de suelos de vivienda (vivienda taller) e industria (industria elemental o liviana). En los últimos 30 años en la región Tacna, no se ha tenido ningún progreso respecto a esta problemática y en la actualidad no hay herramientas de gestión con características similares a las que plantea el presente trabajo de investigación, cuyo aporte también está en modernizar el conjunto de procesos y acciones para asegurar la adaptación constante de este modelo y tener una gestión por resultados, eficiente y eficaz en CIA, este nuevo modelo debe ser apropiado (con intervención de todos los involucrados) y apropiable (replicable) sustentado en la realidad territorial e institucional. Como caso piloto se implementará, en el sector de AAPITAC con miras a convertirse en CIA, dentro de un nuevo modelo de gobernanza ; Postprint (published version)

The present thesis is part of the line of research referring to new Urban Development Models, related to the Mixed Urban Management (public-private-civil society) of Self-managed Industrial Communities (CIA) In Perú according to statistics from the Ministry of Industry and Tourism, the National Institute of Statistics (INE), the association "Promotion of Micro and Small Business" (PROMPYME) and newspapers such as Gestion and El Comercio (January 2014), SMEs account for 99.72% of registered companies 98.10% for Micro and Small Enterprises (MSESs) only-totaling 3.5 million businesses and employing 75% of the active population(PEA)and generating more than 45% of the GDP. The MSE segment is the one concentrating Self-managed Industrial Communities and Associations, such as AAPITAC (Association of Artisans and Small Industrial of Tacna) in te Tacna region. Industrial Associations and Communities suffer a lack od active policies, articulating strategies, mechanisms and actions with tangible results, due to poor urban management, coupled with the lack of political will. The absence of standards, the inefficient allocation of resources, the poor implementation of strategic plans, the insufficient participation of te private sector and civil society, are today broadly attributed to the reluctance on the modernization of public management and its exacerbated centralism. Public management has proven to be slow and insufficient in particular from a finacal point of view, where the State is the prime responsible for direct participation. This coupled with a traditional planning, essentially regulatory (Testino, M;), makes te informal growth of industrial areas increasingly disproportionate. Perú and its regions are now therefore keen on "achieving a smarter, sustainable and socially inclusive urban development" (Alfonso Vergara:2013,16)The city as we know it has a central role to play in this development through the implementation of a mixed management model, uniting Public Management(SP),initiatives from the Private Sector (SPr) be implemented in the AAPITAC sector, today ferent kinds of resources(human, financial, organizational, political and urban competitiveness, that the local government should promote. The success of the Mixed Urban Management (GUM) model for CIAs depends on a holistic approach taking into account a territorial perspective which decision-making mechanisms promote harmoniously all dimensions of sustainability (social, economic, urban, environmental, legal and political) for new industrial areas like for the consolidated ones. Tis should allow the new sustainable regional economy to be based on the integration of te city, through an intensive (vs. extensive) use of land, avoiding speculation, in particular for land dedicated to housing(housing-workshops)and industry(elementary or light industry).The Tacna region has not seen any improvement regarding these issues in the past 30 years, and there are currently no management tools with characteristics similar to tose raised in this research, which also aim modernize the set of processes and actions ensuring continuous adaptation and improvement of this model and have a results-based management, efficient and effective, for Self-managed Industrial Communities (CIA). This new model sould be appropriate (involving all stakeholders) and actionable (replicable), anchored in the territorial and institutional reality. As a pilot it will be implemented in the AAPITAC sector, today association of small industrials and artisans, aiming at envolving into a Self-managment Industrial Community (CIA), within a new model of governance in the Pocollay district, province and region Tacna-Perú. ; La presente Tesis se enmarca en la línea de investigación referida a nuevos Modelos de Desarrollo Urbano, vinculada con la Gestión Urbana Mixta (público-privada-sociedad civil) de Comunidades Industriales Autogestionarias(CIA). Partiendo de la problemática del sector industrial, referido a las micro empresas (MYPES) y pequeñas empresas (PYMES) en el Perú, donde según estadísticas del Ministerio de Industria y Turismo, Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE), Promoción de la Micro y Pequeña empresa (PROMPYME) y diarios como Gestión y el Comercio (enero del 2014), el 99.72% del sector empresarial está constituido por MYPES (98.10%) y PYMES (1.62%) en un número de 3.5 millones dando empleo entre ambas al 75% de la PEA y generando más de 45% del PBI nacional. Es este sector donde se encuentran las Asociaciones y CIA, como es el caso de AAPITAC (Asociación de Artesanos y Pequeños Industriales de Tacna), cuya mayor problemática para este sector radica en la falta de políticas activas, estrategias articuladoras, mecanismos y acciones con resultados tangibles, generados por la deficiente gestión urbana, sumado a la falta de voluntad política, a la ausencia de normas, ineficiencia en la asignación de recursos deficiente implementación de planes estratégicos, la casi nula participación del sector privado y la sociedad civil, debido a la renuncia en la modernización de la gestión pública y al acentuado centralismo. Por consiguiente, la gestión pública es deficitaria débil y poco ágil especialmente desde el punto de vista financiero, donde el estado es el mayor responsable por tener una participación indirecta, ello sumada a una planificación tradicional, esencialmente reguladora. (Testino, M.; 2010, 42), hace que el crecimiento informal de zonas industriales sea cada vez más desproporcionado, por ello el Perú y sus regiones también quieren apostar por "la consecución de un desarrollo urbano más inteligente, sostenible y socialmente inclusivo"(Alfonso Vegara: 2013, 16) es la ciudad la que debe tomar protagonismo con un modelo de gestión mixta, donde sumados a la gestión pública (SP), intervengan iniciativas como el sector privado (SPR) y sociedad civil (SC) articulando distintos tipos de recursos (humanos, financieros, organizacionales, político y naturales) orientados a logros simultáneos de mejores estándares de habitabilidad y funcionalidad, consideraciones hacia la productividad y competitividad urbana que deben ser promocionados por el gobierno local. El éxito del modelo de GUM para CIA estará en el resultado de la visión global y exhaustiva convenientemente enmarcada dentro de una perspectiva territorial cuyos mecanismos de decisión, promuevan armoniosamente todas las dimensiones de sostenibilidad (social, económico, urbano, ambiental y jurídico político) tanto de las nuevas áreas industriales como de las consolidadas, para que la nueva economía sostenible para el desarrollo regional pueda estar basada en la integración de la ciudad, lo que supone un consumo intensivo y no extensivo del suelo, evitando de esta manera la especulaciones, más aun tratándose de áreas con uso de suelos de vivienda (vivienda taller) e industria (industria elemental o liviana). En los últimos 30 años en la región Tacna, no se ha tenido ningún progreso respecto a esta problemática y en la actualidad no hay herramientas de gestión con características similares a las que plantea el presente trabajo de investigación, cuyo aporte también está en modernizar el conjunto de procesos y acciones para asegurar la adaptación constante de este modelo y tener una gestión por resultados, eficiente y eficaz en CIA, este nuevo modelo debe ser apropiado (con intervención de todos los involucrados) y apropiable (replicable) sustentado en la realidad territorial e institucional. Como caso piloto se implementará, en el sector de AAPITAC con miras a convertirse en CIA, dentro de un nuevo modelo de gobernanza ; Postprint (published version)

This paper examines the influence of structural discrimination in regard to immigration, integration, and policy. While my use of structural discrimination builds on both the international human rights framework, as well as academic research and development of this term (Pincus 1996; Hill1989; Kamali 2009). Structural discrimination is defined here as discursive and constitutive discrimination expressed implicitly in underlying assumptions and attitudes (Skadegaard Thorsen 2014) and is linked to, but distinct from institutional discrimination. That is, structural discrimination describes discrimination that is not necessarily explicitly inscribed in laws, rules, or in other ways a result of formal processes or legal systems. It can be a result of informal institutions and practices, habit, tradition, and norms, and can have its point of departure in social, institutional, historical, and normative structures, beliefs, and systems (Skadegaard Thorsen 2015). As Masoud Kamali points out, structural discrimination "…legitimizes and normalizes indirect forms of negative treatment of the "Others" and makes it a part of everyday normal life of society (2009, p.6 )." Structural discrimination describes an abstract and hegemonic production and maintenance of beliefs and constructions that underscores the more specific, explicit expressions of discrimination that we see in everyday interactions and expressions (such as media and public discourse and communication). It includes the gray zone in which underlying, non-articulated assumptions congeal (Butler 1990), or sediment (Spivak 1999), into unquestioned assumptions over time. Let me emphasize that structural discrimination is understood here as broader than racism and structural racism. That is, it refers to underlying dynamics of hegemonic and normative production in regard to all the discrimination grounds specified within the declaration of human rights and the covenants. I suggest that structural discrimination enables witting and unwitting complicity and participation in discriminatory patterns, and may contribute to discriminatory speech and challenges in political communication. As research has shown, racism and discrimination are a part of everyday structures and norms (Essed 1991; Bulmer and Solomos 2010; Delgado and Stefancic 2001; Andreassen 2005; Bonilla-Silva 2010; Gullestad 2004; Skadegaard Thorsen 2014). In the paper I argue that Danish immigration and integration discourses connected with public policy are imbricated within (and expressions of) discriminatory discourses. As such, immigration and integration become vessels for every-day, normative discriminatory perspectives to gain or maintain ground and reproduce colonial images of Danishness and racialized others, perpetuating inequality, racial discrimination and racism. Using examples from the June 2015 election debates and campaigns in which immigration is a central theme, the article examines how such dynamics undermine democratic principles and normalize discrimination and racism. This Paper will consider how structural discrimination contributes to and exacerbates certain challenges connected with immigration and integration. Examples such as the conflation of integration with assimilation and stratification discussions (such as which national/ethnic groups should be denied immigration and which not) – both of which negatively impact basic human rights democratic principles -will be discussed. ; This paper examines the influence of structural discrimination in regard to immigration, integration, and policy. While my use of structural discrimination builds on both the international human rights framework, as well as academic research and development of this term (Pincus 1996; Hill1989; Kamali 2009). Structural discrimination is defined here as discursive and constitutive discrimination expressed implicitly in underlying assumptions and attitudes (Skadegaard Thorsen 2014) and is linked to, but distinct from institutional discrimination. That is, structural discrimination describes discrimination that is not necessarily explicitly inscribed in laws, rules, or in other ways a result of formal processes or legal systems. It can be a result of informal institutions and practices, habit, tradition, and norms, and can have its point of departure in social, institutional, historical, and normative structures, beliefs, and systems (Skadegaard Thorsen 2015). As Masoud Kamali points out, structural discrimination "…legitimizes and normalizes indirect forms of negative treatment of the "Others" and makes it a part of everyday normal life of society (2009, p.6 )." Structural discrimination describes an abstract and hegemonic production and maintenance of beliefs and constructions that underscores the more specific, explicit expressions of discrimination that we see in everyday interactions and expressions (such as media and public discourse and communication). It includes the gray zone in which underlying, non-articulated assumptions congeal (Butler 1990), or sediment (Spivak 1999), into unquestioned assumptions over time. Let me emphasize that structural discrimination is understood here as broader than racism and structural racism. That is, it refers to underlying dynamics of hegemonic and normative production in regard to all the discrimination grounds specified within the declaration of human rights and the covenants. I suggest that structural discrimination enables witting and unwitting complicity and participation in discriminatory patterns, and may contribute to discriminatory speech and challenges in political communication. As research has shown, racism and discrimination are a part of everyday structures and norms (Essed 1991; Bulmer and Solomos 2010; Delgado and Stefancic 2001; Andreassen 2005; Bonilla-Silva 2010; Gullestad 2004; Skadegaard Thorsen 2014). In the paper I argue that Danish immigration and integration discourses connected with public policy are imbricated within (and expressions of) discriminatory discourses. As such, immigration and integration become vessels for every-day, normative discriminatory perspectives to gain or maintain ground and reproduce colonial images of Danishness and racialized others, perpetuating inequality, racial discrimination and racism. Using examples from the June 2015 election debates and campaigns in which immigration is a central theme, the article examines how such dynamics undermine democratic principles and normalize discrimination and racism. This Paper will consider how structural discrimination contributes to and exacerbates certain challenges connected with immigration and integration. Examples such as the conflation of integration with assimilation and stratification discussions (such as which national/ethnic groups should be denied immigration and which not) – both of which negatively impact basic human rights democratic principles -will be discussed. ReferencesAndreassen, Rikke, "The Mass Media's Construction of Gender, Race, Sexuality and Nationality: An Analysis of the Danish News Media's Communication about Visible Minorities," 2005, University of TorontoBonilla-Silva, E. (2010). Racism Without Racists, Color-Blind Racism & Racial Inequality in Contemporary America. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield.Bulmer, M. & Solomos, J. (1998/2004). Introduction, Re-thinking Ethnic and Racial Studies. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 21(5), 819-837.Butler, Judith; Gender Trouble, Routledge, 1990Delgado, R., & Stefancic, J. (2001). Critical Race Theory. New York: New York University PressGullestad, Marianne; "Blind slaves of our prejudices: Debating 'culture' and 'race' in Norway", in Ethnos: Journal of Anthropology, Volume 69, Issue 2, 2004Essed, Philomena; Everyday Racism: An Interdisciplinary Theory, Sage, 1991;Hill, R. B. (1989). Economic Forces, Structural Discrimination and Black Family Instability. The Review of Black Political Economy Winter, 17(3), 5-23.Kamali, M. (2009). Racial Discrimination, Institutional Patterns and Politics. New York: RoutledgePincus, F. L. (1996). Discrimination comes in many forms, individual, institutional, and structural. The American Behavioral Scientist, 40(2), 186-194Skadegaard Thorsen, "Strukturel diskrimination I hverdagen", I Rettigheder, Empowerment og Læring, Red. Bilfeldt, Annette, Jensen, Iben, og Andersen, John (red.), Aalborg Universitetsforlag 2014Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorti: A Critique of Postcolonial Reason , Harvard University Press, MA, 1999

The debate on the building of political power during the Perón Era (Argentina, 1946-1955) provides a solid basis for an analysis of the phenomenon in the municipal sphere. In this context, the article analyzes the 'bottom up" politics employed in situations of conflict stemming from communal interventions enforced in 1954 across three regions of the province of Buenos Aires presided over by incumbent intendants (Carlos Casares, Bartolomé Mitre and Luján). Using media and government sources, the aim is to study the relationship between the provincial and municipal authorities with an emphasis placed on aspects of the political roles played by the local government. To do so, the article examines the motives and rationale provided for the interventions and focuses on the local governability, both in terms of representation and participation. To what extent did the local conflict and rupture in political alignments contribute to the dynamic the governability acquired in the communes, and ultimately, in the enforcement of the intervention? In light of such tension, how did militants and local leaders pool their allegiances to the Peronist Movement and channel their efforts toward local figures with social capital sustained by bonds woven into the very fabric of the municipality? ; El debate acerca de la construcción del poder político durante la etapa peronista (Argentina, 1946-1955) provee buenas razones para detenerse a analizar el fenómeno en la esfera municipal. En este marco, el artículo analiza la política 'desde abajo" en situaciones conflictivas, en torno a las intervenciones comunales (decretadas en 1954) de tres localidades de la provincia de Buenos Aires presididas por intendentes oficialistas (Carlos Casares, Bartolomé Mitre y Luján). Con fuentes periodísticas y gubernamentales, el fin es estudiar la relación entre el poder provincial y el poder municipal con la atención puesta en aspectos inherentes al funcionamiento político del gobierno local. Para ello se examinan los motivos y justificaciones de las intervenciones y se focaliza en la gobernabilidad local, tanto desde el punto de vista de la representación como de la participación. ¿En qué medida el conflicto local y la ruptura de alineamientos políticos incidieron en la dinámica que adquirió la gobernabilidad en las comunas y, en última instancia, en el decreto de intervención? ¿De qué modo en un contexto político tenso militantes y dirigentes locales conjugaron la lealtad hacia la conducción del movimiento peronista y hacia figuras locales con capital social sustentado en vínculos tejidos en el Municipio? ; Le débat autour de la construction du pouvoir politique à l'ère péroniste (Argentine, 1946-1955) offre d'excellentes raisons de se consacrer à l'analyse du phénomène au sein de la sphère municipale. Dans ce contexte, l'article analyse la politique « à partir du bas » dans des situations conflictuelles issues des interventions communales (décrétées en 1954), dans trois localités de la Province de Buenos Aires présidées par des intendants loyalistes (Carlos Casares, Bartolomé Mitre et Luján). Sur la base de sources médiatiques et gouvernementales, le but est ici d'étudier la relation entre le pouvoir provincial et le pouvoir municipal, en s'intéressant plus spécifiquement aux aspects inhérents au fonctionnement politique du gouvernement local. À cette fin seront examinés les motifs et autres justifications des interventions et analysée la gouvernabilité locale, tant du point de vue de la représentation que de celui de la participation. Dans quelle mesure le conflit local et la rupture des alignements politiques ont-ils eu une incidence sur les dynamiques de gouvernabilité dans les communes et, en dernière instance, sur le décret d'intervention luimême ? Dans ce contexte tendu, de quelle manière militants et dirigeants ont-ils conjugué la loyauté envers la direction du mouvement péroniste et celle envers des personnalités locales, dont le capital social se fonde sur les liens tissés au sein des communes en question ? ; El debate acerca de la construcción del poder político durante la etapa peronista (Argentina, 1946-1955) provee buenas razones para detenerse a analizar el fenómeno en la esfera municipal. En este marco, el artículo analiza la política 'desde abajo" en situaciones conflictivas, en torno a las intervenciones comunales (decretadas en 1954) de tres localidades de la provincia de Buenos Aires presididas por intendentes oficialistas (Carlos Casares, Bartolomé Mitre y Luján). Con fuentes periodísticas y gubernamentales, el fin es estudiar la relación entre el poder provincial y el poder municipal con la atención puesta en aspectos inherentes al funcionamiento político del gobierno local. Para ello se examinan los motivos y justificaciones de las intervenciones y se focaliza en la gobernabilidad local, tanto desde el punto de vista de la representación como de la participación. ¿En qué medida el conflicto local y la ruptura de alineamientos políticos incidieron en la dinámica que adquirió la gobernabilidad en las comunas y, en última instancia, en el decreto de intervención? ¿De qué modo en un contexto político tenso militantes y dirigentes locales conjugaron la lealtad hacia la conducción del movimiento peronista y hacia figuras locales con capital social sustentado en vínculos tejidos en el Municipio? ; å…³äºŽé˜¿æ ¹å»·åº‡éš†æ—¶ä»£(1946-1955) çš"æ"¿æƒå»ºè®¾çš"辩论，本文分æžäº†åœ¨å¸'一级æ"¿æƒé‡æž"过程中çš"一些现象ã€'作者分 æžäº†å¸ƒå®œè¯ºæ–¯è‰¾åˆ©æ–¯çœä¸‰ä¸ªåœ°åŒºï¼ˆ1954 å¹´é¢å¸ƒï¼‰åœ¨å†²çªæ€§æƒ…况下，'自下而上"çš"社区干é¢"，这ç§å¹²é¢"对这三个 区çš"æ²»ç†äº§ç"Ÿäº†å¾ˆå¤§å½±å"（å½"时执æ"¿å®˜åˆ†åˆ«æ˜¯ï¼šå¡æ´›æ–¯Â·å¡è¨é›·æ–¯ï¼Œå·´æ‰˜æ´›æ¢…·迈特å'Œå¢æ±‰ï¼‰ã€'通过分æžå½"æ—¶çš" 报刊å'Œæ"¿åºœæŠ¥å'Šï¼Œæœ¬æ–‡é‡ç'¹ç "究了城å¸'地方æ"¿åºœçš"æ²»ç†è¿ä½œç‰¹ç'¹åŠå…¶å'Œçœæ"¿åºœæƒåŠ›ä¹‹é—´çš"关系ã€'本文分æžäº†åœ¨ 地方治ç†è¿‡ç¨‹ä¸­å‡ºçŽ°ç¤¾åŒºå¹²é¢"çš"åŽŸå› ï¼Œä»£è¡¨æ€§å'Œæ°'ä¼—å'与çš"问题ã€'在多大程度上，å½"地çš"冲çªå'Œæ"¿æ²»è"盟çš"å´© 溃导致了社区干é¢"，并最终产ç"Ÿå¹²é¢"çš"法令？在冲çªå'Œç´§å¼ çš"背景下，庇隆主义è¿åŠ¨çš"积æžåˆ†å­å'Œåœ°æ–¹æœ‰å½±å" 力çš"领导人之间在地方æ"¿æƒé‡æž"过程中å¤"äºŽæ€Žæ ·çš"关系？本文试图回ç­"这些问题ã€'

Nowadays for the foreign policy it is significantly important to be well presented for the society and get enough support to be able to act confidently in a foreign relations field. Considering that all this representation basically comes from online media sources and social media networks, everyone and everywhere has the possibility to check news from foreign policy field and form their point of view. Currently, when the social media becomes more and more popular, even the organization itself or political figure can represent themselves without any mediators, while online media sources represent news prepared by journalists and based on a particular discourse. Therefore, it is relevant to analyze how information is provided in both cases, which fields of Lithuanian foreign policy get the most attention in media and what kind of opinion can shape the user of chosen channels. There is already a significant contribution to the field of foreign policy and media done: works about public diplomacy and active Twitter importance are made. Although, this research concentrates to specific media tools – delfi.lt and Facebook and evaluates their ability to shape public opinion. Object of this research is the opinion about Lithuanian foreign policy formation in online and social media tools. Goal of the research is to determine what public opinion about Lithuanian foreign policy may have Lithuanian public while using Lithuanian online media resources for getting information on Lithuanian Foreign Affairs. To reach the goal of the research the five tasks are raised. First and second unites theoretical review of scientific works seeking to find out main ideas about constructivism, public opinion formation and public discourse formation processes. The third task is to collect and analyze articles in the news media portal and posts in social media which are related to Lithuanian foreign policy while using quantitative and qualitative methods. Following task requires to reveal the main ideas of Lithuanian foreign policy which are prevailing in social media and shared by institutions (MFA, Presidency) and to discover the main ideas of Lithuanian foreign policy which are provided by the most popular Lithuanian online media source. The last task is the classification of the information in the news media and social media on Lithuanian Foreign Affairs by discussing what image of Foreign Affairs may have Lithuanian public and what public opinion on these issues may be spread by analyzed channels. After the using scientific research methods, conclusions were provided. It was find out that Lithuanian foreign policy is actively represented both in online news source delfi.lt and social network Facebook. Quantitative analysis showed that in delfi.lt, mostly articles from foreign policy field are related to MFA strategic activities plan. This situation reveals that Lithuanian foreign policy is implemented based on goals made in advance. Therefore, the audience might see Lithuanian foreign policy as consistent and trustworthy. The variety of articles authors and critical insights let to see the foreign policy situations from different angles. Meanwhile in a social network Facebook, in a President account, the dominant information is related with her personal agenda. It is noticeable communication with strong foreign countries and active participation in foreign organizations activities. These insights show the ability of President to represent country and reach favorable goals for Lithuania while representing it in foreign field. Whereas MFA Facebook account concentrates to publication of information related to their events and initiatives. Active cooperation with neighbor countries is highlighted, as well support for problematic countries is expressed. ; Šiuolaikinėje visuomenėje užsienio politikai yra ypatingai svarbu tinkamai save reprezentuoti viešojoje erdvėje bei gauti pakankamai palaikymo, kad pavyktų pasitikinčiai veikti tarptautinių santykių lauke. Reprezentacija dažniausiai vyksta internetiniuose naujienų portaluose bei socialiniuose tinkluose, o tai leidžia patogiai ir greitai pasiekti naujienas bei susiformuoti tam tikrą nuomonę. Socialinėms medijoms tapus neatsiejama visuomenės dalimi, net institucijos ar politiniai veikėjai gali tuo pasinaudoti ir patys tiesiogiai rūpintis savo reprezentacija, tuo tarpu internetinėse medijose publikacijos yra parengiamos žurnalistų, remiantis ir formuojant tam tikrą diskursą. Todėl yra svarbu išanalizuoti, kaip informacija yra pateikiama abiem atvejais, kurios sferos iš Lietuvos užsienio politikos srities gauna daugiausia informacijos ir kokią viešąją nuomonę gali susiformuoti šių kanalų vartotojai. Užsienio politikos ir medijos srityje jau yra atlikta nemažai svarbių tyrimų, galima sutikti išsamių analizių apie viešąją diplomatiją bei Twitter svarbą politiniame lauke. Tuo tarpu šis tyrimas koncentruojasi būtent ties delfi.lt ir Facebook publikacijomis užsienio politikos tema bei jų gebėjimu formuoti viešąją nuomonę, tiriant 2018 metų, birželio – gruodžio mėnesių laikotarpį. Tyrimo objektas yra nuomonės formavimas apie Lietuvos užsienio politiką naujienų portaluose ir socialinėse medijose. Tyrimo tikslas yra apibrėžti kokią viešąją nuomonę apie Lietuvos užsienio politiką gali turėti Lietuvos visuomenė, naudodama internetinius naujienų portalus bei socialinius tinklus šiai informacijai gauti. Tikslui pasiekti yra suformuotos šešios užduotys. Pirmoji ir antroji apjungia teorinę analizę, kuomet yra siekiama išgryninti pagrindines konstruktyvizmo idėjas, atskleisti viešosios nuomonės formavimo bei viešojo diskurso susikūrimo procesus. Trečioji užduotis įvardina informacijos atrinkimą iš Delfi.lt ir Facebook bei jos analizę, naudojantis kiekybiniais ir kokybiniais tyrimų metodais. Ketvirtąja užduotimi siekiama atskleisti pagrindines Lietuvos užsienio politikos idėjas, vyraujančias internetinėje žiniasklaidoje bei socialinėse medijose. Penktoji užduotis skirta tyrimo metu (naujienų portale ir socialiniame tinkle) rastos informacijos apibendrinimui, akcentuojant kokį įvaizdį bei nuomonę apie Lietuvos užsienio politiką galima susidaryti gaunant naujienas iš minėtų šaltinių. Atlikus pasirinktų šaltinių analizę paaiškėjo, kad Lietuvos užsienio politika yra aktyviai reprezentuojama tiek naujienų portale Delfi.lt, tiek socialiniame tinkle Facebook. Remiantis kiekybinių tyrimų analize, galima teigti, kad Delfi.lt užsienio politikos tematikoje dominuoja straipsniai, susiję su Užsienio reikalų ministerijos strateginės veiklos planu. Tai atskleidžia, kad užsienio politika yra vykdoma remiantis iš anksto numatytais tikslais. Dėl to visuomenė Lietuvos užsienio politiką gali matyti kaip nuoseklią ir patikimą. Straipsnių autorių įvairovė bei galimi kritiniai požiūriai leidžia auditorijai pažvelgti į situacijas iš skirtingų perspektyvų. Tuo tarpu socialiniame tinkle Facebook, Prezidentės D. Grybauskaitės paskyroje dominuoja elementai iš jos dienotvarkės, pateikiama informacija iš pagrindinių susitikimų, dalyvavimų renginiuose. Pastebimas nuoseklus bendravimas su didžiosiomis valstybėmis bei įsitraukimas į tarptautinių organizacijų veiklas. Kas vėlgi, parodo šios užsienio politikos veikėjos gebėjimą reprezentuoti savo valstybę bei aktyviu dalyvavimu tarptautiniuose susitikimuose siekti jai palankių sprendimų. Kitas analizuotas Facebook profilis, priklausantis URM, daugiausia susitelkia į informacijos publikacijas apie institucijos organizuojamus renginius bei iniciatyvas. Išryškėja aktyvus bendradarbiavimas su kaimyninėmis valstybėmis, pagalba probleminėse situacijose bei draugiški santykiai tarptautinėje arenoje. ; Politikos mokslų ir diplomatijos fakultetas ; Politologijos katedra

Croatia has been facing a population decline, mainly due to a low birth rate and the emigration of young and qualified workers. Considering the historical and dynamic aspects of emigration (Draženović, Kunovac and Pripužić, 2018), leading to depopulation, it is necessary to investigate all contributing factors in Croatia and explore potential models and measures to mitigate these unfavourable processes. Apart from Germany, Croatian citizens have emigrated mostly to Ireland and Austria since the country acceded to the EU (Pokos, 2017). Research confirms that the number of Croatian citizens who immigrated to Germany, Ireland and Austria in 2016 was, on average, 62% higher than the official data reported by the Republic of Croatia (Jerić, 2019). The increasingly intensive emigration of the young and able-bodied population additionally contributes to a rapidly ageing population, exerting strong pressure on the sustainability of the pension system (Družić, Beg and Raguž Krištić, 2016) and underscores the importance of investigating the reasons for emigration and the factors essential for return. Migration is also an important area of interest for the European Union due to its exceptional impact on all aspects of society. Increased opportunities for mobility, advances in technology that provide access to information sources, and societal changes strongly suggest the need for policymakers to examine the micro, meso, and macro drivers that influence migration or potentially influence a person's decision not to migrate or remigrate. Governments require migration analysis to create informed migration policies, including citizen participation in the policy development process. The perspectives of migrants and their behaviour should be taken into account when creating policies to better understand the key success factors needed for the desired outcomes of migrants (European Commission, 2020). According to Fargues (2017), migration is a complex process that is constantly changing as a result of various local, international, and global situations, highlighting the need for con¬tinual investigation and repeated surveying of the population. Within the current demographic climate, the World Youth Alliance Croatia (SSMH) launched the project "Network 2050 – Demography, From Challenges to Answers", co-financed by the European Social Fund. The project is based on intersectoral cooperation, identified as necessary for improving collaborative efforts to address the effects of negative demographic trends on the social and economic development of Croatia and develop measures for demographic revitalisation. This paper will present the data and analysis of the empirical results of the research conducted by the Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies. The study focuses on emigrants' opinions and perspectives regarding the factors that influenced their decision to migrate. This includes their own perceptions of the situation in Croatia, as well as abroad in their host country, which played a role in their decision-making process and continues to potentially impact them. Additionally, the paper explores the emigrants' perception of their current life circumstances. The target group comprised Croats currently living as expatriates in European countries. A total of 497 respondents, Croats currently living abroad, most of whom left Croatia between 2016 and 2021, took part in the survey. Three main research questions guided the investigation: 1) What are the key drivers of migration at the micro, meso, and macro levels that influence the decision to emigrate or stay, according to the perception of emigrants from Croatia?; 2) What factors influence the decision of Croats to stay abroad?; and, 3) What are the key factors that influence the decision to return to Croatia? For the purposes of this paper, the general results related to research questions 1 and 2 will be presented. The instrument used for data collection was an online questionnaire that respondents filled out independently. The questionnaire consisted of 62 questions, mostly closed-ended, with only a few open-ended questions to accommodate additional information if participants chose to elaborate on their perceptions. Including this option also allowed for the possibility of results that were not expected by the research team. The questions were divided into five thematic chapters: sociodemographic data, migration status, socioeconomic status, returnee motivational status, and identity and value system. The questionnaire was administered with special attention to the time of completion, clarity, and appropriateness of the questions. The data collection process included advertising the research project and posting calls for participation on various social media networks across platforms managed by members of various Croatian dias¬pora groups. Additionally, advertising was conducted through social groups and institutions, as well as using the snowball method. Data was collected during the period from July to October 2021. At the beginning, the purpose of the questionnaire was explained, and respondents were informed that their participation was voluntary with the possibility to withdraw at any time. Consistency in the questionnaire administration was achieved by exclusively offering it online. A total of 500 responses were received, of which 497 were valid, while three questionnaires were partially filled. Only key socio-demographic information was collected and, together with the respondents' personal perceptions, it was examined in relation to the key drivers of emigration. Their perception is the key feedback that can help state authorities and policymakers in designing measures aimed at retaining the population and attract¬ing potential returnees. Their perception was viewed as potentially showing indica¬tors of migration drivers, push and pull factors, as well as demonstrating public perception around key issues and policies, and the type of information (including its accuracy) used to inform migration. Respecting the perception of the general public when creating policies is in line with the concepts promoted by the EU Parliament (2020), which encourages the participation of citizens in decision-making. According to the obtained sociodemographic data, 208 respondents (41.9%) were female, and 289 respondents (58.1%) were male. The most represented age category (39%) was 30–39 years old. Additionally, 24% of respondents were between 40 and 49 years old, 22% were between 18 and 29 years old 9.5 % were between 50 and 59 years old, 3.2% were 60–69 years old and 2% were between 70 and 81 years old. This indicates that the majority of respondents who leave are younger than 40, i.e. in the reproductive age group. The results obtained support the relevance of the research by Družić, Beg and Raguž Krištić (2016), who warn about the loss of the young population in Croatia, which results in population ageing. The majority (78.3%) were born in Croatia, and the next significant group (13.1%) was born in Bosnia and Herzego¬vina. The largest group of respondents, at the time of the questionnaire, lived in Germany, followed by the numerically significant groups in Great Britain, Ireland and Sweden. The trend shown by the majority of respondents coming from Germany is in line with the large wave of migration to Germany since 2013 when Croatia entered the EU, and since July 2015 when the labour market in Germany was opened to Croatia. Jurić (2022) and Pokos (2017) describe Germany as still the most desirable country for Croatian emigration. The results showed that macro-level factors related to working conditions and employment rates influence micro-level factors, such as socioeconomic status. Work opportunities and the working environment were perceived as somewhat important because respondents believe that these aspects affect their personal quality of life. An interesting result is that the number of respondents who stated that they were married or in a partnership doubled after moving. It is worth mentioning that Jang, Cast¬erline and Snyder (2014) warn that the longer the time spent abroad, the stronger the ties made, potentially leading to the establishment of family life connected to the host country. This could negatively affect the potential decision to return. The influence of this factor at the micro level requires further research to show the possible impact of marriages abroad on the mobility of new families and their possible return to Croatia, especially if Croatia's goal is to encourage the return of its emigrants. The results of this study, as well as the recommendations of researchers such as Kis, Ozdemir and Ward (2015) on the importance of improving working conditions and wages as a means of improving living conditions, are useful for formulating strategies for population retention. Additionally, certain political restrictions can negatively affect the achievement of the country's migration goals (Boswell, 2002), which, in the case of Croatia, involves return migration and population retention.