Search results

Catástrofe en Asia China: El fuerte sismo del Domingo pasado, que midió 7,8 grados en la escala de Richter, azotó el sudoeste del país y habría causado cientos de heridos en diferentes ciudades. El sitio más afectado, resultó el condado de Beichuan, donde según reveló la agencia oficial Xinhua se estima que el 80 por ciento de las construcciones se derrumbaron, al mismo tiempo que informó que esa localidad tiene una población de 160.000 personas. Hoy en día las autoridades chinas temen que la cifra de muertos alcance los 20.000. El último balance recoge 14.866 fallecidos.Myanmar: A más de una semana del paso del ciclón tropical "Nargis" por Myanmar, la cifra de fallecidos se situaría en 34.273 y habría 27.836 desaparecidos, aunque la ONU calcula que el número de víctimas mortales se elevará entre los 60.000 y los 100.000 y que los desaparecidos ascienden, en realidad, a unas 200.000 personas. A esta situación se le suman problemas de abastecimiento.Diferentes medios informan al respecto:"MSNBC" informa: "Massive quake kills nearly 10,000 in China.7.9 temblor topples buildings; untold numbers thought to be trapped":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24573168/"Los Angeles Times" informa: "At least 8,500 killed in China earthquake video":http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-chinaquake13-2008may13,0,6114570.story"Time" publica: "Toll Mounts in China Earthquake":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1739287,00.html "Le Monde": "Chine : après le séisme meurtrier dans le Sichuan, les secours tentent de s'organiser ":http://www.lemonde.fr/asie-pacifique/article/2008/05/12/chine-apres-le-seisme-meurtrier-dans-le-sichuan-les-secours-tentent-de-s-organiser_1044028_3216.html#ens_id=1043586"New York Times" publica: "Quake Kills Thousands in Western China":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/05/13/world/asia/13china.html?_r=1&hp&oref=slogin"CNN" informa: "Thousands killed by huge China quake":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/05/12/china.quake/index.htmlUn terremoto en China dejó 10 mil muertos.El sismo fue de 7,8 grados en la escala de Richter; estiman que se derrumbó el 80 por ciento de los edificios en la provincia de Sicuani, "La Nación" informa:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1011813&origen=rss"China Daily" publica: "About 10,000 people dead in killer earthquake":http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2008-05/13/content_6678227.htm"Time" informa: "Dams Reported Damaged as Soldiers Reach Quake's Center":http://www.time.com/time/worldLas autoridades chinas temen que la cifra de muertos alcance los 20.000, informa "El País" de Madrid:http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/autoridades/chinas/temen/cifra/muertos/alcance/20000/elpepuint/20080514elpepuint_8/Tes"CNN" informa: "Girl pulled from quake rubble after 50 hours":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/05/14/quake.thursday/index.html"Time" publica: "China Races to Save Quake Victims":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1770925,00.htmlChina busca a miles de víctimas que siguen atrapadas bajo los escombros. El Gobierno ha enviado 50.000 policías y soldados a la zona del terremotohttp://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/China/busca/miles/victimas/siguen/atrapadas/escombros/elpepuint/20080514elpepiint_6/Tes"China Daily" informa: "National death toll rises to 14,866 two days after quake":http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2008-05/14/content_6682723.htm"People Daily" publica: "Sichuan quake death toll rises to nearly 10,000":http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/90001/90776/90882/6409236.html"CNN" informa: "China's earthquake victims 'eat bitterness'":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/05/14/china.vause/index.html"The Economist": "Responding to disaster":http://www.economist.com/opinion/displayStory.cfm?story_id=11359253 Myanmar: "No shelter from the storm", informa "The Economist": http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11332728"Los Angeles Times" publica: "Myanmar's cyclone victims brace for new storm":http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-irrawaddy12-2008may12,0,156545.storyMyanmar persiste en impedir la entrada de ayuda internacional. La Junta Militar fija en 34.000 los fallecidos mientras la ONU eleva la cifra hasta 100.000.- La Cruz Roja alerta de la peligrosidad de nuevas lluvias en la zona, "El País" de Madrid informa: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Myanmar/persiste/impedir/entrada/ayuda/internacional/elpepuint/20080514elpepuint_14/Tes"MSNBC": "Monks back on front line to aid cyclone victims. But they say military is curbing their efforts, even as it fails to deliver aid":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24582349/"New York Times" informa: "Myanmar Votes as Rulers Keep Grip on Aid": http://www.nytimes.com/2008/05/11/world/asia/11myanmar.html?_r=1&ref=world&oref=slogin"El Tiempo" de Colombia publica: "La ONU acusa a la Junta Militar birmana de confiscar la ayuda humanitaria":http://www.eltiempo.com/internacional/otrasregiones/noticias/ARTICULO-WEB-NOTA_INTERIOR-4140403.html"CNN" informa: "Relief boat sinks, leaving aid in Myanmar river":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/05/11/myanmar.aid/index.htmlMyanmar: naufragó un barco de la Cruz Roja. Habría chocado contra un tronco sumergido en las aguas; era el primer envío de ayuda para los sobrevivientes del Nargis:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1011613AMERICA LATINA"El País" de Madrid informa: "Los papeles de las FARC acusan a Chávez. El ordenador de Raúl Reyes revela la colaboración del presidente con la guerrilla":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/papeles/FARC/acusan/Chavez/elpepuint/20080510elpepiint_6/Tes"El Tiempo" de Colombia publica: "Chávez dice que Bush dejará cargo antes que él, pese a supuestos planes de E.U. para derrocarlo":http://www.eltiempo.com/internacional/latinoamerica/noticias/ARTICULO-WEB-NOTA_INTERIOR-4158488.html"El Tiempo" de Colombia informa: "E.U. cree en autenticidad de archivos de PC de 'Raúl Reyes' que vinculan a Hugo Chávez con las FARC": http://www.eltiempo.com/internacional/euycanada/noticias/ARTICULO-WEB-NOTA_INTERIOR-4154081.html"El Mercurio" de Chile informa: "Líder estudiantil venezolano Yon Goicoechea: "Mi lucha no es contra Chávez, es a favor de la democracia"":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/05/12/internacional/internacional/noticias/3808EB70-8C21-48C3-AE05-9F01BC62C20A.htm?id={3808EB70-8C21-48C3-AE05-9F01BC62C20A"La Nación" informa: "Antes de su gira por América latina, Merkel criticó el populismo y afirmó que frena el desarrollo: La canciller alemana visitará cuatro países de la región, pero no la Argentina":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/edicionimpresa/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1011478"EL Universal" de México publica: "Dice presidente de la CE que críticas de Chávez a Merkel no ayudan":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/506178.htmlEvo Morales someterá a referéndum su continuidad al frente de Bolivia. Los nueve gobernadores se jugarán también el puesto en la convocatoria, "El País" de Madrid informa: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Evo/Morales/sometera/referendum/continuidad/frente/Bolivia/elpepuint/20080510elpepiint_10/Tes "CNN" publica: "Bolivian president agrees to vote of confidence":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/05/08/bolivia.referendum/index.html"The Economist" informa: "Battle by referendum. A tactical victory for the opposition":http://www.economist.com/world/la/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11332954El mandatario brasileño elogió también a Morales y a Lugo. Enérgica defensa de Lula a Chávez. Dijo que "es el mejor presidente que ha tenido Venezuela en los últimos cien años". "La Nación" informa: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/edicionimpresa/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1011475"El Tiempo" de Colombia publica: "Grave daño ecológico por erupción del volcán Chaitén en el sur de Chile":http://www.eltiempo.com/internacional/latinoamerica/noticias/ARTICULO-WEB-NOTA_INTERIOR-4158472.html"El Universal" de México informa: "Presionan para evacuar animales de zona cercana a volcán chileno":http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/506196.html"El Tiempo" de Colombia informa: "Gobernadores argentinos abren diálogo con agricultores en medio de la huelga": http://www.eltiempo.com/internacional/latinoamerica/noticias/ARTICULO-WEB-NOTA_INTERIOR-4158573.htmlCortes de tráfico y 'cacerolazos' en apoyo del campo argentino. El sector agropecuario advierte de que la huelga puede extenderse por el país en caso de no obtener una respuesta del Gobierno, "El País" de Madrid publica: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Cortes/trafico/cacerolazos/apoyo/campo/argentino/elpepuint/20080512elpepuint_9/Tes"El Mercurio" de Chile informa: "Crisis política en Argentina: El campo amenaza con extender su paro y gobernadores recibirán a dirigentes ruralistas":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/05/12/internacional/_portada/noticias/E0D2FC51-C221-419C-92D8-96A811363514.htm?id={E0D2FC51-C221-419C-92D8-96A811363514"Time" publica: "Nicaragua's Great Leap Forward":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1738460,00.html"El Universal" publica: "Cuba descarta el acceso de los particulares a Internet a corto plazo": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/506148.htmlESTADOS UNIDOS/CANADÁ Deferentes medios informan sobre campaña electoral estadounidense:Obama supera a Clinton en número de superdelegados. Varios medios estadounidenses otorgan ventaja al senador por Illinois, que ayer obtuvo el apoyo de su ex rival John Edwards , "El País" de Madrid informa:http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Obama/supera/Clinton/numero/superdelegados/elpepuint/20080510elpepuint_4/Tes"The Economist" analiza: "The big remaining question: He is closer to the Democratic nomination. But how will Barack Obama's colour affect his chances in November?":http://www.economist.com/world/na/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11332201"New York Times" infroma: "Mississippi Fallout":http://thecaucus.blogs.nytimes.com/2008/05/14/mississippi-fallout/index.html?hp"CNN" analiza: "Clinton crushes Obama across the board":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/POLITICS/05/13/west.virginia.analysis/index.html"The Economist" publica: "Primary colour":http://www.economist.com/world/na/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11332289EE.UU.: al menos 18 muertos tras varios tornados. Golpearon con fuerza en Oklahoma y Missouri; hay cuantiosos daños materiales e interrupción de los servicios; no se precisó el número de heridos, "La Nación" publica:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1011606"El Mercurio" de Chile informa: "Fuertes tornados dejan al menos 22 muertos en el centro y sur de EE.UU.":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/05/12/internacional/internacional/noticias/6865AB89-CB95-4363-979F-D695E5A52388.htm?id={6865AB89-CB95-4363-979F-D695E5A52388EUROPA Los serbios eligen entre proeuropeos y ultranacionalistas: Tras su victoria en las legislativas el pasado domingo en Serbia, la coalición de fuerzas pro europeas, liderada por el Partido Democrático (DS), del presidente Boris Tadic, emprende ahora el diálogo con fuerzas minoritarias para formar Gobierno. La iniciativa corresponde a los ganadores, partidarios de acabar con el aislamiento serbio y acercar el país a la UE.Diferentes medios informan al respecto: "CNN" publica: "Divided Serbia begins key elections": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/05/11/serbia.election.ap/index.html"New York Times": "Serbia Braces for Electoral Showdown":http://www.nytimes.com/2008/05/13/world/europe/13serbia.html?hp"El País" de Madrid informa: "Los partidos serbios buscan alianzas para formar Gobierno":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/partidos/serbios/buscan/alianzas/formar/Gobierno/elpepuint/20080512elpepuint_6/Tes"CNN" publica: "Shock election win sets Serbia on path to EU":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/05/12/serbia.election/index.html"Time" informa: "Serbian Voters Spurn Nationalists":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1739295,00.html"The Economist" publica: "The European Union is doing its utmost to influence Serbia's voters": http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11332870"El Mercurio" informa: "Nuevo Premier italiano: Economía y seguridad, los desafíos del cuarto mandato de Silvio Berlusconi": http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/05/12/internacional/_portada/noticias/50C6E7F5-0250-4DB9-81D9-23D31248B00F.htm?id={50C6E7F5-0250-4DB9-81D9-23D31248B00F"La Nación"informa: "Italia buscará la expulsión de la inmigración ilegal. Será considerada un delito penal":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/edicionimpresa/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1011473"El Tiempo" de Colombia informa: "El primer ministro italiano Silvio Berlusconi adopta la línea dura contra la inmigración clandestina":http://www.eltiempo.com/internacional/europa/noticias/ARTICULO-WEB-NOTA_INTERIOR-4157840.htmlKey posts unchanged in new Russia government. Putin's reshuffle underscores central importance of gas, oil to economy, "MSNBC" publica:http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24577955/ETA quería "una matanza" con una bomba muy potente. Los investigadores atribuyen al 'comando Vizcaya' el atentado en Legutiano, que ha costado la vida a un guardia civil y ha dejado cuatro heridos.- Los terroristas programaron la explosión de más 100 kilos de explosivo con muy poco tiempo para huir, "El País" de Madrid informa:http://www.elpais.com/articulo/espana/ETA/queria/matanza/bomba/potente/elpepuesp/20080514elpepunac_2/Tes"El País" de Madrid publica "El Reino Unido revisa los plazos para abortar":http://www.elpais.com/articulo/sociedad/Reino/Unido/revisa/plazos/abortar/elpepisoc/20080510elpepisoc_5/Tes "El Mercurio" informa: "Premier británico: Popularidad de Gordon Brown cae a niveles récord":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/05/12/internacional/internacional/noticias/FCB2B2E9-A398-4D68-903B-B86E03AE5982.htm?id={FCB2B2E9-A398-4D68-903B-B86E03AE5982}ASIA – PACÍFICO Y MEDIO ORIENTEHezbolá retira a sus milicias de las calles de Beirut. Los opositores dejan en manos del Ejército las calles de la capital del Líbano, después de que los altos mandos rechazaran las decisiones del Gobierno. "El País" de Madrid informa:http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Hezbola/retira/milicias/calles/Beirut/elpepuint/20080510elpepuint_6/TesHezbollah cede el control de Beirut. Lo hizo luego de que el ejército suspendió dos medidas del gobierno en su contra; ayer hubo 14 muertos en el norte del país, "La Nación" publica:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/edicionimpresa/exterior/nota.asp?nota_id=1011552 "El Tiempo" de Colombia informa: "Aumentan combates entre rebeldes y leales al gobierno en el Líbano": http://www.eltiempo.com/internacional/orientemedio/noticias/ARTICULO-WEB-NOTA_INTERIOR-4158468.html"CNN": "Judge row puts Pakistan coalition in danger":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/05/11/pakistan.judges.ap/index.html"Atentado en vísperas de elecciones dejó al menos diez muertos en Sri Lanka"http://www.eltiempo.com/internacional/otrasregiones/noticias/ARTICULO-WEB-NOTA_INTERIOR-4154321.html"El Mercurio" de Chile analiza: "A 60 años de la guerra árabe-israelí: Los palestinos necesitan ayudarse a sí mismos para lograr su Estado": http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/05/12/internacional/internacional/noticias/C999854B-29DF-4989-BC4C-FF8A87B57BE8.htm?id={C999854B-29DF-4989-BC4C-FF8A87B57BE8 Declaraciones del presidente Iraní respecto al aniversario de independencia israelí: "Mahmud Ahmadinejad dice que Israel "está en vías de desaparición"":http://www.eltiempo.com/internacional/orientemedio/noticias/ARTICULO-WEB-NOTA_INTERIOR-4151332.htmlBush visita Israel: "Gaza Rocket Rocks Bush's Israel Trip", "Time" informa:http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1779536,00.htmlÁFRICAEl líder opositor de Zimbabue acepta la segunda vuelta de las presidenciales. Tsvangirai pide observadores internacionales para que el presidente Robert Mugabe no repita el fraude de la primera ronda.- El Gobierno descarta las condiciones y dice que los comicios se realizarán bajo las leyes vigentes, informa "El País" de Madrid: http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/lider/opositor/Zimbabue/acepta/segunda/vuelta/presidenciales/elpepuint/20080510elpepuint_7/Tes "CNN" publica: "Official: Zimbabwe runoff must be delayed":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/05/11/zimbabwe.runoff.ap/index.html"CNN" informa "U.N. aid worker shot dead in Kenya":http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/05/09/kenya.shooting/index.html"MSNBC" informa: "Sudan closes border with Chad and halts trade. The move comes a day after Sudan severed diplomatic relations with Chad":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24556085/Economist calls on world to aid African farmers, "CNN" informa:http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/05/08/africa.farming.ap/index.html ECONOMIA "The Economist" en su resumen semanal: "Business this week":http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11333281&CFID=5407672&CFTOKEN=71878483La mayor aseguradora del mundo entra en 'números rojos'.Los malos resultados de AIG y Citigroup, que ultima una nueva depreciación de activos, ponen de relieve que Wall Street sigue bajo los efectos de la crisis, informa "El País" de Madrid:http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/mayor/aseguradora/mundo/entra/numeros/rojos/elpepueco/20080509elpepueco_5/Tes "Time" publica: "Citigroup To Shed Nearly $500B in Assets":http://www.time.com/time/business/article/0,8599,1738840,00.html?iid=336x280_ad3OTRAS NOTICIAS "The Economist" infroma acerca de la crisis de alimentos: "Taking the strain. The political fallout from the rising cost of food has been manageable—so far":http://www.economist.com/world/international/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11332931Fallece rescatadora de 2500 niños judíos en la Shoá (Holocausto), "Irena Sendler, who smuggled children out of Warsaw Ghetto, was 98" "MSNBC" informa:http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/24574531/"The economist" publica: "Microsoft and Yahoo!, No deal":http://www.economist.com/business/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11332396

Chapter 1: Lianqi Development Co., Ltd. v. Shanghai Baoye Group Corp., Ltd., Sakai SIO International(Guangzhou)Co., Ltd. et al. (Appeal against Jurisdictional Objection in Dispute over Infringement of Patent for Invention): The Principle of "Two Conveniences" and the Mechanism of Leapfrog Appeal shall be Fully Considered when Confirming the Jurisdiction of Non-infringement and Infringement of Patent -- Chapter 2: Shanxi Coal International Energy Group Jincheng Co., Ltd. v. China CITIC Bank Co., Ltd. Xi'an Branch, Shaanxi Petroleum & Chemical Corporation Co., Ltd. (Dispute over Contract): In a Confirming Warehouse Transaction Without Real Trade Background, the Real Legal Relationship Among the Buyer, Seller, and the Bank Shall be Found to be the Relationship of Loan and Guaranty Contract -- Chapter 3: Xinjiang Longmei Energy Co. Ltd. v. Zheng X (Dispute over Equity Transfer Contract): Changed Circumstances Shall not Be Claimed to Rescind the Contract Concluded When a Party Clearly Knowing the Risk -- Chapter 4: Ping An Bank Co., Ltd. Beijing Branch, and Beijing Gold Exchange Co., Ltd. et al v. Hainan Jinfenghuang Hotspring Resort Co., Ltd., Beijing Xinyupeng Mechanical & Electrical Engineering Co., Ltd. et al (Dispute over Loan Contract): The Effect of Issuing a Blank Guaranty Contract Stamped with the Official Seal, and the Issue That a Guaranty Provider May Be Exempted Within the Scope of the Pledge Waived by Its Pledgee -- Chapter 5: China Nonferrous Metal Industry's Construction Co., Ltd. v. Hengfeng Bank Co., Ltd. Ningbo Branch and defendants in the first instance, Ningbo Zhong Ren Hong Electronics Co., Ltd. and Ningbo Gang Di Trade Co., Ltd. et al. (Disputes over the Issuing of Letter of Credit and the Right of Recourse) : Instruments Debtors Shall not Protest Against the Pledgee on the Ground of Protesting Against the Pledgor -- Chapter 6: Xinjiang Hua Cheng An Ju Real Estate Development Co., Ltd. v. China Railway Construction Bridge Engineering Bureau Group Co., Ltd. (Dispute over Contract for the Undertaking of Construction Projects): on Application of Good Faith Principle in Finding the Validity of Contract -- Chapter 7: LC Securities Co., Ltd. and Eastern Gold Jade Co., Ltd. v. Yunnan Xinglong Industry Co., Ltd. and Zhao X et al. (Dispute over a Suretyship Contract): The Scope of Security Liability Assumed by the Security Provider Shall be Limited to the Scope of the Principal Obligation -- Chapter 8: Bank of DaLian Co., Ltd. v. Dalian Branch of China Railway Modern Logistics Technology Co., Ltd. and Jinzhou Zuoyuan Sugar Foods Co., Ltd. et al. (Dispute over a Loan Contract): Pledge in Movable Property May not be Created by Possession Reformulation -- Chapter 9: Sichuan Zhongding Construction Engineering Co., Ltd. v. Zhu X and Natural Resources Bureau of Wulan County (Dispute over Contract for the Undertaking of Construction Projects): In a De Facto Juristic Relation, the Actual Builder May Claim Project Payments Directly with the Party Offering the Contract -- Chapter 10: Fujian Tinghu Real Estate Group Co., Ltd. v. Natural Resources Bureau of Xianyou County (Dispute over a Contract for Transfer of State-owned Construction Land Use Right): In Case of Breach of Contract due to Objective Reasons, the Liquidated Damages Clause Shall be Applied Primarily to Cover the Loss -- Chapter 11: Wang X V. Bazhou Sairui Machinery & Equipment Installation Co., Cao X(A) (Dispute over Change of Registration): The Claim of the Resigned Legal Representative for the Registration of the Change of the Legal Representative of Company Shall, Absent Other Remedies, Be Accepted by the Court -- Chapter 12: Peng X V. Chengdu Rural Commercial Bank Co., Ltd. Cuqiao Subbranch, Chen X, et al. (Dispute over Suretyship agreement): Impact on the Liability of Other Guarantors Involved of Creditor's Waiver in Mixed Security of Security in Rem as Provided by Debtor -- Chapter 13: Hubei YAS Commercial Chain Co., Ltd. V. Danyang Yongsheng Motor Transport Co., Ltd. (Dispute over Tort Liability): Criteria for the Determination of Erroneous Application for Property Preservation -- Chapter 14: Jiang X, Chen X, el al. V. Lin X, Weng X(A)., et al. (Dispute over Objection to the Enforcement of Judgment): Determination on the Time When the Seizure Ruling and the Notice of Assistance in Execution Take Effect -- Chapter 15: Huang X V. Xiamen Shuangrun Investment Management Co., Fenghe (China) Co. (the third party in the first instance), Hui'an County Rural Credit Cooperative (Dispute over the Objection by an Outsider to the Enforcement): The Requirements for the Valid Objection to the Execution by the Transferee of Equity -- Chapter 16: Guilin Zhangtai Industry Group Co., Ltd., Guangxi Lichengdong Investment Co., Ltd. et al (Enforcement Reconsideration of Dispute over Recovery of Financial Distressed Debt): Identification of Interest in Cases of Enforcement against Dispute over Recovery of Financial Distressed Debt -- Chapter 17: Zhou X v. Xiamen Baixiang Shouli E-Business Co., Ltd. (Dispute over Online Shopping Contract): Determination of the Basis for the Adjustment of Agreed Punitive Liquidated Damages. - Chapter 18: Yunnan Copper Co., Ltd. v. Kunming Wanbao Jiyuan Biotechnology Co., Ltd., Yunnan Zhongheng Innovation Investment Co., Ltd. etc (Dispute over Sale Contract): Identification of the Nature and Validity of Closed-loop Sale Contracts -- Chapter 19: Zhongkong Guorong New Energy Development Co., Ltd. v. Fuzhou Dade Industry Co., Ltd. (Dispute over Sale Contract): Determination and Application of Deposit-related Penalty Rules for Partial Performance of Contracts -- Chapter 20: Zhongrong Hengsheng Wood Industry Co., Ltd.(Beijing)v. Crosplus (Shanghai) Co., Ltd. and Nanjing Mengyang Furniture Sales Center (Dispute over Copyright Infringement): Elements for Copyright Protection of Works of Applied Art -- Chapter 21: JDB (China) Co., Ltd. v. Guangzhou Wanglaoji Health Industry Co., Ltd. (Dispute over False Advertising): Identification of False Advertising -- Chapter 22: Shandong Bittel Intelligent Technology Co., Ltd (Bittel) v. Jiangsu Zhongxun Digital Electronics Co., Ltd. (Dispute over Tortious Liability for Damages Arising from Malicious Prosecution in Intellectual Property Litigation): Standard for Assessing the Subjective Fault in Disputes over Damages Arising from Malicious Prosecution in Intellectual Property Litigation -- Chapter 23: Lacoste Company Limited v. Cartelo Pty Ltd. and Trademark Review and Adjudication Board of State Administration for Industry and Commerce of the People's Republic of China (Administrative Dispute over Trademark Disputes): Impact of Offshore Co-existence Agreements on Determining the Trademark Similarity -- Chapter 24: Xiamen Meetyou Co., Ltd. v. Beijing Kangzhilesi Network Technology Co., Ltd. and China National Intellectual Property Administration (Administrative Dispute over Request for Declaration of Trademark Invalidity): Whether the Trademark at Issue is the Sign "Not to be Used as Trademark" Falls within the Jurisdiction of People's Court to Review the Administrative Act or Conduct in Affirming and Authorizing the Trademark -- Chapter 25: Xiao X v. Seno LED Co., Ltd. (Dispute over Infringement of Patent for Invention): The Role of Interpretations of the Recorded Technical Effect upon the Patent Claims and Impact on the Principle of Equivalence -- Chapter 26: Medacor (Tianjin) Technology Co., Ltd. v. Sunshine (Tianjin) Group Co., Ltd., and Defendants in the First Instance, Wang A, Zhang A, et al. (Dispute over Infringement of Trade Secrets): How to Determine whether the Customer List Constitutes the Trade Secrets -- Chapter 27: Ningbo Beworth Textile Machinery Co., Ltd. v. Ningbo Cixing Company Limited (Dispute over License Contract for Technological Secrets): Handling of Cases involved both Criminal and Civil Proceedings related to Trade Secrets -- Chapter 28: VMI Holland B.V. and Cooper (Kunshan) Tire Co., Ltd. v. Safe-run Co., Ltd. (Dispute over Confirmation of Patent Non-infringement): Prerequisites for Confirming Patent Non-infringement -- Chapter 29: Alfa Laval Corporate A B v. China National Intellectual Property Administration and SWEP International A B (the Third Party in the First Instance) (Administrative Dispute over Invalid Patent for Invention): Determination of Modification of Patent Claims beyond Scope in Invalidity Declaration Proceedings -- Chapter 30: Shimano v. Sensah Smart Sports Equipment Co., Ltd. (Dispute over Infringement of Patent for Invention): Determination of Protection Scope of Functional Features -- Chapter 31: Shenzhen Jiedian Technology Co., Ltd. v. Shenzhen Laidian Technology Co., Ltd. and Anker Innovations Technology Co., Ltd. (Dispute over Infringement of Patent for Utility Models): Classification and Identification Standards of Technical Features in Patent Claims -- Chapter 32: Wartsila Finland Oy and Spliethoff's Bevrachtingskantoor B.V. v. Rongcheng Xixiakou Shipbuilding Co., Ltd. and Yingqin Engine (Shanghai) Co., Ltd. (Tort dispute over the sale and purchase of marine equipment): Mere interest in the performance of a contract does not in principle fall within the scope of application of the law of tort liability -- Chapter 33: Shanghai Salvage Company under the Ministry of Transport v. Provence Shipowner 2008-1 Ltd, CMA CGM SA, et. al (Dispute over salvage at sea and ship pollution damage liabilities): How to distinguish the costs of preventive measures and the costs of salvage measures, determine the subject avoiding liability in ship collision and oil spill pollution incidents, and identify restricted and unrestricted maritime compensation claims -- Chapter 34: Bank of China Limited, Henan Branch v. UBAF (Hong Kong) Ltd. (Dispute over independent guarantee): How to determine independent guarantee fraud by a prima facie complying demand due to abuse of claim for payment -- Chapter 35: Evergreen Marine (Singapore) Pte. Ltd. v. .

Opći cilj istraživanja prikazanog u ovom radu jest teorijsko i empirijsko razmatranje različitih modela urbanog upravljanja na primjeru urbano-okolišnog sektora Grada Zagreba, pri čemu se posebna pažnja daje mogućnostima i preprekama za integrirano urbano upravljanje, s fokusom na koordinaciju i participaciju. Tema je razrađivana kroz različite teorijske pristupe s namjerom holističkog obuhvata područja istraživanja. Tipologija urbanog upravljanja koju su razvili DiGaetano i Strom (2003) koristi se za analizu i interpretaciju tipova upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru Grada Zagreba. Vezano specifično uz integrirano upravljanje, istraživanjem je obuhvaćena horizontalna integracija, kao dimenzija integriranog upravljanja, odnosno njezina dva aspekta: a) segment integriranog urbanog upravljanja koji pretpostavlja intenzivniju i kvalitetniju suradnju i koordinaciju formalnih aktera unutar gradske uprave; te, b) participacija neformalnih aktera u procesu donošenja odluka i kreiranja javnih politika. Aspekt koordinacije formalnih aktera interpretiran je u ovom radu temeljem teorije koordinacije javnih politika, pri čemu se preuzimaju sukcesivne razine ostvarivanja koherentnosti u oblikovanju javnih politika koje je razvio Peters (2004). U dijagnostičke svrhe utvrđivanja suradnje različitih gradskih tijela u urbano-okolišnom sektoru u ostvarivanju zajedničkih ciljeva korišten je i Metcalfeov (1994) pristup analizi izmjere kapaciteta koordinacije javnih politika. Što se tiče participacije neformalnih aktera, u interpretaciji se koristi tipologija razine participacije koju je izradila Arnstein (1969) kao i klasifikacija jednosmjernih i dvosmjernih participativnih metoda od Anokye (2013). U kontekstu ovog istraživanja razmatra se i redistribucija moći između formalnih i neformalnih aktera izražena kao odnos snaga u kojem su u poziciji moći formalni akteri, a neformalni akteri svojim djelovanjem dovode u pitanje granice i raspodjelu moći (Arnstein, 1969). Istraživanje je dizajnirano kao studija slučaja urbanog upravljanja u Gradu Zagrebu korištenjem metode polu-strukturiranog intervjua i fokusne grupe uz pregled relevantnog normativnog i strateškog okvira. Istraživanjem je utvrđen hibridni tip upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru, specifičnije, korporativno-klijentelistički tip urbanog upravljanja. Uočene specifičnosti u modelu upravljanja odnose se na nepovjerenje neformalnih aktera u tijela lokalne samouprave što je dodatno naglašeno uvjerenjem kako lokalna samouprava počiva na principima klijentelizma i pomanjkanja odgovornosti te sektorskom i piramidalnom sustavu upravljanja s koncentracijom moći u samome vrhu gradske vlasti. Navedeno je u suprotnosti sa integriranim modelom upravljanja koje pretpostavlja ostvarenje moći kroz pozitivan kontekst "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), odnosno, ostvarenje moći kroz suradnju i konsenzus, partnerstvo i procese kolektivnog djelovanja. Koordinacija odabranih gradskih ureda unutar urbano-okolišnog sektora svrstana je, sukladno Petersu (2004) na najnižu razinu negativne koordinacije, te sukladno Metcalfeu (1994), na četvrtu razinu koja isto spada u negativnu koordinaciju s obzirom na manjkavosti koje se očituju u: preklapanjima u obavljanju poslova, pri čemu se ističe nedostatak adekvatne koordinacije aktivnosti i projekata (izostanak strukturirane koordinacije) odnosno komunikacije (različite informacije, različite vizije, različite i nepovezane aktivnosti, nedostatak adekvatne baze podataka koju bi mogli koristiti svi uredi i sektori), kako unutar ureda i sektora (naglasak na nepostojanje adekvatne horizontalne koordinacije), tako i među sektorima (nepostojanje adekvatne međusektorske koordinacije), ali i spram civilnog sektora (u vezi programa i aktivnosti od zajedničkog interesa). Naposljetku, razina participacije u urbano-okolišnom sektoru prema Arnsteininoj gradaciji participacije spada u kategoriju tokenizma. Općenito, građane se ne potiče na preuzimanje aktivne uloge prilikom donošenja relevantnih odluka u domeni djelokruga lokalne samouprave kao ni na ostvarivanje partnerstva sa formalnim akterima. Sukladno klasifikaciji metoda participacije prema Anokye (2013), utvrđeno je prisustvo dominacije jednosmjernih uz ponešto dvosmjernih metoda participacije u kategoriji tokenizma. Navedeno upućuje na instrumentalni pristup (Hordijk, 2015) u participaciji neformalnih aktera koji, iako su uključeni u procese odlučivanja, nisu ravnopravni političkim akterima. Na tragu Arnsteininog (1969) poimanja moći, rezultati istraživanja s jedne strane ilustriraju moć kao asimetričnu (centraliziranu) odnosno hijerarhijsku (podređenost većine i zapovijedanje manjine) strukturu koju karakterizira koncentracija moći u samome vrhu upravljačke strukture (Ured Gradonačelnika), a što kod nekih formalnih kao i kod neformalnih aktera stvara osjećaj bespomoćnosti. S druge strane, nalazi ilustriraju moć kao procesnu, što je vidljivo kroz primjere suradnje među akterima koji ukazuju kako neformalni akteri višom razinom participacije u nekim slučajevima dovode uvriježene hijerarhije u pitanje. Međutim, pritom je isključivo riječ o partnerstvu, ali ne i o delegiranju moći ili pak građanskom nadzoru koje Arnstein svrstava u najviše razine građanske moći. ; The general purpose of the research presented in this thesis is to theoretically and empirically consider different models of urban governance based on the example of the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Particular attention is given to the opportunities and barriers to integrated urban governance with a focus on participation. The research engages with different theoretical approaches with the intention to have a holistic approach to the subject of research. The typology of urban governance developed by DiGaetano and Strom (2003) is utilized for the analysis and interpretation of types of governance present in the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Specifically with regard to integrated governance, the research encompasses horizontal integration – as a dimension of integrated governance – and particularly its two aspects: a) the dimension of integrated urban governance which implies more intensive and enhanced cooperation and coordination between formal actors within the city administration; and b) informal actors' participation in the decision making process and the process of creating public policies. The coordination of formal actors' is interpreted through public policies coordination theory by way of adopting successive levels of coherence implementation when shaping public policies as developed by Peters (2004). Metcalfe's (1994) approach to the analysis of public policies capacity coordination is also utilized as a diagnostic tool with the aim of determining the level of cooperation among the different city offices within the environment sector. With regard to capturing the participation of informal actors, the study utilizes Arnstein's (1969) typology of the level of participation, as well as the one-way and two-way classification of participation methods developed by Anokye (2013). In the context of this study, the redistribution of power between formal and informal actors is conveyed as a struggle between formal actors being in the position of power, and informal actors who through their activities question the boundaries and distribution of power. The research was designed as a case study of urban governance in the City of Zagreb. Semi-structured interviews and focus groups were conducted, and relevant legal and strategic documents were analyzed. The research has identified a hybrid governance model, more precisely, a corporate-clientelist model of urban governance. The governance model's specificities are reflected in the informal actors' distrust of local level administration, further emphasized through the conviction that the local administration relies on a clientelist agenda, lack of responsibility, and sectorial and pyramidical system of governance whereby the power resides in the highest echelons of city government. The highlighted findings are contrary to the model of integrated governance that presupposes empowerment through a positive context of "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), through cooperation and consensus, partnership and collective actions. The coordination of examined city offices within the sector of environment is categorized, according to Peters (2004), as the lowest level of negative coordination, and, according to Metcalfe (1994), on the fourth level, which also represents negative coordination, given the noted shortcomings: overlaps in activities conducted and specifically lack of adequate levels of coordinating activities and projects (lack of structured coordination), lack of communication (different information, different visions, different and disconnected activities, lack of an adequate database to be used by all offices and sectors), both within offices and sectors (lack of adequate horizontal coordination) as well as between sectors (lack of adequate inter-sectorial coordination), but in relation to the civil sector (with regard to programs and activities of common interest). Finally, the level of participation in the environment sector, in accordance with Arnstein's participation gradation, falls into the category of tokenism. Overall, citizens are not encouraged to assume active roles in the local administration's decision-making process or realize partnerships with formal actors. Based on Anokye's (2013) classification of participation methods, the study identifies the dominance of one-way participation methods and a handful of two-way participation methods in the tokenism category. This points to an instrumental approach (Hordijk, 2015) to the participation of informal actors', who, although involved in the decision-making process, are not equal to political actors. Drawing on Arnstein's (1969) understanding of power, the study illustrates, on one hand, power as asymmetrical (centralized) and hierarchical (subordination of majority, command of minority), characterized by the concentration of power at the top of the local government structure (Mayor's office), which, in turn, creates a feeling of helplessness both among certain formal as well as informal actors. On the other hand, the study results illustrate that power can also be understood as a process which is exemplified with instances of cooperation between actors showing that informal actors when achieving a higher level of participation bring established hierarchies into question. However, this is strictly reserved for partnership, and not for the delegated power or citizen control which are ranked by Arnstein as the highest levels of citizens' power.

Opći cilj istraživanja prikazanog u ovom radu jest teorijsko i empirijsko razmatranje različitih modela urbanog upravljanja na primjeru urbano-okolišnog sektora Grada Zagreba, pri čemu se posebna pažnja daje mogućnostima i preprekama za integrirano urbano upravljanje, s fokusom na koordinaciju i participaciju. Tema je razrađivana kroz različite teorijske pristupe s namjerom holističkog obuhvata područja istraživanja. Tipologija urbanog upravljanja koju su razvili DiGaetano i Strom (2003) koristi se za analizu i interpretaciju tipova upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru Grada Zagreba. Vezano specifično uz integrirano upravljanje, istraživanjem je obuhvaćena horizontalna integracija, kao dimenzija integriranog upravljanja, odnosno njezina dva aspekta: a) segment integriranog urbanog upravljanja koji pretpostavlja intenzivniju i kvalitetniju suradnju i koordinaciju formalnih aktera unutar gradske uprave; te, b) participacija neformalnih aktera u procesu donošenja odluka i kreiranja javnih politika. Aspekt koordinacije formalnih aktera interpretiran je u ovom radu temeljem teorije koordinacije javnih politika, pri čemu se preuzimaju sukcesivne razine ostvarivanja koherentnosti u oblikovanju javnih politika koje je razvio Peters (2004). U dijagnostičke svrhe utvrđivanja suradnje različitih gradskih tijela u urbano-okolišnom sektoru u ostvarivanju zajedničkih ciljeva korišten je i Metcalfeov (1994) pristup analizi izmjere kapaciteta koordinacije javnih politika. Što se tiče participacije neformalnih aktera, u interpretaciji se koristi tipologija razine participacije koju je izradila Arnstein (1969) kao i klasifikacija jednosmjernih i dvosmjernih participativnih metoda od Anokye (2013). U kontekstu ovog istraživanja razmatra se i redistribucija moći između formalnih i neformalnih aktera izražena kao odnos snaga u kojem su u poziciji moći formalni akteri, a neformalni akteri svojim djelovanjem dovode u pitanje granice i raspodjelu moći (Arnstein, 1969). Istraživanje je dizajnirano kao studija slučaja urbanog upravljanja u Gradu Zagrebu korištenjem metode polu-strukturiranog intervjua i fokusne grupe uz pregled relevantnog normativnog i strateškog okvira. Istraživanjem je utvrđen hibridni tip upravljanja u urbano-okolišnom sektoru, specifičnije, korporativno-klijentelistički tip urbanog upravljanja. Uočene specifičnosti u modelu upravljanja odnose se na nepovjerenje neformalnih aktera u tijela lokalne samouprave što je dodatno naglašeno uvjerenjem kako lokalna samouprava počiva na principima klijentelizma i pomanjkanja odgovornosti te sektorskom i piramidalnom sustavu upravljanja s koncentracijom moći u samome vrhu gradske vlasti. Navedeno je u suprotnosti sa integriranim modelom upravljanja koje pretpostavlja ostvarenje moći kroz pozitivan kontekst "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), odnosno, ostvarenje moći kroz suradnju i konsenzus, partnerstvo i procese kolektivnog djelovanja. Koordinacija odabranih gradskih ureda unutar urbano-okolišnog sektora svrstana je, sukladno Petersu (2004) na najnižu razinu negativne koordinacije, te sukladno Metcalfeu (1994), na četvrtu razinu koja isto spada u negativnu koordinaciju s obzirom na manjkavosti koje se očituju u: preklapanjima u obavljanju poslova, pri čemu se ističe nedostatak adekvatne koordinacije aktivnosti i projekata (izostanak strukturirane koordinacije) odnosno komunikacije (različite informacije, različite vizije, različite i nepovezane aktivnosti, nedostatak adekvatne baze podataka koju bi mogli koristiti svi uredi i sektori), kako unutar ureda i sektora (naglasak na nepostojanje adekvatne horizontalne koordinacije), tako i među sektorima (nepostojanje adekvatne međusektorske koordinacije), ali i spram civilnog sektora (u vezi programa i aktivnosti od zajedničkog interesa). Naposljetku, razina participacije u urbano-okolišnom sektoru prema Arnsteininoj gradaciji participacije spada u kategoriju tokenizma. Općenito, građane se ne potiče na preuzimanje aktivne uloge prilikom donošenja relevantnih odluka u domeni djelokruga lokalne samouprave kao ni na ostvarivanje partnerstva sa formalnim akterima. Sukladno klasifikaciji metoda participacije prema Anokye (2013), utvrđeno je prisustvo dominacije jednosmjernih uz ponešto dvosmjernih metoda participacije u kategoriji tokenizma. Navedeno upućuje na instrumentalni pristup (Hordijk, 2015) u participaciji neformalnih aktera koji, iako su uključeni u procese odlučivanja, nisu ravnopravni političkim akterima. Na tragu Arnsteininog (1969) poimanja moći, rezultati istraživanja s jedne strane ilustriraju moć kao asimetričnu (centraliziranu) odnosno hijerarhijsku (podređenost većine i zapovijedanje manjine) strukturu koju karakterizira koncentracija moći u samome vrhu upravljačke strukture (Ured Gradonačelnika), a što kod nekih formalnih kao i kod neformalnih aktera stvara osjećaj bespomoćnosti. S druge strane, nalazi ilustriraju moć kao procesnu, što je vidljivo kroz primjere suradnje među akterima koji ukazuju kako neformalni akteri višom razinom participacije u nekim slučajevima dovode uvriježene hijerarhije u pitanje. Međutim, pritom je isključivo riječ o partnerstvu, ali ne i o delegiranju moći ili pak građanskom nadzoru koje Arnstein svrstava u najviše razine građanske moći. ; The general purpose of the research presented in this thesis is to theoretically and empirically consider different models of urban governance based on the example of the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Particular attention is given to the opportunities and barriers to integrated urban governance with a focus on participation. The research engages with different theoretical approaches with the intention to have a holistic approach to the subject of research. The typology of urban governance developed by DiGaetano and Strom (2003) is utilized for the analysis and interpretation of types of governance present in the environmental sector of the City of Zagreb. Specifically with regard to integrated governance, the research encompasses horizontal integration – as a dimension of integrated governance – and particularly its two aspects: a) the dimension of integrated urban governance which implies more intensive and enhanced cooperation and coordination between formal actors within the city administration; and b) informal actors' participation in the decision making process and the process of creating public policies. The coordination of formal actors' is interpreted through public policies coordination theory by way of adopting successive levels of coherence implementation when shaping public policies as developed by Peters (2004). Metcalfe's (1994) approach to the analysis of public policies capacity coordination is also utilized as a diagnostic tool with the aim of determining the level of cooperation among the different city offices within the environment sector. With regard to capturing the participation of informal actors, the study utilizes Arnstein's (1969) typology of the level of participation, as well as the one-way and two-way classification of participation methods developed by Anokye (2013). In the context of this study, the redistribution of power between formal and informal actors is conveyed as a struggle between formal actors being in the position of power, and informal actors who through their activities question the boundaries and distribution of power. The research was designed as a case study of urban governance in the City of Zagreb. Semi-structured interviews and focus groups were conducted, and relevant legal and strategic documents were analyzed. The research has identified a hybrid governance model, more precisely, a corporate-clientelist model of urban governance. The governance model's specificities are reflected in the informal actors' distrust of local level administration, further emphasized through the conviction that the local administration relies on a clientelist agenda, lack of responsibility, and sectorial and pyramidical system of governance whereby the power resides in the highest echelons of city government. The highlighted findings are contrary to the model of integrated governance that presupposes empowerment through a positive context of "power with" (Gaventa, 2009), through cooperation and consensus, partnership and collective actions. The coordination of examined city offices within the sector of environment is categorized, according to Peters (2004), as the lowest level of negative coordination, and, according to Metcalfe (1994), on the fourth level, which also represents negative coordination, given the noted shortcomings: overlaps in activities conducted and specifically lack of adequate levels of coordinating activities and projects (lack of structured coordination), lack of communication (different information, different visions, different and disconnected activities, lack of an adequate database to be used by all offices and sectors), both within offices and sectors (lack of adequate horizontal coordination) as well as between sectors (lack of adequate inter-sectorial coordination), but in relation to the civil sector (with regard to programs and activities of common interest). Finally, the level of participation in the environment sector, in accordance with Arnstein's participation gradation, falls into the category of tokenism. Overall, citizens are not encouraged to assume active roles in the local administration's decision-making process or realize partnerships with formal actors. Based on Anokye's (2013) classification of participation methods, the study identifies the dominance of one-way participation methods and a handful of two-way participation methods in the tokenism category. This points to an instrumental approach (Hordijk, 2015) to the participation of informal actors', who, although involved in the decision-making process, are not equal to political actors. Drawing on Arnstein's (1969) understanding of power, the study illustrates, on one hand, power as asymmetrical (centralized) and hierarchical (subordination of majority, command of minority), characterized by the concentration of power at the top of the local government structure (Mayor's office), which, in turn, creates a feeling of helplessness both among certain formal as well as informal actors. On the other hand, the study results illustrate that power can also be understood as a process which is exemplified with instances of cooperation between actors showing that informal actors when achieving a higher level of participation bring established hierarchies into question. However, this is strictly reserved for partnership, and not for the delegated power or citizen control which are ranked by Arnstein as the highest levels of citizens' power.

The dissertation is devoted to the substantiation of theoretical and methodological aspects of the study of the market of migration services and development of practical recommendations for its development through effective migration policy and increase of social protection of Ukrainian labour migrants.The dissertation deals with the theoretical and methodological aspects of the research for the market of migration services in Ukraine. The content of the terms 'market of migration services' and 'migration service' is clarified, the basic conceptual bases of market formation are substantiated. The basic functions of the market of migration services are systematized, among which are provided providing, informative, mediating, stimulating, balancing and protective. The author's approach to the classification of migration services is presented. The structure of the market of migration services is generalized by the subject-object approach and spatial attribute. The features of functioning and development of the cross-border market of migration services are determined. Three groups of actors (participants) in the market relations of the cross-border migration market are identified and substantiated: migrant customers, directly actual and potential migrants, and intermediaries (migration service providers).The factors of formation and development of the market of migration services are generalized. Depending on the possibilities of regulating their influence on the market, there are four groups: "permanent", "long-term", "variables" and "factors of rapid formation and development" of the migration services market. Factors are classified into general and specific factors. The specific is divided into formal and shadow sections by such groups - political, legal and administrative, geopolitical, institutional-informational, economic, social-protective, cultural-historical and ethnicdemographic. The peculiarities of the influence of these factors on the market of migration services in Ukraine with specifying features in other countries are revealed.The basic provisions of the theories that form the methodology of research for the market of migration services are studied. The algorithm of the research's the market of migration services is formulated, which includes: analysis of the volume (capacity) of the market within a specific territory; research of market structure; estimation of market demand and supply; analysis of migration services; assessment of the level of competition in the market. The structural and logical scheme of the stage of research for the market of migration services is generalized.Migration trends and environmental conditions of the market of migration services in Ukraine are analysed. Particular attention is focused on the problem of scientific-methodological and information support for the analysis of the market of migration services. Differences in expert estimates of external labour migration have led to their calculations of the number of Ukrainian labour migrants abroad. Based on the author's estimates, the minimum environment for the formation of the domestic market for migration services is about 5 million Ukrainian migrant workers each year.The results of the author's expert survey of Ukrainian labour migrants are presented, based on which the hypothesis about the existence of a dynamic market of migration services in Ukraine was confirmed. It is proved that labour migrants most often use the services of intermediaries to organize the migration process, which is dominated by the predominance of unlicensed entities-providers of migration services, as well as the low level of respondents' satisfaction with the services of intermediaries.The state bodies (main actors in the market) creating an institutional environment for the functioning of the market of migration services in Ukraine are defined. The activities of the State Migration Service, State Enterprise "Document", Administrative Service Centres, consulates and visa centres are analysed. In particular, a continuous monitoring of the situation has shown that there are significant differences in the functioning of these entities. An important feature of the quality of migration services provided by these institutions concerns different standards for direct services for the public. A comprehensive assessment of the problem has led to conclusion that the current rates of improvement in the functioning of the mentioned state entities do not meet the latest requirements of the market of migration services.The author's conceptual approach to regulation of the market of migration services in Ukraine with the regional specificity of its implementation is elaborated. The main priorities of the concept address four goals: 1) legalization of the market of migration services; 2) quality assurance of migration services; 3) development of a civil society's quality-control system for migration services; 4) decentralization and deregulation of the market in terms of achieving stability. It is stressed that the concept must correspond with other conceptual and strategic standards for a state's development.Practical recommendations for improving the functioning and regulation of the market of migration services in Ukraine are substantiated. The implementation of some of them implies the creation and provision (within the nearest time) of the information and material base for qualitative research of the processes in the market of migration services. Other proposals relate to improving the quality of the state migration services. Possible solution to legalization and licensing of existing unofficial intermediaries in the market of migration services is proposed. It is noted that it is extremely important for Ukraine to increase the attention of state authorities to the practice of concluding intergovernmental bilateral labor agreements. This aspect is particularly relevant in terms of enhancing the role of the state in protecting the rights of Ukrainian migrants.The introduction of the state migration bonds as a regulatory instrument aiming at effective attraction and use of migration capital for the national economy development is proposed. The conditions for successful launch of the tool are clarified. In addition to migration bonds, the government may offer a supplementary list of government investment projects. This envisages a greater involvement of the state into migration processes allowing organizing a better system of interaction between the state and its citizens, which are currently set up for transboundary movements. ; Дисертаційну роботу присвячено обґрунтуванню теоретикометодологічних засад дослідження РМП та розробці практичних рекомендацій щодо його розвитку шляхом проведення ефективної міграційної політики та підвищення соціальної захищеності українських трудових мігрантів.У дисертації розглянуто теоретико-методологічні аспекти дослідження ринку міграційних послуг в Україні. Уточнено зміст понять «ринок міграційних послуг» та «міграційна послуга», обґрунтовано основні концептуальні засади формування ринку. Систематизовано основні функції РМП, серед яких виділено забезпечуючу, інформаційну, посередницьку, стимулюючу, врівноважуючу та захисну. Представлено авторський підхід до класифікації міграційних послуг. Узагальнено структуру РМП за суб'єктно-об'єктним підходом та просторовою ознакою. Визначено особливості функціонування та розвитку транскордонного РМП. Виділено та обґрунтовано три групи суб'єктів (учасників) ринкових відносин транскордонного РМП: «замовники мігрантів», безпосередньо фактичні та потенційні мігранти, та посередники (надавачі міграційних послуг).Узагальнено чинники формування та розвитку РМП. Залежно від можливостей регламентації їх впливу на ринок виділено чотири групи: «постійно діючі», «довготривалі», «перемінні» та «чинники стрімкого формування та розвитку» РМП. Здійснено класифікацію чинників на загальні і специфічні. Специфічні поділено на формальні і тіньові у розрізі таких груп – політико-правових та адміністративних, геополітичних, інституційноінформаційних, економічних, соціально-захисних, культурно-історичних та етнодемографічних. Розкрито особливості впливу зазначених чинників на РМП в Україні з зазначенням особливостей в інших країнах.Вивчено основні положення теорій, що формують методологію дослідження РМП. Сформульовано алгоритм дослідження РМП, який включає: аналіз обсягу (місткості) ринку в межах конкретної території; дослідження структури ринку; оцінку попиту та пропозиції на ринку; аналіз міграційної послуги; оцінка рівня конкуренції на ринку. Узагальнено структурно-логічну схему етапності дослідження РМП.Проаналізовано міграційні тенденції та середовищні умови розвитку РМП в Україні. Особливу увагу зосереджено на проблемі науково-методологічного та інформаційного забезпечення аналізу РМП. Розходження в експертних оцінках зовнішньої трудової міграції зумовили проведення власних розрахунків кількості українських трудових мігрантів за кордоном. На основі авторських підрахунків мінімальним середовищем формування вітчизняного РМП є близько 5 млн українських трудових мігрантів щороку.Представлено результати авторського експертного опитування українських трудових мігрантів, на основі якого підтверджено гіпотезу про існування динамічного РМП в Україні. Відзначено поширену практику наших співвітчизників користування послугами посередників для організації міграційного процесу. При цьому домінує переважання неліцензованих суб'єктів-надавачів міграційних послуг, а також низький рівень задоволеності респондентів послугами посередників.Визначено категорію державних інститутів-суб'єктів, які формують інституційне середовище функціонування РМП в Україні. При цьому проаналізовано діяльність Державної міграційної служби, ДП «Документ», ЦНАПів, консульств та візових центрів. Зокрема, тривалий моніторинг ситуації засвідчив наявність значних розбіжностей функціонування цих структур. Суттєвою відмінністю в якості надання міграційних послуг зазначеними структурами є різні стандарти безпосереднього обслуговування громадян. Зрештою, всебічна оцінка проблеми дала підстави стверджувати, що сьогочасні темпи покращення функціонування відповідних державних структур не відповідають сучасним вимогам РМП.Запропоновано авторський концептуальний підхід до регулювання РМП України із врахуванням регіональної специфіки його реалізації. Головними пріоритетами ідейного документу «концепції» визначено чотири цілі: 1) легалізація РМП; 2) забезпечення якості міграційних послуг; 3) розвиток системи контролю якості міграційних послуг з боку громадянського суспільства; 4) децентралізація та дерегулювання ринку в умовах досягнення стабільності. Наголошено, що концепція має кореспондуватись з іншими концептуальними і стратегічними нормативами розвитку держави.Обґрунтовано практичні рекомендації щодо удосконалення функціонування і регулювання РМП в Україні. Виконання окремих з них передбачає створення та забезпечення впродовж найближчого часу інформаційно-матеріальної бази для якісного дослідження процесів на РМП. Інші пропозиції стосуються підвищення якості надання державних міграційних послуг.Запропоновано варіант легалізації та ліцензування існуючих неофіційних посередників на РМП. Відзначається, що в Україні вкрай важливо посилити увагу державних органів влади до практики укладання міжурядових двосторонніх трудових угод. Даний аспект особливо актуальний в контексті активізації позиції ролі держави в захисті прав українських мігрантів. Запропоновано впровадження регуляторного інструменту «державна міграційна облігація» з метою ефективізації залучення і використання міграційного капіталу на розвиток національної економіки. Сформульовані умови успішного запуску інструменту. Поруч з міграційними облігаціями уряд може запропонувати додатковий перелік державних інвестиційних проектів. Таким чином передбачається глибша інклюзія держави у міграційні процеси, що дозволить організувати кращу систему взаєморозуміння держави та її громадян, які наразі налаштовані на здійснення транскордонних переміщень.

Розглянуто питання управління бюджетними коштами в умовах децентралізації у контексті нових підходів до методики його здійснення. На основі ґрунтовного та всебічного аналізу управління бюджетними коштами визначено низку удосконалень, які можуть бути застосовані з огляду на сучасний стан розвитку міжбюджетних відносин та законодавче забезпечення функціонування об'єднаних територіальних громад місцевого самоврядування загалом. Означено характерні особливості кожного з удосконалень та окреслено порядок їх застосування для управління бюджетними коштами. ; Problem setting. The process of decentralization, which was initiated in order to strengthen the material and financial basis of local self-government, requires the latest approaches to its implementation, given the complexity of the process, the large number of issues of the functioning of the territorial communities, which it covers and the ambiguity of the consequences it leads to. Since it, on the one hand, can contribute to the development of separate territorial communities at the expense of additional financial resources and, on the other hand, create barriers for the development of other communities with less economic potential and can not compete with more developed regions, provided that the transition to a self-financing model of local self-government is preferable .This is particularly evident in the management of budgetary funds that are available to territorial communities and should be used most rationally and efficiently on the one hand and have enough to finance their aspirated needs from another. And in view of this, there is a need for an analysis of the methods of managing budget funds in a decentralized environment that would correspond to the current trends in the development of territorial communities and were of a new character.Recent research and publications analysis. A number of scholars in their writings touched upon issues of budget activity in the conditions of decentralization, including in its fiscal aspect, among them: V. Bodrov, T. Buturlakin, A. Vasiliev, G. Voznyak, O. Kyrylenko, A. Lelechenko, Z. Lobodina, G. Lopushniak, M. Vlivdar, V. Kuybida, I. Lunin, S. Romaniuk, A. Tkachuk, G. Shakhov and others. Among foreign scholars should mention Sh. Blankarta, G. Bivaleets, M. J. Byukenen, R. A. Masgraveva, Y. Kulyavika and others.The scholars and the questions of the concept of fiscal decentralization were considered, which were reflected in the works of O. Borislavskaya, I. Volokhova, V. Hamana, M. Goncharenko, Y. Grinchenko, O. Kyrilenko, N. Kryshtof, O. Lisenko, O. Onishchenko, S. Romanyuk, M. Ruban, A. Yakymchuk, V. Yaroshchuk and others like that.However, the question of the methodology of managing budget funds in conditions of decentralization and its improvement was not the subject of a separate scientific analysis.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. In general, the issue of budget activities in the context of decentralization was considered mainly from the point of view of the functioning of individual budgets and the needs of their adaptation to this process. That is, the scholars considered separate issues of budget activity in a decentralized environment without analyzing the methodology of managing budget funds in the course of decentralization processes.At the same time, it is the methods of management of budget funds that would correspond to the current state of decentralization processes taking place in local self-government were not the subject of separate scientific research, and therefore there is a need for scientific research in this direction.Paper main body. From the point of view of public administration of budgetary funds in the conditions of decentralization, it is necessary to determine the method of management of budget funds in the conditions of decentralization as a set of consistent actions aimed at achieving the result in the form of improved management of such budgetary funds. In view of the complex nature of budget relations and the issues of legal and practical regulation of fiscal decentralization, it is advisable to choose an approach based on development, with subsequent practical application, not one and a number of new methods that should improve the management of budgetary funds in conditions of decentralization. Having grasped the most important issues of managing budget funds in the territorial communities.At the state level, the relevant financial, property and budgetary rights of local self-government are guaranteed, with the allocation of local budgets as independent components in the budget system of Ukraine, and the opportunities for transferring resources to the bodies of self-organization of the population are guaranteed, which must be taken into account during the management of budget funds in conditions of decentralization.Until the start of a new budget period, territorial communities are not able to take advantage of all the financial opportunities provided to united territorial communities. Including receive corresponding revenues to the budget of the united territorial community, as provided for in Article 64 of the Budget Code of Ukraine. And this reduces the budget opportunities of the united territorial community, especially when the union took place at the beginning of the fiscal year. Therefore, it is expedient to allow such associations to be held and in the future, without limiting them only in the framework of 2018, by making appropriate amendments to the current legislation and adding in this part of the Methodology for the formation of capable territorial communities.The territorial community is estimated by the population criterion and the area without taking into account the particulars of the area (the mountainous location, the severity of the availability of particular settlements or parts of the territories), the existing infrastructure on the ground (its degree of development, wear, suitability for use), natural and climatic conditions, etc. Therefore, it is advisable to supplement the Methodology, as well as the Law of Ukraine "On Voluntary Association of Territorial Communities", with norms that would take into account a greater number of factors for the financing needs of territorial communities.The resources available to the territorial communities should be the basis of their activities and the effectiveness of their use will be directly dependent on the possibility of functioning of such communities, on the principle – the lack of resources dictates the need for joining another territorial community. Also, not all territorial communities are fully capable of self-financing, and therefore need support from the State Budget.An important issue is the transfer of powers without their proper funding, which leads to the creation of a significant amount of deficit within the local budgets to cover the use of funds that could be used to develop the territorial communities. Therefore, it is important in the Methodology for the formation of capable territorial communities to consider the mechanism of management of budget funds, which should be based on the appropriate level of financing of delegated powers, without which the execution of such powers or other functions of local self-government may be endangered. Also, during the management of budget funds, it should be possible to borrow all the budgets of local self-government bodies, especially the budgets of the joint territorial communities, which at the expense of the received funds will be able to implement projects that are important for the communities and develop the economies of such communities. At the same time, the restrictions contained in the Budget Code of Ukraine, regarding the financial possibilities of borrowing funds of territorial communities and their use within the budgets of development should be kept.There is a legal framework for involving civil society organizations in the consideration of budget issues of local self-government and their control by the budget process at the level of territorial communities. However, the Methodology for the formation of capable territorial communities does not provide for the possibility of conducting public financial control over the formation of the budget, primarily through its public discussion, and further control over its implementation by the public and public organizations of such a community. This shortcoming must be corrected by making appropriate additions to this Methodology.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The main new approaches to improving the methodology for managing budget funds in the territorial communities are as follows:– transition to the budget of the united territorial community from the budgets of the territorial communities that united without setting the time frame for such a transition;– management of budget funds in terms of allocating financial support between the budgets of the joint territorial communities, which needs to be improved and taking into account additional factors influencing the need for features of location (in particular landscape), natural and climatic conditions;– management of the budget funds of a territorial community is based on the following key provisions: 1) territorial communities should receive at least 50% (according to the model of European states) from taxes, fees, payments paid on the territory of the community; 2) territorial communities should be self-financing, which, on the one hand, will put them in an effective use of resources, and on the other, create additional incentives for the formation of united territorial communities that will be financially self-sufficient; 3) support from the state budget should be provided on the basis of functions, including social, carried out by the territorial communities, with full financing of these functions;– management of local budgets, which consists of borrowing opportunities for all budgets of local self-government bodies, especially budgets of united territorial communities;– introduction of public control in the field of local budgets, the formation and implementation of the budget of territorial communities.The prospect of further research is the detailed elaboration of the identified ways of improving the methodology of budget funds management and the formation of legislative acts for its implementation.

Розглянуто питання управління бюджетними коштами в умовах децентралізації у контексті нових підходів до методики його здійснення. На основі ґрунтовного та всебічного аналізу управління бюджетними коштами визначено низку удосконалень, які можуть бути застосовані з огляду на сучасний стан розвитку міжбюджетних відносин та законодавче забезпечення функціонування об'єднаних територіальних громад місцевого самоврядування загалом. Означено характерні особливості кожного з удосконалень та окреслено порядок їх застосування для управління бюджетними коштами. ; Problem setting. The process of decentralization, which was initiated in order to strengthen the material and financial basis of local self-government, requires the latest approaches to its implementation, given the complexity of the process, the large number of issues of the functioning of the territorial communities, which it covers and the ambiguity of the consequences it leads to. Since it, on the one hand, can contribute to the development of separate territorial communities at the expense of additional financial resources and, on the other hand, create barriers for the development of other communities with less economic potential and can not compete with more developed regions, provided that the transition to a self-financing model of local self-government is preferable .This is particularly evident in the management of budgetary funds that are available to territorial communities and should be used most rationally and efficiently on the one hand and have enough to finance their aspirated needs from another. And in view of this, there is a need for an analysis of the methods of managing budget funds in a decentralized environment that would correspond to the current trends in the development of territorial communities and were of a new character.Recent research and publications analysis. A number of scholars in their writings touched upon issues of budget activity in the conditions of decentralization, including in its fiscal aspect, among them: V. Bodrov, T. Buturlakin, A. Vasiliev, G. Voznyak, O. Kyrylenko, A. Lelechenko, Z. Lobodina, G. Lopushniak, M. Vlivdar, V. Kuybida, I. Lunin, S. Romaniuk, A. Tkachuk, G. Shakhov and others. Among foreign scholars should mention Sh. Blankarta, G. Bivaleets, M. J. Byukenen, R. A. Masgraveva, Y. Kulyavika and others.The scholars and the questions of the concept of fiscal decentralization were considered, which were reflected in the works of O. Borislavskaya, I. Volokhova, V. Hamana, M. Goncharenko, Y. Grinchenko, O. Kyrilenko, N. Kryshtof, O. Lisenko, O. Onishchenko, S. Romanyuk, M. Ruban, A. Yakymchuk, V. Yaroshchuk and others like that.However, the question of the methodology of managing budget funds in conditions of decentralization and its improvement was not the subject of a separate scientific analysis.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. In general, the issue of budget activities in the context of decentralization was considered mainly from the point of view of the functioning of individual budgets and the needs of their adaptation to this process. That is, the scholars considered separate issues of budget activity in a decentralized environment without analyzing the methodology of managing budget funds in the course of decentralization processes.At the same time, it is the methods of management of budget funds that would correspond to the current state of decentralization processes taking place in local self-government were not the subject of separate scientific research, and therefore there is a need for scientific research in this direction.Paper main body. From the point of view of public administration of budgetary funds in the conditions of decentralization, it is necessary to determine the method of management of budget funds in the conditions of decentralization as a set of consistent actions aimed at achieving the result in the form of improved management of such budgetary funds. In view of the complex nature of budget relations and the issues of legal and practical regulation of fiscal decentralization, it is advisable to choose an approach based on development, with subsequent practical application, not one and a number of new methods that should improve the management of budgetary funds in conditions of decentralization. Having grasped the most important issues of managing budget funds in the territorial communities.At the state level, the relevant financial, property and budgetary rights of local self-government are guaranteed, with the allocation of local budgets as independent components in the budget system of Ukraine, and the opportunities for transferring resources to the bodies of self-organization of the population are guaranteed, which must be taken into account during the management of budget funds in conditions of decentralization.Until the start of a new budget period, territorial communities are not able to take advantage of all the financial opportunities provided to united territorial communities. Including receive corresponding revenues to the budget of the united territorial community, as provided for in Article 64 of the Budget Code of Ukraine. And this reduces the budget opportunities of the united territorial community, especially when the union took place at the beginning of the fiscal year. Therefore, it is expedient to allow such associations to be held and in the future, without limiting them only in the framework of 2018, by making appropriate amendments to the current legislation and adding in this part of the Methodology for the formation of capable territorial communities.The territorial community is estimated by the population criterion and the area without taking into account the particulars of the area (the mountainous location, the severity of the availability of particular settlements or parts of the territories), the existing infrastructure on the ground (its degree of development, wear, suitability for use), natural and climatic conditions, etc. Therefore, it is advisable to supplement the Methodology, as well as the Law of Ukraine "On Voluntary Association of Territorial Communities", with norms that would take into account a greater number of factors for the financing needs of territorial communities.The resources available to the territorial communities should be the basis of their activities and the effectiveness of their use will be directly dependent on the possibility of functioning of such communities, on the principle – the lack of resources dictates the need for joining another territorial community. Also, not all territorial communities are fully capable of self-financing, and therefore need support from the State Budget.An important issue is the transfer of powers without their proper funding, which leads to the creation of a significant amount of deficit within the local budgets to cover the use of funds that could be used to develop the territorial communities. Therefore, it is important in the Methodology for the formation of capable territorial communities to consider the mechanism of management of budget funds, which should be based on the appropriate level of financing of delegated powers, without which the execution of such powers or other functions of local self-government may be endangered. Also, during the management of budget funds, it should be possible to borrow all the budgets of local self-government bodies, especially the budgets of the joint territorial communities, which at the expense of the received funds will be able to implement projects that are important for the communities and develop the economies of such communities. At the same time, the restrictions contained in the Budget Code of Ukraine, regarding the financial possibilities of borrowing funds of territorial communities and their use within the budgets of development should be kept.There is a legal framework for involving civil society organizations in the consideration of budget issues of local self-government and their control by the budget process at the level of territorial communities. However, the Methodology for the formation of capable territorial communities does not provide for the possibility of conducting public financial control over the formation of the budget, primarily through its public discussion, and further control over its implementation by the public and public organizations of such a community. This shortcoming must be corrected by making appropriate additions to this Methodology.Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The main new approaches to improving the methodology for managing budget funds in the territorial communities are as follows:– transition to the budget of the united territorial community from the budgets of the territorial communities that united without setting the time frame for such a transition;– management of budget funds in terms of allocating financial support between the budgets of the joint territorial communities, which needs to be improved and taking into account additional factors influencing the need for features of location (in particular landscape), natural and climatic conditions;– management of the budget funds of a territorial community is based on the following key provisions: 1) territorial communities should receive at least 50% (according to the model of European states) from taxes, fees, payments paid on the territory of the community; 2) territorial communities should be self-financing, which, on the one hand, will put them in an effective use of resources, and on the other, create additional incentives for the formation of united territorial communities that will be financially self-sufficient; 3) support from the state budget should be provided on the basis of functions, including social, carried out by the territorial communities, with full financing of these functions;– management of local budgets, which consists of borrowing opportunities for all budgets of local self-government bodies, especially budgets of united territorial communities;– introduction of public control in the field of local budgets, the formation and implementation of the budget of territorial communities.The prospect of further research is the detailed elaboration of the identified ways of improving the methodology of budget funds management and the formation of legislative acts for its implementation.

The approval of Directive 2000/60/EC, better known as the Water Framework Directive (WFD), resulted from efforts to create a coherent approach to water policy at the European scale. It requires surface waters (rivers, lakes, wetlands and transitional and coastal waters) to attain good ecological and chemical status and establishes quantitative and chemical standards for groundwater. The WFD required a significant shift in priorities, goals and operational procedures by placing the emphasis on ecosystem protection and ecological health as a means to guarantee the availability of sufficient good quality water to meet sustainable needs. By establishing the river basin as the pre-eminent geographical scale for water management, it also explicitly recognized that any policy aiming at protecting European waters necessarily had to deal with the policies that guided activities in the surrounding watershed. The discussion and approval of the WFD coincided with a growing debate about, and advocacy for, a paradigm shift in water management. The shift was the expression, in the field of water resources management, of a transformation in the way we understand the relationship between society and nature, reflecting changes in other realms of our socioeconomic environment. The new approach results from the need to acknowledge the hybrid nature of water, emphasizing the complexity of the ecological, socioeconomic, technological, cultural and institutional processes that are intertwined in discourses and understandings of water. Claims about the legitimacy of intervention no longer reside exclusively in the realms of authority and privileged knowledge. Rather, legitimacy now depends on shared definitions of both problem and potential solutions. The evolving water management paradigm thus results from the fact that we are dealing with complex and reflexive socioecological systems and there are diverse incommensurable and equally valid interpretations of our physical environments. In the context of uncertainty, complexity, differing world views and high stakes that characterize water management challenges, new governance approaches have been offered as panaceas to effectively handle them. Most significant among them is the Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM), which promotes the principles of integration, participatory management approaches, and the use of economic instruments to achieve water policy goals. The WFD is perhaps the most comprehensive and far reaching attempt to align water management policy and practice along these principles. An evaluation of its implementation can therefore throw some light on the potential for these management prescriptions to successfully deal with the challenges that are inherent to problems of complex socio-ecological systems This dissertation contributes to a significant body of scholarly work that has studied the European experience with the WFD by critically analyzing the experience of its implementation from three complementary theoretical perspectives that refer three of the four pillars of the WFD: the scalar choices that derive from the application of the IWRM approach to water resources management that the WFD embodies; the use of economic instruments to achieve water policy goals; and the emphasis on public information, consultation and participation to legitimize water planning and management decisions and improve the effectiveness of the Directive. Through the analysis of the geographically specific case of Spain, it questions the underlying assumptions that justify this approach to European water governance and tries to discern whether the policy goals have been met. The analysis is presented through three articles that have been published in peer reviewed academic journals and a fourth publication, of a more normative nature, that reviews the evolution of water policy in Spain with a particular focus on the post-WFD implementation period. The first article (Chapter 4) summarizes the state of the art of the current debate on scalar politics and water governance. In this context, the paper reviews the territorial and organizational evolution of river basin authorities in Spain, since their origins in 1926 as Confederaciones Sindicales Hidrográficas, to their situation in 2015, in light of the current critical approach to the river basin as the unquestionable scale for water governance. It analyzes the complex process of adjustment of the river basin management approach to the politicaladministrative division of the state into increasingly powerful Autonomous regions that emerged with the advent of democracy in the 1970s, and the ensuing reconfiguration of areas of influence, division of authority, and emergence of power conflicts that are still unresolved. The paper argues that when discussing 'spatial fit' issues dealing with natural resources management, special attention should be given to ensuing changes in social relationships and power structures that each option entails, within their specific historical and geographical context. The second article (Chapter 5) discusses the way economic instruments are being promoted as a desirable alternative to public sector action in the allocation and management of natural resources. The case of water is at the vanguard of these processes and is proving to be particularly contentious. In the European Union water policies are increasingly emphasizing the application of economic instruments to improve the allocative equity and economic efficiency in the use of scarce resources. However, there are few analyses of how these instruments are really working on the ground and whether they are meeting their objectives. The paper aims to contribute to this debate by critically analyzing the experience with water markets in Spain, the only country in the European Union where they are operative. It looks at water permit sales during the 2005-2008drought period using the Tajo-Segura transfer infrastructure. The paper describes how the institutional process of mercantilización of water works in practice in Spain. It shows that the use of markets requires an intense process of institutional development to facilitate and encourage their operation. Additionally it argues that these institutions tend to favor the interests of clearly identifiable elites, instead of the public interest they supposedly promote. The third article (Chapter 6) looks at the shift from hierarchical-administrative water management toward more transparent, multi-level and participated governance approaches that has brought about a shifting geography of players, scales of action, and means of influencing decisions and outcomes. In Spain, where the hydraulic paradigm has dominated since the early 1920s, participation in decisions over water was traditionally limited to a closed water policy community, made up of economic water users, primarily irrigator associations and hydropower generators, civil engineering corps and large public works companies. The river basin planning process under the WFD presented a promise of transformation, giving access to non-economic water users, environmental concerns and the wider public to water-related information on planning and decision-making. This process coincided with the consolidation of the use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) by the water administration, with the associated potential for information and data generation and dissemination. ICTs are also increasingly used by citizen groups and other interested parties as a way to communicate, network and challenge existing paradigms and official discourses over water, in the broader context of the emergence of 'technopolitics'. The paper investigates if and in what way ICTs may be providing new avenues for participated water resources management and contributing to alter the dominating power balance. We critically analyze several examples where networking possibilities provided by ICTs have enabled the articulation of interest groups and social agents (what we call citizen water networks - CWN) that have, with different degrees of success, questioned the existing hegemonic view over water. The critical review of these cases sheds light on the opportunities and limitations of ICTs, and their relation with traditional modes of social mobilization in creating new means of societal involvement in water governance. It also shows that the low democratic profile of current water management institutions in Spain clearly hinders ICTs' potential to democratize decision-making processes. Without a real willingness to open up true spaces of deliberation where all actors can participate in conditions of equality, the role of ICTs will remain one of strengthening CWNs' organizational capabilities and ability to obtain and generate information, but will not alter the basic framework for water policy-making. The final article (Chapter 7) complements the more theoretical focus of the previous chapters and from a normative perspective analyzes the evolution of Spanish water policy since the approval of the 1985 Water act. It focuses on the post-WFD implementation period (from 2003 onwards) and on the role economic water users, environmental interests and engaged citizens have played in the achievement of some key WFD-related water policy goals: environmental objectives; public and user participation in water planning and management; and use of economic instruments to achieve water policy goals. Relying on a review of different examples and experiences, the paper concludes that the necessary transformation in water policy goals, operations and procedures required by the implementation of the WFD has not taken place. The traditional water policy community has resisted this transformation and largely continues to dominate water policy decision-making. At the same time, in the context of the WFD a variety of citizen water networks that defend the patrimonial values of water have developed and consolidated and can play a significant role in the consecution of this transformation. In any case, the reforms along the three key WFD-axis analyzed have been more formal than substantial, and the key decisions over water continue to respond to the interests and priorities of the traditional water policy community.

It's been 64 years since the European Coal and Steel Community was created, or 58 years from the creation of the European Economic Community and the European Atomic Energy Community. This process of economic and political integration is unprecedented in modern history and represents a major challenge for contemporary concepts of the EU management system. Ways of the policy management and the depth of integration inside EU have changed dramatically since the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty, while the Lisbon Treaty continued integration and maybe announced two opposite processes-deeper integration and the transfer of powers from member states to the EU level, and the overall crisis of EU, especially in light of the institutional and economic crisis. The main question that this paper addresses is whether the developments in recent years have consolidated EU or they have weakened it, or whether these events are part of the solution to the institutional crisis or its cause and if they weakened it, what level of management is formed in EU. The general assumption is that the main indicators of the overall institutional crisis in the EU are: 1. Difficulties in reaching a consensus on the issues of EU development and strengthening of the role of large Member States, 2. Poor representational capacity of the Commission, and 3. The loss of legitimacy in the functioning of the Union. The main way in which this analysis is conducted is a collision of two opposite concepts of policy management in EU, which are seen as a structural causes of the crisis in EU: country-centric policy management, which relies on a theory of liberal institutionalism and the Community method, and then we analyze the main settings of both theories by observing processes in the conduct of policies at various levels in EU. European integration was firstly built on the premise that member states will voluntarily deepen their relationships beyond the initial trade relations in order to establish a common political and social goals, and the integration process has proved to be a good recipe for survival of larger and smaller countries in EU. The Lisbon Treaty placed member states at the heart of European integration primarily through their role in the Council of Ministers, and their national parliaments were given special rights with regard to monitoring the principle of subsidiarity. The influence of member states is evident the most in the European Council, as the leading institution of EU, and the Council of Ministers, and the most important difference in the functioning of the EU member states and their behavior lies in the acronym QMV or a Qualified Majority Voting institute, which sets diplomacy and executive power in a completely new context. With the expansion of EU to 28 member states, the rules have changed, creating new coalitions, a new weight and balance of power and the creation of national interests. New members do not have much experience like the old EU member states, and many of them disagree with supranational tradition in EU. Many do not feel quite at ease because of the structure of power in EU and existing coalitions. The old coalitions are changing and some traditional such as Berlin-Paris axis are slowly dying. We have demonstrated the structural causes of the institutional crisis in EU through the two opposing concepts of the EU system management, the intergovernmental method of governance and supranational management methods. The third management method that has been more and more evident since the mid-nineties of the 20th century, is a system of multilevel governance, that combines the previous two. Such a hybrid control mode hides structural causes of the institutional crisis in EU because the differences between the two main methods of management of the EU system are gradually turning them into contradiction. When we talk about low-representational capacity, we can see that this is a consequence of the predominant role of the member states and a conferred jurisdiction. On the one hand, the national governments are monitoring the executive powers of the Commission, and on the other side after the establishment of a comitology procedure, the Council and the national governments have become part of the whole process. It seems that through this procedure, member states have full control over the Commission, but for them it is much harder to control it in areas where the Commission has exclusive power, for example in the area of competition, state aid, agriculture, trade policy and the internal market. At first glance, it appears that COREPER, yet another modern institution, serves as a meeting of diplomats of the EU member states and which prepares meetings of the Council. However, a deeper analysis of the role of COREPER suggests that it is evident that it is the main decision-making body in EU, which is used for communication with the EU member states. In this sense, the COREPER has evolved from a simple intergovernmental body, informal in its nature, to a de facto decision-maker. Although the original role of COREPER was to prepare the meetings of the Council, the development of these institutions is one of the unrecorded cases of the evolution of institutions in EU. In other words, much of the power, and undefined powers have been transferred into the hands of the Permanent Representatives of the Member States. When we talk about democratic legitimacy in the functioning of the EU, we must bear in mind that this legitimacy has not received specific place in the constitutional structure of the EU. Far greater importance is given to the principle of the rule of law, and a double-line of democratic legitimacy tells us that the EU is not based so much on the role of citizens of the Union, from which it should derive its legitimacy, but that it is based on the treaties between its member states. This dual line is expressed at the institutional level in elections for the European Parliament, which are the only way of voting for policy makers at the EU level. This second line of democratic legitimacy is far more significant, and elections for the European Parliament are second-rate. The only power the Parliament reflects in the influence in EU, is the composition of the Commission. We must also say that the democratic principle in the Lisbon Treaty replaced the principle of democracy, and instead it was replaced by the primacy of them the transparency, representativeness, public debate and flexibility. The executive power has been predominant in EU since its creation, which produced huge consequences at a European level especially with regard to the management and the legitimacy of the institutions of the EU, but also at the national level because of the large transfer of competences to EU. In addition, we must add the conceptual diversity or heterogenity of European political demos because it is not one nation, but nations, and thus the logical question of how EU can submit diversity in light of the current institutional crisis. The legitimacy of EU is measured primarily through benefits of integration, represented by the concept of output rather than input-and, what is at the root of the entire crisis, is the fact that EU citizens simply do not base their relationship with the EU institutions on previous confidence but the expected benefits instead. This leads directly to the EU civil clientelism, rather than democracy, a concept that will only temporarily, or situationally determine the functioning of EU, because it is not a permanent solution. ; Prošle su 64 godine od kada je stvorena Evropska zajednica za ugalj i čelik, odnosno 58 godina od stvaranja Evropske ekonomske zajednice i Evropske zajednice za atomsku energiju. Ovaj proces ekonomske i političke integracije je bez presedana u modernoj istoriji i predstavlja veliki izazov za savremene koncepte upravljanja sistemom EU. Načini vođenja politika i dubina integracije u EU su se dramatično promenili još od usvajanja Ugovora iz Mastrihta, dok je Lisabonski ugovor nastavio procese integracije i možda najavio dva suprotna procesa-dublju integraciju i prenošenje nadležnosti sa država članica na nivo EU, i sveukupnu krizu EU, naročito u svetlu institucionalne i ekonomske krize. Glavno pitanje kojim se rad bavi je da li su dešavanja proteklih godina konsolidovala EU ili su je oslabila, odnosno da li su ta dešavanja deo rešenja postojeće institucionalne krize ili su njen uzrok i ako su je oslabila, kakav nivo upravljanja se formira u EU. Opšta pretpostavka je da su glavni pokazatelji sveukupne institucionalne krize u EU oličeni u: 1. Teškoćama prilikom postizanja konsenzusa o najvažnijim pitanjima razvoja EU i jačanju uloge velikih država članica, 2. Slabom predstavljačkom kapacitetu Komisije, i 3. Gubitku legitimiteta u funkcionisanju Unije. Osnovni način na koji će se ova analiza sprovesti je sudaranje dva suprotstavljena koncepta upravljanja politikama u EU, koji su prepoznati kao strukturni uzroci krize u EU-državo-centričkog načina upravljanja politikama, koji se oslanja na teoriju liberalnog institucionalizma i metoda Zajednice, a zatim ćemo analizirati glavne postavke obe teorije posmatrajući procese u vođenju politika na različitim nivoima u EU.

Como indica su título, la tesis tiene por objeto examinar en el marco constitucional español y en su régimen jurídico que lo desarrolla la significación general que el derecho de propiedad privada sobre inmuebles tiene en nuestro ordenamiento. De modo especial las cuestiones que se plantean en las distintas regulaciones "estatutarias", así como la función social que éstas establecen atendiendo a los tipos de bienes inmuebles que constituyen su objeto. 1. Se analiza, ante todo y de modo general, el contenido de este tipo de derecho, distinguiendo un primer nivel, de rango constitucional, en el que se sitúa el "contenido esencial" (art. 53.1 CE), referido a la propiedad privada en abstracto, como institución jurídica, que la CE "reconoce" en su artículo 33.1, y otro nivel de desarrollo estatutario, en el cual se sitúa la regulación legal del tipo de bien de que se trate, en la que no solo ha de reconocerse ese contenido institucional –esencial- en la regulación legal, sino que también ha de "delimitar" la "función social" que ese derecho haya de cumplir (art. 33.2 CE). Respecto de esta función social, se plantea la cuestión de si forma parte integrante del contenido de dicho derecho o si, por el contrario, no forma parte de este contenido, pero que afecta al ejercicio del propio derecho según la regulación estatutaria correspondiente. La primera posición es la mantenida por el TC en su sentencia 37/1987, así como por la doctrina, sobre todo iuspublicista; mientras que la otra es la mantenida –con excepciones- por la doctrina civilista. Esta es la mantenida en la Tesis, con base en los argumentos que en síntesis son: por el distinto tipo de intereses que subyacen y a que responden, la propiedad privada y la función social, el interés propio y particular del propietario, y el interés general o público, respectivamente; por la propia naturaleza de "derecho" que la propiedad privada tiene, en cuanto situación jurídica activa, de poder, no de deber; por la especial articulación jurídico-constitucional del derecho de propiedad; porque la función social es predicable de su objeto, no de modo unitario de este tipo de derecho; y porque la función social ha de respetar en todo caso el contenido esencial del derecho de propiedad privada, en cuanto delimita y restringe el contenido del mismo. Así lo muestra, además, el tipo de técnicas jurídicas mediante las cuales se instrumenta la función social –límites (delimitación), limitaciones, deberes positivos y cargas- todas ellas restrictivas del derecho y que condicionan el ejercicio de éste, en los diversos supuestos legales. Todas estas cuestiones se analizan especialmente en el trabajo respecto de la propiedad urbana y de la propiedad rústica. 2. El contenido de la propiedad urbana viene constituido por el aprovechamiento urbanístico, esto es por la facultad de edificar un terreno o parcela urbanizado (edificabilidad) para un uso determinado, que ya no depende sólo de la conveniencia del titular del derecho sino también de la ordenación urbanística (Ley + plan), según su estatuto jurídico (legislación estatal de suelo y autonómica urbanística). Se examinan, además de este estatuto, la dinámica de la propiedad urbana –con referencia a la actividad urbanizadora y el ius aedificandi-, así como los supuestos de transferibilidad de aprovechamiento urbanístico (para edificarlo en la misma finca o parcela; en otra parcela en proceso de urbanización, TAU, etc.) y la inscripción registral de aprovechamiento urbanístico. Y de otra parte, respecto a la función social de la propiedad urbana, además de exponer las cuestiones que suscita la básica LS estatal (TR de 2008, esp. su art. 16) y la respectiva legislación urbanística autonómica, se exponen las limitaciones impuestas por la legislación sectorial. 3. Y respecto a la propiedad rústica-agraria, además de la facultad de cultivo y, en relación con ésta, la de uso en fincas de regadío el aprovechamiento de agua, y la facultad de edificar en suelo rústico; se examina el régimen de las "unidades mínimas de cultivo", el retracto de colindantes, el de la concentración parcelaria, y la inscripción registral de fincas y explotaciones agrarias. Asimismo, respecto a la función social de la propiedad agraria, se trata del deber legal de explotación racional y eficiente de fincas rústicas (conservación y mejora de suelos, transformación de tierras en regadío, régimen de fincas manifiestamente mejorables, etc.). Por otra parte, en cuanto a la propiedad forestal privada, bajo el presupuesto del concepto legal de monte y la tipología de terrenos forestales, se trata del aprovechamiento de los montes privados, la conservación y mejora de los mismos, tipos de contratos al respecto, así como de la función social y ecológica de la propiedad forestal. As its title indicates the thesis aims to examine within the Spanish constitutional framework and the legal regime that it develops, the general significance that the right of private ownership of real estate has in our legal system. In particular, it focuses on the issues raised in the different "statutory" regulations, as well as the social function which they establish according to the types of real estate that constitute its object. 1. It analyzes primarily and in general terms, the content of this type of law, distinguishing a first level of constitutional rank, in which the "core content" (art. 53.1 CE) is placed, referred to private property in abstract, as a legal institution, which is "recognized" by the CE in its article 33.1, and a second level of statutory development, in which the legal regulation of the type of property is situated, in which not only the institutional content has to be recognized, essential in the legal regulation, but also the "social function" has to be delimited, which that law has to fulfill (art. 33.2 CE). With respect to this social function, the question is posed of whether it is an integral part of the content of that law or if, on the contrary, it does not form part of this content, but it affects the exercise of its own right according to the relevant statutory regulation. The first position is maintained by TC in its sentence 37/1987, as well as by the doctrine, especially public jurists; whereas the other one is sustained - with exceptions - by the civil law doctrine. This is the argument held in the thesis, based on the arguments which, in brief, are: the different types of interests that underlie and to which they respond, the private property and its social function, the unique and particular interest of the owner, and the general or public interest respectively; by the very nature of "right" that the private property has, insofar as active status of power but not of duty; by the special legal and constitutional articulation of the right to property; because the social function is predicable of its own object, not of the unitary way of this type of rights; and because the social function is to observe the essential content of the right to private property, in so far as as it defines and restricts its content. It is shown by the type of legal techniques by which the social function is implemented – limits, limitations, positive duties and charges- all of them being restrictive of this right and which condition the exercise of it, under the different legal cases. All these issues are fully developed in this research, with respect of rustic and urban property. 2. The content of urban property is constituted by the urban use, that is, the faculty of building on ground or urbanised plot (buildability) for a specific use, which it depends not only on the convenience of the owner of the right but also on the urban planning (law + plan), according to their legal status (urban soil state and regional legislation). In addition to this statute, the dynamics of the urban property - with reference to urban activity and ius aedificandi-as well as the assumptions of transferability of urban use (to build it in the same farm or plot; on another plot in process of urbanization, TAU, etc.) are examined, as well as the urban exploitation registration. And on the other hand, with respect to the social function of the urban property, in addition to exposing the issues that the basic state LS (2008 TR, esp. its article 16) and the respective regional town planning legislation, the limitations imposed by the sectorial legislation are also exposed. 3. With regard to the rustic and agricultural property, apart from the faculty of cultivation, and in relation to it, the use of irrigation water, the right to build on rural land; the regime of "minimum units of cultive", the preferential options of owners of "farmland to purchase land adjoined to their own are examined in this work as well as land consolidation and farm registration. Likewise, with regard to the social function of agricultural property, we deal with the legal duty of rational and efficient exploitation of rural properties (conservation and improvement of soil, transformation of land into irrigated land, a regime of noticeably improvable farms, etc.). As far as the private forestry property is concerned, under the budget of the legal concept of forest and the typology of forest land, we deal with the use of private forests, the conservation and improvement of these types of contracts in this regard, as well as the social and ecological function of forestry property.

Many books studying the sources of the law and many books studying the Internet law have already been published. This thesis differs from these books: it studies the original sources, not only the state law and the customs; and it is a scientific work and not a practical work. Observations of the Internet law can serve thoughts on the currents and futures continuities and changes of the sources of the law. Studying this young and special law is like studying an example of global law and postmodern law, revealing the specifics of the law of tomorrow, when the modern law centered on the state will be replaced by a different law, whose properties gather those of the Internet. Gradually, the conventional sources are substituted by new sources. This thesis wants to be a witness of these changes in the sources of the law.The Internet has changed time and space. It transformed the Earth, humanity, life and society. The law has probably changed too. In terms of positive law, the Internet law only shares some characteristics with the ordinary laws of the twentieth century. In terms of legal science and legal thought, lawyers should perhaps avoid analyzing the law of tomorrow with tools and lessons from yesterday. Studying the Internet law invites to build new tools and frameworks in order to describe and explain as accurately as possible the reality of the law. These problems led to the writing of this book. By focusing on specific legal objects that reflect the twenty-first century law, it wants to promote the understanding and the acceptance of changes in the law. Specifically, the objective is to contribute to the renovation of the sources of the law thought when the modern theory appears increasingly archaic because the number, the identity, the architecture and the balance of the sources is permanently evolving. Firstly, maybe it should now be considered that the distinction between public sources and private sources is the summa divisio of the sources of the law. ; Le renouvellement des sources du droit peut être étudié sous deux aspects : qualitatif et quantitatif. Il y a renouvellement des sources du droit d'un point de vue qualitatif lorsque des sources d'une nouvelle espèce, d'un nouveau genre ou même d'une nouvelle nature apparaissent. Il y a renouvellement des sources du droit d'un point de vue quantitatif lorsque des sources préexistantes mais desquelles jaillissait peu de droit deviennent des fleuves de normes, au point de concurrencer les sources ordinaires de règles juridiques que sont la loi et la jurisprudence. En ce livre, le renouvellement des sources du droit est abordé sous l'un et l'autre angles, cela à l'aune d'une branche du droit particulière : le droit de la communication par internet. Observer cette forme de « droit global » serait riche d'enseignements à l'égard de l'actualité et, plus encore, de l'avenir du droit. Ainsi de nouveaux objets normatifs, hier encore inconnus des juristes, peuvent-ils être étudiés : codes privés, chartes, usages, conditions générales d'utilisation, contrats-types, normes managériales, normes techniques, mais aussi modes alternatifs de résolution des conflits, labels, standards, protocoles, meilleures pratiques, indicateurs, algorithmes etc. Ces nouveaux objets normatifs et les phénomènes de « guerre des normes », de plurinormativité et d'internormativité qui les accompagnent interrogent l'orthodoxie juridique moderne mais aussi et plus fondamentalement l'État de droit, la démocratie, certains droits et libertés fondamentaux ou encore l'intérêt général.L'internet a condensé le temps et dilué l'espace. Il a ainsi profondément transformé les sociétés ; et l'univers juridique, dans ses différentes dimensions, est nécessairement affecté. Aussi la fréquentation de son droit invite-t-elle à élaborer de nouveaux outils afin de décrire et expliquer les « faits normatifs » qui le constituent. L'observation du droit de la communication par internet est ici au service d'une réflexion relative aux continuités, aux ruptures et aux mouvements actuels et à venir des sources du droit. Cette branche du droit est révélatrice de ce à quoi le paysage juridique pourrait ressembler demain, lorsque le droit moderne stato-centré aura été irrémédiablement débordé par un droit « en réseau » dont les propriétés ressemblent fort à celles du réseau mondial qu'est l'internet. Progressivement, les sources auparavant premières deviennent secondaires, celles qui hier demeuraient à l'arrière-plan se retrouvent sur le devant de la scène juridique, tandis que de nouveaux foyers de normes ô combien singuliers apparaissent. L'objet de cet ouvrage est de constituer un témoignage de ce renouvellement des lieux et des modes de production des normes en cours, un renouvellement qui touche les sources privées beaucoup plus que les sources publiques, posant dès lors la question d'un immobilisme préjudiciable de l'État et des organisations internationales.

This paper proposes a new measure of public expenditure force that policy makers and budget analysts should track in detail over time in routine fiscal monitoring. The paper suggests that adopting the measure will not only warn policy makers of possible impending fiscal pressures, but will help them to differentiate between those budgetary pressures that are temporary and those that may require reforms. The main utility of the expenditure force measure will be in country fiscal analysis. Measuring force across the entire budget allows practitioners to monitor and decompose the micro drivers of public spending pressure, watch out for rapidly expanding spending lines, and identify priorities for reform before these pressures lead to macro fiscal problems. Yet by its construct, spending force is internationally comparable, and independent of expenditure levels or spending types. This could allow global monitoring comparisons and global research into the drivers of public spending force across particular types of country characteristics and economic conditions. In time, and as more data become available, researchers can use the force measure to compare and contrast the dynamics of expenditure types across countries. For example the measure can be used to explore what gives some spending types an initial impulse; whether underlying factors cause different public spending categories to grow faster than average, or to accelerate over time; and what successful countries have done to manage rising force without damaging public services. Since force seems to be a decent predictor of fiscal episodes, it is suggested that "speed limits" for spending might be a feasible component of fiscal rules.

This study aims at analysing Brian O'Nolans literary production in the light of a reconsideration of the role played by his two most famous pseudonyms ,Flann Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, behind which he was active both as a novelist and as a journalist. We tried to establish a new kind of relationship between them and their empirical author following recent cultural and scientific surveys in the field of Humour Studies, Psychology, and Sociology: taking as a starting point the appreciation of the comic attitude in nature and in cultural history, we progressed through a short history of laughter and derision, followed by an overview on humour theories. After having established such a frame, we considered an integration of scientific studies in the field of laughter and humour as a base for our study scheme, in order to come to a definition of the comic author as a recognised, powerful and authoritative social figure who acts as a critic of conventions. The history of laughter and comic we briefly summarized, based on the one related by the French scholar Georges Minois in his work (Minois 2004), has been taken into account in the view that humorous attitude is one of man's characteristic traits always present and witnessed throughout the ages, though subject in most cases to repression by cultural and political conservative power. This sort of Super-Ego notwithstanding, or perhaps because of that, comic impulse proved irreducible exactly in its influence on the current cultural debates. Basing mainly on Robert R. Provine's (Provine 2001), Fabio Ceccarelli's (Ceccarelli 1988), Arthur Koestler's (Koestler 1975) and Peter L. Berger's (Berger 1995) scientific essays on the actual occurrence of laughter and smile in complex social situations, we underlined the many evidences for how the use of comic, humour and wit (in a Freudian sense) could be best comprehended if seen as a common mind process designed for the improvement of knowledge, in which we traced a strict relation with the play-element the Dutch historian Huizinga highlighted in his famous essay, Homo Ludens (Huizinga 1955). We considered comic and humour/wit as different sides of the same coin, and showed how the demonstrations scientists provided on this particular subject are not conclusive, given that the mental processes could not still be irrefutably shown to be separated as regards graduations in comic expression and reception: in fact, different outputs in expressions might lead back to one and the same production process, following the general 'Economy Rule' of evolution; man is the only animal who lies, meaning with this that one feeling is not necessarily biuniquely associated with one and the same outward display, so human expressions are not validation proofs for feelings. Considering societies, we found that in nature they are all organized in more or less the same way, that is, in élites who govern over a community who, in turn, recognizes them as legitimate delegates for that task; we inferred from this the epistemological possibility for the existence of an added ruling figure alongside those political and religious: this figure being the comic, who is the person in charge of expressing true feelings towards given subjects of contention. Any community owns one, and his very peculiar status is validated by the fact that his place is within the community, living in it and speaking to it, but at the same time is outside it in the sense that his action focuses mainly on shedding light on ideas and objects placed out-side the boundaries of social convention: taboos, fears, sacred objects and finally culture are the favourite targets of the comic person's arrow. This is the reason for the word a(rche)typical as applied to the comic figure in society: atypical in a sense, because unconventional and disrespectful of traditions, critical and never at ease with unblinkered respect of canons; archetypical, because the "village foolâ€, buffoon, jester or anyone in any kind of society who plays such roles, is an archetype in the Jungian sense, i.e. a personification of an irreducible side of human nature that everybody instinctively knows: a beginner of a tradition, the perfect type, what is most conventional of all and therefore the exact opposite of an atypical. There is an intrinsic necessity, we think, of such figures in societies, just like politicians and priests, who should play an elitist role in order to guide and rule not for their own benefit but for the good of the community. We are not naïve and do know that actual owners of power always tend to keep it indefinitely: the 'social comic' as a role of power has nonetheless the distinctive feature of being the only job whose tension is not towards stability. It has got in itself the rewarding permission of contradiction, for the very reason we exposed before that the comic must cast an eye both inside and outside society and his vision may be perforce not consistent, then it is satisfactory for the popularity that gives amongst readers and audience. Finally, the difference between governors, priests and comic figures is the seriousness of the first two (fundamentally monologic) and the merry contradiction of the third (essentially dialogic). MPs, mayors, bishops and pastors should always console, comfort and soothe popular mood in respect of the public convention; the comic has the opposite task of provoking, urging and irritating, accomplishing at the same time a sort of control of the soothing powers of society, keepers of the righteousness. In this view, the comic person assumes a paramount importance in the counterbalancing of power administration, whether in form of acting in public places or in written pieces which could circulate for private reading. At this point comes into question our Irish writer Brian O'Nolan(1911-1966), real name that stood behind the more famous masks of Flann O'Brien, novelist, author of At Swim-Two-Birds (1939), The Hard Life (1961), The Dalkey Archive (1964) and, posthumously, The Third Policeman (1967); and of Myles na Gopaleen, journalist, keeper for more than 25 years of the Cruiskeen Lawn column on The Irish Times (1940-1966), and author of the famous book-parody in Irish An Béal Bocht (1941), later translated in English as The Poor Mouth (1973). Brian O'Nolan, professional senior civil servant of the Republic, has never seen recognized his authorship in literary studies, since all of them concentrated on his alter egos Flann, Myles and some others he used for minor contributions. So far as we are concerned, we think this is the first study which places the real name in the title, this way acknowledging him an unity of intents that no-one before did. And this choice in titling is not a mere mark of distinction for the sake of it, but also a wilful sign of how his opus should now be reconsidered. In effect, the aim of this study is exactly that of demonstrating how the empirical author Brian O'Nolan was the real Deus in machina, the master of puppets who skilfully directed all of his identities in planned directions, so as to completely fulfil the role of the comic figure we explained before. Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen were personae and not persons, but the impression one gets from the critical studies on them is the exact opposite. Literary consideration, that came only after O'Nolans death, began with Anne Clissmann's work, Flann O'Brien: A Critical Introduction to His Writings (Clissmann 1975), while the most recent book is Keith Donohue's The Irish Anatomist: A Study of Flann O'Brien (Donohue 2002); passing through M.Keith Booker's Flann O'Brien, Bakhtin and Menippean Satire (Booker 1995), Keith Hopper's Flann O'Brien: A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Post-Modernist (Hopper 1995) and Monique Gallagher's Flann O'Brien, Myles et les autres (Gallagher 1998). There have also been a couple of biographies, which incidentally somehow try to explain critical points his literary production, while many critical studies do the same on the opposite side, trying to found critical points of view on the author's restless life and habits. At this stage, we attempted to merge into O'Nolan's corpus the journalistic articles he wrote, more than 4,200, for roughly two million words in the 26-year-old running of the column. To justify this, we appealed to several considerations about the figure O'Nolan used as writer: Myles na Gopaleen (later simplified in na Gopaleen), who was the equivalent of the street artist or storyteller, speaking to his imaginary public and trying to involve it in his stories, quarrels and debates of all kinds. First of all, he relied much on language for the reactions he would obtain, playing on, and with, words so as to ironically unmask untrue relationships between words and things. Secondly, he pushed to the limit the convention of addressing to spectators and listeners usually employed in live performing, stretching its role in the written discourse to come to a greater effect of involvement of readers. Lastly, he profited much from what we labelled his "specific weightâ€, i.e. the potential influence in society given by his recognised authority in determined matters, a position from which he could launch deeper attacks on conventional beliefs, so complying with the duty of a comic we hypothesised before: that of criticising society even in threat of losing the benefits the post guarantees. That seemingly masochistic tendency has its rationale. Every representative has many privileges on the assumption that he, or she, has great responsibilities in administrating. The higher those responsibilities are, the higher is the reward but also the severer is the punishment for the misfits done while in charge. But we all know that not everybody accepts the rules and many try to use their power for their personal benefit and do not want to undergo law's penalties. The comic, showing in this case more civic sense than others, helped very much in this by the non-accessibility to the use of public force, finds in the role of the scapegoat the right accomplishment of his task, accepting the punishment when his breaking of the conventions is too stark to be forgiven. As Ceccarelli demonstrated, the role of the object of laughter (comic, ridicule) has its very own positive side: there is freedom of expression for the person, and at the same time integration in the society, even though at low levels. Then the banishment of a 'social' comic can never get to total extirpation from society, revealing how the scope of the comic lies on an entirely fictional layer, bearing no relation with facts, nor real consequences in terms of physical health. Myles na Gopaleen, mastering these three characteristics we postulated in the highest way, can be considered an author worth noting; and the oeuvre he wrote, the whole collection of Cruiskeen Lawn articles, is rightfully a novel because respects the canons of it especially regarding the authorial figure and his relationship with the readers. In addition, his work can be studied even if we cannot conduct our research on the whole of it, this proceeding being justified exactly because of the resemblances to the real figure of the storyteller: its 'chapters' —the daily articles— had a format that even the distracted reader could follow, even one who did not read each and every article before. So we can critically consider also a good part of them, as collected in the seven volumes published so far, with the addition of some others outside the collections, because completeness in this case is not at all a guarantee of a better precision in the assessment; on the contrary: examination of the totality of articles might let us consider him as a person and not a persona. Once cleared these points, we proceeded further in considering tout court the works of Brian O'Nolan as the works of a unique author, rather than complicating the references with many names which are none other than well-wrought sides of the same personality. By putting O'Nolan as the correct object of our research, empirical author of the works of the personae Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, there comes out a clearer literary landscape: the comic author Brian O'Nolan, self-conscious of his paramount role in society as both a guide and a scourge, in a word as an a(rche)typical, intentionally chose to differentiate his personalities so as to create different perspectives in different fields of knowledge by using, in addition, different means of communication: novels and journalism. We finally compared the newly assessed author Brian O'Nolan with other great Irish comic writers in English, such as James Joyce (the one everybody named as the master in the field), Samuel Beckett, and Jonathan Swift. This comparison showed once more how O'Nolan is in no way inferior to these authors who, greatly celebrated by critics, have nonetheless failed to achieve that great public recognition O'Nolan received alias Myles, awarded by the daily audience he reached and influenced with his Cruiskeen Lawn column. For this reason, we believe him to be representative of the comic figure's function as a social regulator and as a builder of solidarity, such as that Raymond Williams spoke of in his work (Williams 1982), with in mind the aim of building a 'culture in common'. There is no way for a 'culture in common' to be acquired if we do not accept the fact that even the most functional society rests on conventions, and in a world more and more 'connected' we need someone to help everybody negotiate with different cultures and persons. The comic gives us a worldly perspective which is at the same time comfortable and distressing but in the end not harmful as the one furnished by politicians could be: he lets us peep into parallel worlds without moving too far from our armchair and, as a consequence, is the one who does his best for the improvement of our understanding of things.

To celebrate International Youth Day 2020 Rachel Mims, Senior Program Officer for Youth Political Participation at NDI, is joined by three young leaders from Zambia, Lebanon, and Moldova. They discuss competitive youth debate as an opportunity to build political skills, actively contribute to solving social problems, and create greater space for youth inclusion in public life. For more information please go to https://www.ndi.org/youth-leading-debate
Find us on: SoundCloud | Apple Podcasts | Spotify | RSS | Google Play
Given Kapolyo: I don't believe in the saying young people are the future leaders. Because the truth is they tell us this for years and years and years, when I was 15 they told me you're a future leader, then I turned 20 and they said I'm a future leader, then they turned 25, and they said I'm a future leader, so then I'm now just waiting, I'm saying okay, when does the future come?
Now I think just this is time that we turn it around, and say young people should be the leaders of today, as well.
Rachel Mims: Today's young people deserve real opportunities to participate in political processes, and contribute to practical solutions that advance development. When given an opportunity to organize, voice their opinions, and play a meaningful role in political decision making, they consistently demonstrate their willingness and ability to foster positive lasting change. They also become more likely to demand and defend democracy, and gain a greater sense of belonging.
Recent global movements such as movements for climate justice and racial justice demonstrate that young people are demanding a shift in who has power, and in how that power is used, yet young people still find themselves marginalized from mainstream politics, and are limited in their ability to exercise the same influence over decision making processes. This is particularly true for young people who have experienced intersecting forms of marginalization and exclusion. At a time when global inequality is increasing, young people remain disproportionately impacted, and are expressing frustration with leaders and institutions that they perceive to be inaccessible, incapable, unresponsive, corrupt, and often repressive.
NDI works globally to support the political participation of young people through a variety of approaches that increase young people's agency, and create a more supportive environment. One approach involves helping young people develop competitive debating skills, including an issue analysis and framing, reasoning, public speaking, and active listening. NDI has supported [inaudible 00:02:05] programs in several countries, including longstanding programs in Jordan and Moldova, and more recent programs in Guatemala and Libya. We've seen the debate skills not only enhance political participation, but also contribute to holistic youth development. Debate builds practical skills that pave the way for young people to successfully engage in civil discourse and peaceful problem solving, both with their peers and with adult power holders.
I'm Rachel Mims, Senior Program Officer for Youth Political Participation at the National Democratic Institute, and today we are joined by three young leaders from Lebanon, Moldova, and Zambia, each working in different ways to apply their debate skills and actively contribute to solving social problems. As a result, they're creating greater space for youth inclusion in public life. First we'll hear from [Gibbon Carpolio 00:02:58]. Next up, Rachbenda Fou, and then Selena Decuzar. Welcome to Dem Works.
In Zambia, NDI partner with a chapter of the Center for Young Leaders of Africa, and Youth for Parliament, to gather young people from across political parties, media, and civil society organizations to debate solutions for increasing the number of young people in parliament. This debate program created an opportunity for youth from parties and civil society to change ideas, develop their public speaking and research skills, and to generate discussion around critical issues facing youth in Zambia.
We spoke with Given Kapolyo to learn more. Given, thank you for joining us today.
GK: Thank you so much for having me. It's a great pleasure to feature. First of all, I'm a young African female, my name is Given Kapolyo, I'm a young politician, I'm a student, I'm an activist, I'm an advocate, and a public speaker now. I can proudly call myself a public speaker, after I took part in the NDI public speaking that was called the Youth Debate Zambia.
I live in the northern part of Zambia. That's Kasama, northern province, Kasama, rural part of Zambia, so it was great that I was moved from the northern part of Zambia to the capital city, just to participate in the Youth Debate Zambia.
RM: Thank you, and thank you for telling us about all the different hats you wear. I hope to hear more about your activism, and other things that you're doing in politics.
Can you tell me more about your experience in the debate program? What was it like? What were some of the topics that you all discussed?
GK: We began with a training session. We covered the history of public speaking, we covered the tricks that we need for public speaking, how you draw the attention of a crowd, how you keep them engaged, and ordered. It was different young people from different parts of the country, and we were all brought together and were taught together, and then were given a topic. We were discussing how we can increase the number of young people in parliament, the number of youths in parliament, and it was a very profound experience, in the sense that we didn't just learn, then they'd give us a chance to actually show what we had learned from the training, and it was that interesting.
By the time we were leaving the training, there were people that were so confident to go back to their communities, and just speak change into their communities, into the crowds, and that was just how interesting, and just how meaningful it was to me and other participants that were there.
RM: I really love the point about public speaking, and this immediate sense of agency that young people feel, that they can go back and use their voice, and they have skills that they can start to put into use right away. Can you talk about the connection between some of the skills that you learned and your future political aspirations? I know that you're interested in running for public office.
GK: One of the things that we learned at the Youth Debate Zambia was that communication, public speaking and communication have a lot to do with politics, and with the youth standing out as a public figure, because it's they also mentioned how many great orators were [inaudible 00:06:34] were to get into public office because of how they spoke, how good they were at it, and the impacts that it just had in changing society.
For me as a young politician, first of all I must mention that the country that I'm from it's very difficult for a young female. First of all, it's very difficult for a female to make it into public office. It's even worse for a young female to make it. That, it also prepared me for how I could use my words to show people that not only will I be a voice for them, I could actually speak my heart out to them, tell them what my plans are, but then do it skillfully in a way that they buy into it, and are able to elect me, and even how because we dealt with topics on how you could make your speech relatable such that as you're telling your story somebody that is listening instantly feels like you're telling their story, and when they're able to relate with you it will be very easy for them to actually elect you as their leader, because they feel like you're a mirror of them, and then you can represent them better.
The training for me was actually a point that I think began a lot of things for me, because I knew I could speak, but then I didn't know I could use it to further my political ambition. When I went back home, in Kasana, I was able to speak to various groups. Just by me sharing my story with them, they were able to buy into the vision that I have for my ward, because I have aspirations of standing as a ward counselor next year, in our general elections, and it's been very helpful.
I've been able to know another important thing we learned is how you should be able to read your audience, so depending on who I'm talking to, I'm able to know which skills I should employ.
RM: Thank you. I know you can't see me, but I'm nodding vigorously over here, because you just shared, I think, so many important lessons with our listeners, just about how you can use these skills to further your political ambition, how things are different for young women, and how they face different barriers and challenges into getting into elected office, and how these skills help create an opening.
I want to talk about NDI's work in changing the face of politics, and it relates directly to what you mentioned about being a young woman in politics. NDI is launching a decade-long campaign to accelerate the pace of change on all aspects of women's empowerment, and that includes their participation in leadership and politics, and I wanted to hear from you what you think young people's role is in not only changing the face of politics, but ensuring that young women have a role to play, and can participate in politics.
GK: We need to become alive to the reality that our parents will not be here 10, 20, 30, 40, 50 years from now, it is us that will be here. Every time I'm speaking to young people about young people involvement in politics and leadership and decision making and getting involved in civic spaces, I'm always telling them if we don't get involved now, then we are simply selling our future off ... Not even selling it off, we're simply giving it off for free. Because whatever our ... Those that we leave leadership to today, whatever decisions they make, or whatever they choose to do with the resources that we have, whatever they choose to do with our nation, they will not be here to face the repercussions, we will be here.
Most of our parliament, the Zambian parliament has over 158 seats, and only 2 people are below the age of 35, only two people are youth, but if we do get young people involved, then we do get young people into parliament, we will know to say this decision that I'm making today, I'm only 27, so the decision that I'm making today, 30 years from now the chances that I still will be here to answer for it and to face the repercussions of if I make a bad decision will linger in my mind, for even as I make a decision I'm thinking I'm not thinking five years from now, I'm thinking 10, 15, 20, 30, 50 years from now, because I'm assured I will still obviously be here. I feel the time is now that young people actually take over and provide solutions to many of these challenges, and many of the problems that our country, our continent, and even the world is facing today.
RM: So many of the points that you just talked about really point to the need for this culture shift, and a culture change within politics. I think a lot of what you are advocating for, particularly about greater youth inclusion, can help contribute to that shift, and politics being more inclusive and representative of young people.
I just really want to thank you for taking time to talk with us today, and to share your thoughts, and I really want to wish you all the best in your run for office. I think you would make an amazing political leader, and I'm really excited to see what your future holds, and where you'll go after your participation as a young person in politics.
GK: Thank you so much. I look forward to where I go to, so I keep working towards it. And this I'm guaranteed that I will get there. Thank you so much for having me. It's been a pleasure having this conversation with you. I look forward to further interactions.
RM: Us as well. Thank you again.
For more than 35 years, NDI has been honored to work with thousands of courageous and committed democratic activists around the world, to help countries develop the institutions, practices, and skills necessary for democracy's success. For more information, please visit our website, at www.NDI.org.
In Lebanon, NDI is collaborating with the television station MTV Lebanon, for its weekly program, It's About Time, which features political leaders responding to questions from the host and from young people who have been trained in policy analysis and debate skills by NDI. MTV Lebanon hopes that by expanding debate culture in the country and by proving that young people can debate, they will pave the way for hosting Lebanon's first debates between national political leaders before the next elections in 2022. The show has achieved broad viewership, and resulted in viral moments on social media, with some political leaders saying that they tune in specifically to watch the youth debate segment. I would like to introduce everyone to Rafka Noufal, a junior Lebanese lawyer, and active participant on the debate show. Rafka, thank you for joining us for the podcast today.
Rafka Noufal: Thank you for having me with you today.
RM: I'd like to start with you giving us a brief introduction about your work, and your background, and what brought you to the debate show.
RN: I'm a 24-years-old Lebanese junior lawyer. I studied law in the Holy Spirit University, a Catholic University in Lebanon, and I just graduated from my masters to a degree. I also have a certificate of completion of the [inaudible 00:14:06] university program on international criminal law and procedures, and am a very social person who's interested in politics and in all the topics that are rising inside our country. When I knew about the TV political show It's About Time, through my university, I was very excited and more willing to join this show because I saw it as a platform to raise our voice as the young people in Lebanon, and to give our opinion and our thoughts on all the political and social and economic topics that are arising inside our society.
I work as a lawyer now, [inaudible 00:14:42] bar association, and I work in an office that takes private law cases and more specifically criminal law cases. Throughout my work, I got familiar with the gaps and insecurities inside the Lebanese legal system.
RM: I see so much connection between your ability to do this work as a lawyer and having the opportunity to dig into these pressing political issues on the debate show. Can you tell me a little bit more about your experience on the show, and talk about some of what you gained, whether it's skills that you gained, or kind of how the show maybe changed your perspective about politics?
RN: In fact, the different trainings we did with NDI were very useful on many levels. First of all, it developed our skills in public speaking, which is very important in the life of politics, and to my work also of the lawyer. Also, these trainings triggered the reason and the logic inside every mind of the young people who participate in the show, and it let us discuss and have conversations people from all over the country, so this debate program let us know how to discuss, how to debate topics without hurting other people's feelings, or other people's opinions.
RM: Can you tell me a little bit more about some of the topics that you debated on the TV show, and maybe topics that came up that were a bit more controversial, or there was more, there were maybe more emotions, or opinions that people really wanted to share?
RN: First off, my last debate at the show was about the early elections in Lebanon. I was supporting that we should have an early election in Lebanon, to change the members of the parliament, because the government in Lebanon now, even the parliament, they are not doing enough work in order to take us, or to help Lebanon go through this economic situation, this economic crisis we're going through right now in Lebanon. I was supporting the fact that we should be doing an early election, to change the leaders, to change the member of the parliament. We need young people to get inside the parliament. We need new, free minds, that are not attached to the past, they are not divided by sectarianism. We need a civil country, not a country that is divided by sectarianism.
RM: Can you talk a little bit more about your thoughts on the protest, and what you see as a way forward not only for young people in Lebanon, but the entire so many people across the country have been engaged in the protests, kind of what do you see as a vision, or a way forward?
RN: I would like to start by giving, talking about the problem between this disconnection, between young people nowadays in Lebanon, and the political parties, before talking about the protests. In fact, political parties in Lebanon are still attached to the past, and they divide young people by sectarianism. You should follow this party because you are from the sect that this party supports, or also I think that political parties inside Lebanon lack any vision for the future beyond their personal interests, and the most important point is that they deny the youth right to participate in decision making process, because they are political parties that are doomed with ... How to say it? Political inheritance, and the cultural hierarchy that says that elders know better than young people, but in fact when that's not the case when it's faced with reality, because every generation faces new challenges, different from the challenges that the other generation faced, so all of this adding to the corruption that grows like a tumor inside [inaudible 00:18:54] infecting all the aspects after [inaudible 00:18:58] for about like the environment, infrastructure, and economic crisis led to the birth of this protest and this revolution that emerged inside the streets of Lebanon.
RN: I think that young people, and I'm one of them, we saw this revolution as a window of hope to change the current corrupted situation in the country, and maybe to take part of the decision making process, to give our opinion, our thoughts.
RM: Do you see some of the topics that have come up in debates, and young people's desire to protest and take part in the revolution, do you see that as a meaningful pathway to change?
RN: I think so. I think young people believe in these social movements because these social movements are based on the free minds, and are detached from sectarianism, and from inequality between the Lebanese people, and maybe these social movements can create in the future political parties that can govern Lebanon and help it to develop like other countries in the world.
RM: This year, under the banner of of Changing the Face of Politics, NDI is launching a decade-long campaign to accelerate the pace of change on all aspects of women's empowerment, and that includes their participation in leadership and politics. I wanted to ask you what you see as young people's role in changing the face of politics, and ensuring that young women specifically can participate and have a meaningful role in politics, and particularly in the context of Lebanon, this new politics that you all are attempting to usher in.
RN: I think that [inaudible 00:20:44] young people are making a step to bridge this gap between politics and youth people, because they are taking on important issues, such as climate change, mass immigration, and even women empowerment, however, I think that we still have a bit of problem inside the third-world countries, but as for women empowerment, I think Lebanon and and outside in other countries young people believe in gender equality between man and woman, and they don't consider gender as an indication for holding a political position.
In fact, we support us young people that competence, performances and efficiency are the only conditions for judging a person in a position of power, and not being a woman or a man. Thus, if we take charge in Lebanon, I think you will see more women engaged in the politics. For example, right now in Lebanon we are demanding the vote of the law for women's quota in all Lebanese election as a step to engage more women in the political life of the country.
RM: Do you think that this culture of youth debate, and young people sharing their voices on these important political topics, do you think that this trend will continue, in that it's important that young people continue to use debate to speak out about politics?
RN: The debating concept is important because first, it lets you build constructive arguments in a persuasive way, and you don't only talk just to talk, you have to talk with a logic and reason. Young people can express their opinion with public speaking skills, and to accept the opinion of other people without deciding them, or offending them, as I mentioned before.
RM: I really want to thank you for taking time out to share more with us about your political experience, and to talk about the political trends that we're witnessing in Lebanon. I think that a lot of what you shared can be really relevant for young people, and for others that are participating in politics, to really understand how this development skills and development of knowledge around debate can be useful for a political career.
RN: I would like also to thank NDI for all the training they did with us, and it was really a lifetime experience with them, and with It's About Time show.
RM: Great. Thank you.
RN: Thank you so much.
RM: NDI has worked with thousands of young people on the art of competitive policy debate, and has ongoing debate programs in three regions. To learn more about NDI youth debate programs, or access program resources, visit the Youth Leading Debate Initiative, on NDI.org.
In Moldova, NDI is facilitating the seventh iteration of the Challenger Program, which aims to help create the next generation of political leaders, policymakers, and civil servants. Challenger equips young people with the knowledge and skills to develop realistic public policies that respond to the needs and priorities of the people in Moldova. The youth debates take place in the second phase of the program, the policy debate school. During the program, the participants acquire research and analytical skills, and they also take part in developing a youth manifesto, which addresses important national problems faced by young people in the country.
I would now like to introduce you to Silena, who is a member of the Challenger Program, and is going to join us to talk a little bit about her experience. Hey, Silena, thanks for joining us today.
Selina Dicusar: Hello. Thank you for having me.
RM: I'd like to just start with you giving us a brief introduction about yourself, and telling us about your experience in the program.
SD: Okay. My name is Selena Dicusar. I am 20-years-old. I was born in the Republic of Moldova. Currently, I'm studying Moldova, at the international relations.
SD: I am a member of the Communication PR Department of the Erasmus Student Network Chisinau, but elections are currently underway, and I will run for Vice President. I am also participant of Challenger, and a double winner of the Best Speaker Award.
RM: Selena, thank you for that introduction. Can you tell me about your experience in the Challenger Program, why did you decide to join in the first place, and what do you think you gained from your participation in the program?
SD: It's certainly the most complex intense and in depth project that I've ever been involved in. I've had a unique experience participating in a project which changed my attitude towards politics, and taught me new skills. Firstly, I learned to value my knowledge in terms of languages and to apply them correctly in research. Secondly, I have learned to think critically, and always question any information I receive or process. And last but not least, I learned how to develop solutions.
About opportunities, yes, what I gained in Challenger helped me to properly recommend myself to the mayor of my native village, and prove that my ideas will help improve the situation in the village.
RM: Thank you. I think you brought up some really excellent points, particularly about this need to challenge information that we receive from different sources, and to really kind of understand what's being proposed for our different communities. Can you talk a little bit more about some of the debate skills? You mentioned that they connect to your political participation outside the program. What about the debate component helps prepare you for political engagement outside the program?
SD: First of all, the debate helped me understand how to make a manifesto, because we are writing manifestos in the program, and I think this is one of the most important skills that I have learned, and that have certainly helped me to engage more in politics out of the program.
RM: Great. Thank you. I want to talk a little bit about I know that you do quite a bit of work on the local level, and that you've been doing some work with the local mayor, so I want to talk about this trend that we're seeing, which is a bit of a disconnect between young people and formal political institutions, and we're really seeing young people kind of disengage from formal politics. I'm wondering based on your work in the community and on the local level what you think about this trend in young people moving away from formal politics, and also if you think that working on a local level is part of a solution or a viable pathway for young people to participate in politics.
SD: First of all, it is mandatory that parties and politicians stop underestimating youth. They shouldn't only change their attitudes, but also encourage young people to join parties, giving them the opportunity to work on the issues that interest them, and unfortunately one of the biggest issues between young people, political institutions, and parties in Moldova that they don't hear each other. Young people are often not appreciated fairly, they are not heard, and these of course discourages them from further action.
Local political participation is certainly a viable path that many Moldovans are unaware of, specifically my case about three or four young people and one curator from another city work on projects in our city [inaudible 00:28:24], those are the critical shortage of young people work is proceeding slowly. Most likely this is due to the fact that such work requires time and dedication. Is almost not rewarded financially, and among our youth experience is not in the first place for all. The situation is improving, the new generation is more politically active.
RM: Thank you, Selena, and I think a lot of the points that you made about how parties need to change their strategy about the way that they engage young people is really important, and also this need to work at multiple levels, that we're working at the lower level, but we're also creating opportunities at the national level, too, and I think your work experience speaks to that as well.
I want to talk a bit about young women's participation. This year, under the banner of changing the face of politics, NDI is launching a decade-long campaign to accelerate the pace of change on all aspects of women's empowerment, and this includes women's participation in politics. I want to ask you what you feel like young people's role is in ensuring that the face of politics changes, and that young women have more opportunities to participate.
SD: First of all, it seems to me that the new generation which is now growing up is more aware of the problems that humanity faces. This is a generation that can embrace changes slowly, and their role in ensuring that participation of women in politics is first of all to learning how to accept the leadership of a woman, and question the abilities of women and men working in the same area on the wages of equal criteria, and to better involve young women in politics we must first of all educate them because an educated woman is a strong woman who can defend her interests.
RM: Thank you. I think you know the point about it being a generational change, I think that's echoed in the other, the conversations with other young people, as well, is it seems like this generation is more willing to ensure that participation is inclusive, and then that includes young women as part of the conversation.
I really want to thank you for joining us today, and for sharing some insights about your participation in the program, and how you see your participation in Challenger really helping create political space for young people. Is there anything you want to add, in closing?
SD: I would like very much to thank the people coming here that created this program. It's a big challenge for Moldova to teach a generation of people that is aware of politics, that can change the political situation in the country, and the political culture, as well. I think if we get to teach more people how politics works, probably there will be a positive change in my country.
RM: Again, I just want to thank you for joining us, and answering the questions. I really wish you the best of luck in everything that you pursue, moving forward.
SD: Thank you very much.
RM: Thank you to our listeners. To learn more about NDI, or to listen to other Dem Works podcasts, please visit us at NDI.org.


Podcast Participants; Given Kapolyo, Rafka Noufal, Selina Dicusar.



24. Increasing Youth Political Inclusion through Debate

Democracy (General), #NDI #National Democratic Institute #Women #Citizen Participation #Youth

Degeneration of the Homosexual Phantasm in Normalised Czechoslovak Cinema: from Václav Krška's The False Prince (1956) to Stanislav Strnad's The Bronze Boys (1980)AbstractThe author – inspired by the notion of "phantasm" as proposed by Maria Janion, and using the concepts of, among others, German Ritz (the poetics of inexpressible homosexual desire and "complex of corporality"), Marc Ferro (film as a symptom revealing the "hidden side" of power and society) and Michel Foucault ("arrangement of sexuality") – examines the attitude of Czechoslovak cinema towards male nudity and sexuality in a broader context of socio-political history and filmmaking in Czechoslovakia after the Second World War.An analysis, centred on two films: the Labakan (The False Prince) by Václav Krška (1956), and Kluci z bronzu (Boys of Bronze) by Stanislav Strnad (1980), is to comparatively examine how homosexual phantasms were sublimated and transferred to the screen in two historical moments – in the second half of the fifties, i.e. when the country was going out of the Stalinist and socialist realism period, and at the turn of the eighties, that is in the middle of the period of normalization and the regime of Gustáv Husák. The main purpose of the analysis is to examine a symptomatic change in quality – called by Szymański as "degeneration" – of the way in which homosexual imaginations were disclosed and functioned in films, that reflected their appropriation, "reorientation" and exploitation by the totalitarian authorities.In the rich literary, dramatic and film achievements of Krška we find many homosexual "hidden signals" as well as clear connotations and indications, expressing themselves in, among other things, spectacularization and erotization of the male body, a peculiar construct of protagonists-outsiders, questioning of gender stereotypes, stylisation modelled on antiquity, oriental or expressionistic one, etc. Special place in his creativity is occupied by the Czechoslovak-Bulgarian film super-production titled Labakan (The False Prince), in which the adaptation of the fairy tale about a tailor's apprentice who wanted to take the place of the vizier's son became for the director a vehicle for his personal, author's commentary. The homosexual (homotextual) character of Krška's film reveals itself in its transgressive plot open to a "double reading", in its specific pansexuality and the "complex of male corporality", governed by the logic of covetous look, and in the paracamp aesthetic associated today with queer style. In Szymański's opinion, the materialization of homosexual phantasms on the screen offered both for the author and the spectators an area of freedom and "artistry of life": on the one hand it offered them shelter and was an escape from the oppressive cultural reality, on the other – it was becoming the means to contest and the practice of resistance to the heteronormative and totalitarian world.Whereas a barracks-sports farce titled Kluci z bronzu (Boys of Bronze) by Stanislav Strnad belongs to a bigger group of films which in this popular form were taking up the subject of exceptional and unique on the world scale events – Czechoslovak Spartakiads, with their most spectacular part in the form of mass gymnastic compositions performed at the Strahov Stadium in Prague. The fictional history of soldiers, who – overcoming their limitations and reverses of fortune, were preparing a composition of artistic gymnastics for the Spartakiads, was combined with documental shots of the real performing sports compositions at the Strahov in 1980. It inscribes into the normalized film "formats", that is the tested and "patented" stylistic and genre formulas used by the authorities as "soft" means of propaganda and indoctrination. The way in which Strnad presents military and sport homosocial relations, together with a domination in the film of the element of masculinity and the specific "complex of male corporality", imply some special interrelation between the erotisation of the male body, ideological directives, and political needs. What is more, according to Szymański, they also indicate that the purpose of the communist authorities was not only the "standard" creation and propagation of "appropriate" models of "real" masculinity, but also such shaping of male corporality and eroticism that they would support the existing political order instead of subverting it, and replicate the normalized "arrangement of sexuality".In this context the author looks closely at the Spartakiada's mass gymnastic exercises demon-strated by male gymnasts, and especially at the hugely popular shows performed by almost fourteen thousand of half-naked soldiers, which were an unprecedented in the communist public space celebration of male physicality and sensuality, characterised by special idealisation and aestheticisation, outstanding choreography and spectacular figures of the performers, erotic dialectics of clothes and nudity, and the condensation of tension which was gradually and sophisticatedly built.In these shows, the instrumentalisation of gender and eroticism, characteristic of Spartiakiads in general, was followed by the instrumentalisation of codes of homosexual look and desire, neutralisation of inversive connotations – were harnessed for the use of normalization.Homosexual phantasms which in the time of Krška could have been a stimulant of personal expression and practice of opposition, and at least an internal shelter and refuge, twenty years later were appropriated, manipulated and instrumentalised by the communist authorities, becoming part of their system normalizing procedures, a tool for ordering or "arranging sexuality" in accordance with political lines, and an instrument of self-totalitaring and self-harnessing actions. Дегенерация гомосексуального фантазма в нормализованном чехословацком кинематографе. От «Лабакана» Вацлава Кршки (1956) до «Парней из бронзы» Станислава Стрнада (1980) Аннотация Вдохновившись понятием «фантазма» в понимании Марии Янион, а также пользуясь концепциями, между прочим, Германа Ритца (поэтика невысказанного гомосексуального влечения и «комплекс телесности»), Марка Ферро (фильм как симптом, раскрывающий «тайную сторону» власти и общества) и Мишеля Фуко («диспозитив сексуальности») автор исследует отношение чехословацкого кинематографа к мужской наготе и сексуальности в более широком контексте социально-политической истории, а также чехословацкого кинематографического производства после Второй мировой войны.Анализ, сосредоточен на двух лентах: «Лабакан» Вацлава Кршки (1956) и «Парни из бронзы» Станислава Стрнада (1980). Он должен послужить сравнительному исследованию того, как были сублимированы и перенесены на экран гомосексуальные фантазмы в двух исторических моментах – во второй половине 1950-х гг., т.е. в период выхода из сталинизма и соцреализма, а также на рубеже 1970-х и 1980-х гг., т.е. в середине эпохи нормализации и функционирования режима Густава Гусака. Главной целью исследования является прослеживание симптоматичного качественного преобразования того, каким образом раскрываются и функционируют в кино гомосексуальные изображения (в определении Шиманского «дегенерации»). что отражает их присвоение, «перенаправление» и использование тоталитарной властью.В богатом литературном, театральном и кинематографическом творчестве Кршки мы находим многочисленные «тайные сигналы», а также отчетливые гомоэротические коннотации и подтексты, проявлявшиеся, между прочим, в спектакуляризации и эротизации мужского тела, своеобразной конструкции героев-аутсайдеров, опровержении половых стереотипов, антикизирующей, ориентальной или экспрессионистской итп. стилизации. В его творчестве особое место занимает чехословацко-болгарская суперпродукция «Лабакан» – адаптация романтической сказки о портном-подмастерье, мечтавшем занять место сына визира, ставшая для режиссера средством личного, авторского высказывания. В трансгрессивной, фабуле с возможным «двойным прочтением», в специфическом пансексуализме и «комплексе мужской телесности», которым правит логика жаждущего взгляда, а также в паракэмповой эстетике, ассоциирующейся сегодня с квирной стилистикой, проявляется гомосексуальный (гомотекстуальный) характер произведения Кршки. Согласно Шиманскому, материализация гомосексуальных фантазмов на экране создавала (как для художника, так и для потребителей картины) пространство свободы и «артизма жизни». С одной стороны она дарила им убежище и была средством ухода от угнетающей культурной действительности, а с другой – превращалась в выражение протеста и практикой сопротивления гетеронормативному и тоталитарному миру. Казарменно-спортивный фарс «Парни из бронзы», в свою очередь, принадлежит к более обширной группе произведений, затрагивавших в популярном киножанре тему мероприятий, исключительных в мировом масштабе – чехословацких спартакиад. Их самой зрелищной частью были массовые гимнастические показы, организовавшиеся каждые 5 лет на пражском Страговском стадионе. История воинской части, солдаты которой, побеждая собственные слабости и превратности судьбы, подготавливают спартакиядную гимнастическую комбинацию, смонтирована с документальными съемками настоящих показов на Страгове в 1980 году. Она вписывается в кинематографические «форматы» периода нормализации, то есть проверенные и «запатентованные» стилистико-жанровые формулы, которыми власти пользовались для «мягкой» пропаганды и индоктринации. Способ презентации Стрнадом армейских и спортивных гомообщественных отношений, а также доминирующая в картине стихия мужественности и связанный с ней специфический «комплекс телесности», указывают на своеобразную связь эротизации мужского тела с идеологическими директивами и политическими потребностями. Более того, согласно Шиманскому, они свидетельствуют и о том, что целью коммунистических властей было не только «стандартное» формирование и распространение «правильных» эталонов «настоящей» мужественности, но и такая обработка мужской телесности и эротики, чтобы они, вместо субверсивно подрывать существующий порядок, поддерживали его и воспроизводили нормализованный «диспозитив сексуальности».В этом контексте автор внимательнее присматривается к спартакиадным выступлениямгимнастов, особенно к пользующимся огромным успехом показам, в которых участвовало почти 14 000 полуобнаженных солдат. Они были беспрецедентным в коммунистическом общественном пространстве чествованием мужских телесности и чувственности, отличавшимся и особенными идеализацией эстетизацией, интересными хореографическими решениями и позами упражняющихся, эротической диалектикой прикрытия и обнаженности, а также изощренным сгущением драматического накала. В этих зрелищах, вслед за инструментализацией гендера и эротики, характерной для спартакиад в целом, пошла и инструментализация кодов гомосексуального взгляда и влечения, а также свойственного им воображариума, которые – после замены знаков местами и нейтрализации инверсионных коннотаций – использовались нормализационным правительством.Гомосексуальные фантазмы во времена Кршки могли еще служить стимулом для личной экспрессии и практикой сопротивления, или, хотя бы, внутренним убежищем и уходом. Двадцать лет спустя они оказались присвоены, сманипулированы и инструментализированы властью, превратившись в часть ее системных нормализирующих процедур, орудие «диспозитива сексуальности», соответствующего политическим требованиям, а также инструмент самототализирующих и укрощающих действий.