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"Compared to the late 1970s, when the Austrian voting behavior was characterized by extraordinary stability, low electoral volatility, and high turnout rates, the 1980s and 1990s stand for exceptional changes and ruptures elicited primarily by the rise of the right wing populist FPi (Freedom Party of Austria). This volume of collected papers investigates the permanent changes of Austrian voting behavior over the past forty years and analyzes causes and consequences for party competition and the electoral process in Austria during the first decade of the twenty-first century. Some of the contributions include Oliver Rathkolb's wide-ranging historical typology which addresses the Austrian voters in the twentieth century from the perspective of expanding voting laws and the struggle for political participation and integration. Based on compact trend data of Austrian Election Studies, Fritz Plasser and Peter A. Ulram present an empirical overview of trends and patterns in Austrian voting behavior covering the period from 1970 to 2006. Both the rising electoral volatility and the permanent increase of constant non-voters since the 1980s are dealt with. The development and dynamics of regional elections in Austria since the mid-1980s are reconstructed and related to the electoral behavior on the federal level. Kurt Richard Luther analyzes electoral strategies and the rise and fall of Austrian right wing populism from 1986 to 2006, focusing in particular upon changing styles of electoral mobilization. The media's role in framing the Austrian campaign discourse and the specific characteristics of campaign coverage in Austria are also in focus. This well-conceived volume also contains review essays, book reviews, and the annual review of Austrian politics. A mandatory selection for the bookshelves of all those interested in Austria or European Studies, this book provides invaluable information regarding the electoral process in Austria."--Provided by publisher.

No volume issued for 1842. ; "Advertisement" signed: Horace Greeley. ; Volumes for 1838-56 have special t.-p. with added imprint: Reproduced by the American photo-lithographic co. [N.Y.] (Osborne's process) 1867; volumes for 1857-68 have half-title only ; Mode of access: Internet.

WHS shelf-list has note: Inv. 1298. ; No volume issued for 1842. ; "Advertisement" signed: Horace Greeley. ; Volumes for 1838-56 have special t.-p. with added imprint: Reproduced by the American photo-lithographic co. [N.Y.] (Osborne's process) 1867; volumes for 1857-68 have half-title only. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; WHS shelf-list has no date of acquisition or name of vendor.

Simultaneous implementation of the election already held on 9 December 2015, essentially is an alternative system of direct local elections in order to save significant budget of budget execution during the election is charged to the budget. But in its implementation, simultaneous election in 2015 was allegedly gave birth to the various phenomena associated with transactional politics that emerged in the process of election.This paper prepared using descriptive method through a qualitative approach. The data collection is done by using study of literature through the study of literature related to the phenomenon of transactional politics in the election simultaneously in Indonesia in 2015, and its implications for government formed from the election process.Concurrent election implementation in 2015 gave rise to various phenomena associated with transactional politics that political barter, stuffed politics, politics of high costs, and the existence of money politics in voting behavior. In general, transactional politics injure the realization of democratic elections and the implications for the process of the election itself less democratic. In particular, the transactional politics that can bring the seeds of mistrust support to political parties and may confuse its supporters over the choice of a political party, led to the behavior of corrupt government officials, and local autonomy are not positively correlated to improving the welfare and quality of life of the people.

Election is a series of activities in democratic voting. In this regard, the election is regulated in Law Number 7 of 2017, here it explains how the participation of the people of Ubung Village in the context of participating in the 2019 election process. This study aims to determine the election management system according to Law No. 7 of 2017 and knowing about the implementation of the election in Ubung Village. This type of research is empirical research. This research was carried out by going directly to the research location which was located in the Ubung Village. The results showed that the stages in the people's participation in the kelurahan ubung are: in the election process it can be classified into 3 (three) stages, namely: the preparation stage, the implementation stage, and the evaluation stage. So in this regard here it is said that the phase of people's involvement in the election of the Kelurahan ubung is very enthusiastic because almost 49.41% of the registered voters of the Kelurahan ubung and the Permanent Election list come to the polling stations to exercise their voting rights.

On 8 Oct 2000, municipal elections were held in Belgium to renew the local councils that had been elected in 1994. In the Walloon region & in Flanders, provincial elections were organized as well. The aim of the article is to measure globally where the political forces stood after these elections & assess whether significant swings had taken place since 13 June 1999, when the latest parliamentary & regional elections were held. On the basis of an estimation of the global results in the municipal elections of the various parties in the Walloon region, in Flanders, & in Brussels, backed up by the actual results of the provincial elections, one can say that the liberal group strengthened its position. The Christian Democrats, the second most important political group, & the Socialists, who ranked third, regained a large part of the losses they had incurred in June 1999. Although improving their results in comparison with 1994, the Green parties lost strength. The French-speaking far Right practically disappeared, whereas the Vlaams Blok obtained an average of 15% of the Flemish electorate in the municipal & provincial elections, the level it had reached in the 1999 parliamentary elections. 5 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

En las elecciones nicaragüenses de 2006 el Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) recuperó el poder después de 16 años en la oposición. El objetivo del texto es analizar las razones de la victoria sandinista y formular si dichos comicios supusieron un proceso de realineamiento electoral en el país. Para ello se expondrá en primer lugar cúal ha sido la dinámica de la competencia electoral desde 1990 hasta las elecciones de 2006, enfatizando la aparición en estas últimas de un nuevo clivaje que se sobrepuso al del sandinismo. Después se señalarán las características del sistema electoral nicaragüense y se expondrá la naturaleza de las fuerzas políticas y de la campaña realizada. Finalmente, se analizarán los resultados a la luz de la teoría sobre el tema con el pbjetivo de averiguar hasta qué punto los comiciós de 2006 has supuesto (o no) un realineamiento electoral que abra una nueva dinámica de competencia partidaria y un sistema de partidos diferente en Nicaragua. ; In the Nicaraguan elecctions of 2006, the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) regained office after 16 years of being in the opposition. The objective of this article is to analyze the reasons for the Sandinista victory and to verify if such elections constitute an electoral realignment in the country. First, the dynamics of electoral competition will be explained emphasizing a new cleavage that opposed the old sandinismo/anti-sandinismo since 1990. Second, the features of the Nicaraguan political system and the nature of the political forces as well as those of the campaign will be examined. Finally, and in order to find (or not) the level of realingment, the electoral results will be analyzed. These results may open a new dynamic of electoral competition and a different party system in Nicaragua.

This paper explains how the application of an open proportional system and a closed proportional system in the legislative elections in Indonesia. The problem is focused on how the consequences of implementing an open proportional system compared to closed proportionality after the widespread discourse to return to a closed proportional system. Moreover, a number of problems emerged after the 2019 simultaneous elections were carried out in an open proportional system. The open proportional system was considered more complicated for voters and for election administrators. Meanwhile, for election participants, an open proportional system created internal conflicts in political parties. The data in this paper were collected through literature study and analyzed qualitatively. This study concludes that a closed proportional system was considered to be more efficient in the process of casting and printing the ballots. The closed proportional system was also simple for voters, because voters only chose images of political parties. On the other hand, political parties as election participants must also improve their party system to be more democratic so that the cadres of the best political parties who side with the people have the same opportunity to compete in the election. Ease of voters and the quality of election participants are important because the essence of elections is participation and contestation.

In double columns. ; Caption title. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Electronic reproduction. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 44

By Joseph Lyman, Pastor of the church in Hatfield. Half-title: Mr. Lyman's election sermon, May 30, 1787. Signatures: [A]⁴ B-H⁴ (last leaf blank). FAU Library's copy appears to have been trimmed to 21 cm. ; Florida Atlantic University Libraries' Marvin and Sybil Weiner Spirit of America Collection, Pamphlets: Speeches B7F20 ; Florida Atlantic Digital Library Collections

The paper in question is devoted to the study of the strategies of pre-election speech constructing. In the study conducted on the material of the US presidential campaign of 2015–16 two main strategies used to create and implant in the electorate mind the required image of the political candidate as well as to win the voters over to his / her side are determined. It is concluded that the key strategies are as follows: the build-up strategy and the play-on-downtown strategy strengthened by the theatricality strategy which verbal realization is stylistic expressive means and devices (metaphor, hyperbole, amplification and others). ; Данная статья посвящена изучению стратегий построения предвыборной речи. В ходе исследования, проведенного на материалах президентской кампании 2015–2016 гг. в США, определены две основные стратегии, использованные с целью формирования и закрепления в сознании электората необходимого представления о политическом кандидате, а также привлечения избирателей на его сторону: 1) стратегия создания положительного собственного имиджа и 2) стратегия дискредитации оппонента. Эффективность указанных базовых стратегий усиливается стратегией театральности, вербальной реализацией которой являются художественные средства и приемы (метафора, гипербола, амплификация и другие). ; Статтю присвячено вивченню стратегій побудови передвиборчої промови. Під час дослідження, проведеного на матеріалах президентської кампанії 2015–2016 рр. у США, установлено дві основні стратегії, використані для формування й упровадження у свідомість електорату необхідного уявлення про політичного кандидата, а також налаштування виборців на його підтримання: 1) стратегія створення позитивного власного іміджу та 2) стратегія дискредитації опонента. Ефективність зазначених базових стратегій підвищується стратегією театральності, вербальною реалізацією якої є художні засоби та прийоми (метафора, гіпербола, ампліфікація й інші).