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Regardless of Marshall's and Jevon's attempt to divorce economy from politics and hence morals in the 19th century, the ideals of socialism that rose at this time have similarly been steadfastly betrayed in practice and letter by the CCP. Neither is there any genuine prospect of public-choice in the sense of the Chicago School in terms of political economy in the PRC. There are merely factional and rent-collecting socialist party organ institutions that create distributional conflicts and eat up and misdirect precious resources. However, the PRC Party cadres need not concern themselves with newspapers questioning government policy as all newspapers are state-controlled, resulting in a "powerless public" oppressed by a totalitarian, socialist-come-mixed economy regime. Yet, usually, the largely rural Chinese populace remains complacent.

Regardless of Marshall's and Jevon's attempt to divorce economy from politics and hence morals in the 19th century, the ideals of socialism that rose at this time have similarly been steadfastly betrayed in practice and letter by the CCP. Neither is there any genuine prospect of public-choice in the sense of the Chicago School in terms of political economy in the PRC. There are merely factional and rent-collecting socialist party organ institutions that create distributional conflicts and eat up and misdirect precious resources. However, the PRC Party cadres need not concern themselves with newspapers questioning government policy as all newspapers are state-controlled, resulting in a "powerless public" oppressed by a totalitarian, socialist-come-mixed economy regime. Yet, usually, the largely rural Chinese populace remains complacent.

While the relationship between state ownership and firm performance has been widely researched, the empirical evidence has provided mixed results. This study applies panel data regression techniques to 10,639 firm-year observations of non-financial Chinese listed firms during 2003-2010 to examine the relationship between state ownership and firm performance. The results show that state ownership has a U-shaped relationship with firm performance. The Split Share Structure Reform in 2005-2006 played a positive role in enhancing the relationship between state ownership and firm profitability ratios. Although state ownership decreased significantly after 2006, it remains high in strategically important industry sectors such as the oil, natural gas and mining sector and the publishing, broadcasting and media sector. The findings reveal that a higher level of state ownership is superior to a dispersed ownership structure due to the benefits of government support and political connections. The Split Share Structure Reform made previously non-tradable shares legally tradable, improving corporate governance and reducing the negative effect of non-tradable state shares. © 2013 .

Current geopolitical situation affects greatly on worldwide distribution of energy. These circumstances challenge Russian energy companies to be more flexible in development of foreign market expansion strategies and pro-active in establishing of cooperation mechanisms with new partners abroad. In this case gas power generation should be considered more attentively, gas-fired power plants provide the customer with end-product, while natural gas exporters create additional values to gas exports and are able to achieve synergy of core business and power supply. The article considers Russian power generation companies' potential expansion to new power markets. Brief description of two electricity markets is provided with examples of Iran, the largest regional market and Pakistan, which suffers from power deficit and non-sustainable energy supply. Iran power sector is also remarkable with its experience of development under international sanctions, including establishment of energy machinery sector based on localization of foreign technologies. Pakistan is one of the most attractive LNG markets for Russian companies, which face the challenge to increase LNG export up to 20% of world market share.

Aim. To identify the features of the behavior of external actors in the South Caucasus during the Second Karabakh War and rank them according to the degree of influence on the events, outcomes, and settlement of the post-conflict situation.Tasks. To find out the main reasons for Armenia's military defeat, as well as the extent of involvement in the armed conflict and post-conflict settlement of Turkey, Great Britain, Iran, the USA, France, the OSCE Minsk Group and the EU.Methods. Among the techniques and ways to achieve the stated goal of the study, the methods of comparative analysis, which allowed by comparing the degree of involvement and role in the conflict to identify beneficiaries and the most promising applicants for participation in post-conflict settlement; structural and functional analysis aimed at identifying connections, relationships and mediations between the participants of the events under consideration.Results. The analysis of the interested and motivated behavior of Turkey, Iran, the UK, the USA, France, the Minsk Group, and the EU in the 44-day armed conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan was carried out. An attempt is made to rank external actors according to the degree of influence on the course and outcome of the war; the main reasons for Armenia's military defeat are established; Iran's behavior and role in the conditions of war and post-conflict settlement are characterized; Azerbaijan's support in the conflict by the countries of the Turkic Council is shown; the involvement of Turkey and Great Britain in the war is established; The role of Russia in the end of the war was determined; the positions of the USA and France as co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group were clarified; the EU's application for mediation in the settlement of the Armenian-Azerbaijani contradictions was assessed.Conclusions. Contrary to numerous opinions about the paralysis of Russia's political will in the South Caucasus, it was Russia that, following the results of the Second Karabakh War, managed to strengthen its position and role in regional politics, unite its allies — Armenia and Azerbaijan — around it, inspire them with an understanding of the need to end armed confrontation in the conflict zone, and propose a realistic program of joint actions towards its political settlement.

The article refers to the problem of the salvation of the Serbian army from Albania in 1916 with the efforts of Nicholas II, which expressed in the strong ultimatum to the British and French governments. The Nicholas II threatened them with conclusion of a separate peace with Germany. The article is based on the materials of the archive of the French Ministry of Defense, and taking up the French and Serbian historiographical tradition. The author reveals the role of Nicholas II in the Serbian army's rescue attempt as symbolic and considers the existence of the «qua-si-telegram» exceptionally as a tool of the current politics of memory in Russia and Serbia. ; Статья обращается к устойчивому сюжету о спасении сербской армии из Албании в 1916 г. усилиями Николая II, выраженными в ультимативной телеграмме правительствам Англии и Франции с угрозой заключения мира с Германией. На материалах архива Исторической службы Министерства обороны Франции, а также принимая во внимание историографическую традицию Франции и Сербии, автор полагает роль Николая II в деле спасения сербской армии как символическую и рассматривает существование квазителеграммы исключительно как средство текущей политики памяти в России и Сербии.

A descriptive review is provided of the various molecular Chlamydia trachomatis typing methods and the estimation of possibility of their practical use has been evaluated. The information obtained as a result of the application of these methods is the basis for the evolutionary analysis and epidemiological monitoring of the circulation of the pathogen, contributes to the development of targeted prevention, the creation of a vaccine, and the effectiveness of antichlamydia treatment.

Стаття присвячена виникненню та розвитку державної служби в економічній сфері в країнах Стародавнього Сходу. Вивчаються основні напрямки державного управління в економічній сфері в Стародавньому Єгипті, Вавилоні, Ізраїлі, Персії, Індії та Китаї. Також розглядаються особливості формування бюрократичного апарату у сфері управління економічними відносинами в державах Стародавнього Сходу.