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ObjectiveThe objective is to estimate the relative contributions of nonresponse, coverage, and measurement biases in survey estimates of voting.MethodsWe survey 3,000 Boston‐area households sampled from an address‐based frame matched, when possible, to telephone numbers. A two‐phase sampling design was used to follow up nonrespondents from phone interviews with personal interviews. All cases were then linked to voting records.ResultsNonresponse, coverage, and measurement‐biased survey estimates at varying stages of the study design. Coverage error linked to missing telephone numbers biased estimates that excluded nonphone households. Overall estimates including nonphone households and nonrespondent interviews include 25 percent relative bias equally attributable to measurement and nonresponse.ConclusionBias in voting measures is not limited to measurement bias. Researchers should also assess the potential for nonresponse and coverage biases.

Cet article traite du rôle des chaînes de production et de valeur transnationales dans l'empreinte environnementale globale de la Chine. L'objectif est d'élargir le débat sur la justice environnementale internationale en vue d'un partage équitable des coûts, non seulement entre pays, mais aussi entre les Etats et les acteurs transnationaux privés qui structurent et dominent la production et les flux commerciaux mondiaux. La question de la justice environnementale internationale ou mondiale et d'une répartition équitable des coûts ne se limite pas aux responsabilités historiques du « Sud » et du « Nord » dans l'émission de gaz anthropogéniques depuis la Révolution industrielle, problème bien étudié qui a conduit à l'adoption du principe des responsabilités « communes mais différenciées [nationales] », dans les changements climatiques mondiaux. Il faut également tenir compte des responsabilités fondamentales des entreprises transnationales dans la production d'externalités environnementales négatives tout au long des chaînes de valeur, depuis la recherche, le développement et la conception, l'extraction des matières premières et la production et l'assemblage des composants, jusqu'à la consommation du produit fini sur le marché mondial et son recyclage. Étant donné le rôle de ces entreprises dans la production et les exportations chinoises, les défis environnementaux de la Chine et les répercussions mondiales du pays doivent être considérés non seulement comme une question nationale, mais aussi comme une question transnationale.

Abstract
This study investigates what role, if any, nonresponse plays in inflating survey estimates of religious behavior, using a multimode survey designed to allow estimation of nonresponse bias. A sample of 3,000 Boston-area households drawn from an address-based frame was randomly divided into two subsamples, contacted by mail, and invited to participate in a survey. The first subsample was asked to complete an interactive voice response interview. The second subsample was asked to complete a survey by telephone if a number was available for the address or by personal interview if not. Finally, random samples of nonrespondents were recontacted for a personal interview. Comparison of attendance estimates from initial interviews with nonrespondent interviews within sample segments yields minor or minimal differences that are not statistically significant. Findings suggest that the mechanism generating survey nonresponse is unlikely to be a major cause of bias in religious service attendance estimates in this study.

AbstractSurvey estimates of the religiously unaffiliated in the United States—between 20% and 25%—make this group one of the largest "religious" categories in the country. Recent research argues that political polarization pushes political liberals and moderates to report no religious affiliation to distance themselves from religious conservatives. One key point of polarization behind this phenomenon is sexuality-focused politics, including lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer (LGBQ) rights and discrimination. The current research uses a split-ballot survey experiment to investigate sexuality-focused political polarization as a cause of the reports of religious nonaffiliation. A sample of 2,238 respondents, stratified by sexual orientation (half LGBQ, half straight), completed a brief web survey starting with two randomly ordered series of questions on religion and sexuality. Findings suggest that sexuality-focused political polarization is not likely to be a primary cause of survey respondents' claims of religious nonaffiliation.

AbstractThe fact‐value distinction is leaky. The problem is not just that values can color facts. The reverse is also true: facts are also entangled with values. Nor is that the end of the matter. The concepts of fact and value are not epistemologically or ethically neutral either. It is time to abandon the quest for axiological neutrality in favor of systematic attention to the complex relationship between the descriptive and the normative. Instead of attempting to be neutral, social scientists should strive to combine engagement with open‐mindedness.

AbstractSurvey methodology is a relatively new academic discipline focused on understanding sources of survey errors. As an interdisciplinary field, survey methodology borrows theoretical approaches from other disciplines and applies them to understand how survey respondents answer questions. One field in particular, cognitive psychology, has played a central role in the development of survey methodology. The cognitive approach has focused researchers' attentions on the sources of error at each stage of the cognitive process respondents use to answer a survey question: comprehension of the question, recollection of relevant information, estimation and judgment, and reporting an answer. Although this focus on the cognitive response process has been positive and fruitful, potentially strong social and interactional influences on the response process have been underinvestigated and undertheorized. Thus, this essay argues for a revitalized research program in the sociological social psychology of survey methodology, given its rich body of theory and research. The current strengths of social psychological and interactional approaches are highlighted, focusing primarily on recent work using identity theory to understand social desirability biases. Finally, potentially fruitful future directions for research are proposed, matching sociological social psychological theories to the survey errors upon which they may shed light.

Pride in one's city is an individual, and collective as well as institutional response to urban conditions which may be harnessed in support of expanding urban facilities and services. Pride is likely to be felt most keenly by those who have a stake in the city and for this reason anecdotal reporting of urban pride in the media is subject to likely bias in favour of vested interests. In practice however we know very little about urban pride. The vast literature on urbanism does not appear to have identified any role for urban pride let alone indicating which cities gather pride or who among its inhabitants exhibit such prideThis paper applies a multi-level statistical model to large random sample of residents in twelve New Zealand cities. From the results we learn that, although financial stake holding is relevant, urban pride is concentrated more broadly among those whose social and cultural identity is closely tied to the city. Where financial stake holding is most influential is when it is absent, for those experiencing financial difficulties are the most likely to disavow urban pride. Urban pride is a therefore a distributional property of cities in which the currencies are emotional and cultural as well as financial. Urban pride is relatively absent among those who fail to have a stake in the city as well as being weaker among those who live in relatively unattractive cities, and less attractive neighbourhoods. As a barometer of rewards to living and investing in the city, urban pride certainly warrants closer attention than it has received to date.