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Abstract
This article focuses on the neutralisation doctrine established by the Court of Justice of the European Union in its Picasso/Picaro ruling. This doctrine stipulates that visual and/or phonetic similarity of conflicting signs can be neutralised by a conceptual difference between the signs if one of those signs has a clear and specific meaning which can be grasped immediately by the public. We trace the origin of the neutralisation doctrine as well as the manner in which the neutralisation doctrine has developed over the years. We then assess the position of the neutralisation doctrine in the broader phased assessment of similarity established by the Court of Justice of the European Union in EUIPO/Equivalenza Manufactory. We express our objections against the neutralisation doctrine and argue for its abolishment. In our view, the test of whether the public perceives a sign as referring to a trade mark which identifies goods or services or as a word or famous person is in essence a test of the distinctive character of that sign. In our concluding remarks, we argue once more for the abolishment of the neutralisation doctrine and provide some practical guidance to minimise its effects as long as it remains established law.

Résumé La plongée sous-marine en milieu naturel est une activité qui modifie l'équilibre et la perception du corps. Les plongeurs – souvent convaincus de pratiquer une activité sans danger – s'exposent pourtant à des risques potentiellement mortels. À partir d'une enquête ethnographique, l'auteur montre qu'en définitive ce sport laisse une place aux transgressions des normes où le risque est progressivement converti en sécurité. Cet arrangement implique d'acquérir la maîtrise des « techniques de neutralisation » du risque, permettant aux plongeurs d'entretenir paradoxalement un système normatif, tout en le « violant ». Il apparaît ainsi que la transgression des normes de sécurité est moins un acte individuel qu'une conduite déterminée par l'organisation sociale de la plongée.

Pourquoi les dispositifs participatifs, aussi sophistiqués soient-ils, semblent ne pas parvenir à influencer réellement l'action publique ? En analysant les conditions d'institutionnalisation du pilotage de la participation au sein de l'État en France depuis les années 1990, cet article éclaire les luttes institutionnelles qui structurent le pilotage de la participation citoyenne en son sein. Ces luttes débouchent sur une neutralisation de plus en plus affirmée des pressions que pourraient exercer les dispositifs participatifs sur le pouvoir exécutif et les administrations centrales. Comprendre les politiques d'organisation qui conditionnent l'existence même des dispositifs permet d'enrichir la compréhension des usages politiques des innovations démocratiques.

<p class="P1">Unexploded sub munitions for military operations posed economic loss and health hazard. The need for unexploded sub munitons to be rendered safe after a certain period of time was of importance to the militaty. In this work, a self-neutralizing sub-component using soft metal penetration principle was developed and incorporated to the existing sub munitions so as to include a self-neutralizing feature in such sub munitions. This study was also conducted to determine the potential to use a steel wire to cut BI-Pb-Sn-Cd alloy at different temperatures (-40 °C~40 °C). The effect of temperature on neutralisation time was evaluated in experiments. The experimental results indicated that the neutralisation time was dependent on temperature of soft metal and decreased with increasing temperature. While BI-Pb-Sn-Cd alloy with thickness of 0.75±0.01 mm and height of 2.40 ±0.02 mm was cut by steel wire with a diameter of 0.12 mm, self-neutrlisation of sub munitions was completed ranging from 1min5s to 143 h 2 min. It was concluded that self-neutralisation based on BI-Pb-Sn-Cd alloy could meet its setting requirements in the battlefield, and its failure rate reached less than 10% at between -40 °C and 40 °C, and the self-neutralisation time could be adjusted by the size of soft metal.</p>

Unexploded sub munitions for military operations posed economic loss and health hazard. The need for unexploded sub munitons to be rendered safe after a certain period of time was of importance to the militaty. In this work, a self-neutralizing sub-component using soft metal penetration principle was developed and incorporated to the existing sub munitions so as to include a self-neutralizing feature in such sub munitions. This study was also conducted to determine the potential to use a steel wire to cut BI-Pb-Sn-Cd alloy at different temperatures (-40 °C~40 °C). The effect of temperature on neutralisation time was evaluated in experiments. The experimental results indicated that the neutralisation time was dependent on temperature of soft metal and decreased with increasing temperature. While BI-Pb-Sn-Cd alloy with thickness of 0.75±0.01 mm and height of 2.40 ±0.02 mm was cut by steel wire with a diameter of 0.12 mm, self-neutrlisation of sub munitions was completed ranging from 1min5s to 143 h 2 min. It was concluded that self-neutralisation based on BI-Pb-Sn-Cd alloy could meet its setting requirements in the battlefield, and its failure rate reached less than 10% at between -40 °C and 40 °C, and the self-neutralisation time could be adjusted by the size of soft metal.

La diffusion des savoirs et recettes affiliés au label du New Public Management au sein du secteur public pourrait être envisagée comme le résultat du renouvellement progressif du personnel local. L'étude d'administrations particulières montre en fait que ces nouvelles approches sont des enjeux de luttes et ne s'imposent que sous certaines conditions. L'article tente ainsi d'incarner les dynamiques de circulation de cette déclinaison du « souci de soi de l'État » par une analyse localisée des conflits, notamment générationnels, entre les différentes composantes des élites administratives au sein d'un conseil régional. Si les agents s'opposent bel et bien, le cadre institutionnel dans lequel leurs luttes prennent cours est marqué par la force de son exécutif. Dans ce contexte, le rapport aux savoirs managériaux semble moins devoir au profil de ses fonctionnaires qu'aux logiques structurantes du politique.