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In this paper, I consider one possible defense of the presumption, common among liberal legal & political theorists, that we should respect culture. Specifically, I examine the view, forcefully articulated by Joseph Carens, that we can identify those attachments or practices that are candidates for one or another form of legal protection by determining whether they are "authentic" in the sense that members of some relevant group accept or embrace them as an integral component of their culture. I first sketch in detail Carens's view & show that despite appearances his position is central to liberal arguments that we should respect culture. Next, I recapitulate the empirical case (the complicated cultural politics on the islands of Fiji) that Carens uses as a vehicle for his argument. I then challenge the implications that Carens draws from the Fijian case. In particular, I argue that claims to "authenticity" are themselves artifacts of strategic political processes, that they & the institutions they purport to justify are in fact morally arbitrary, &, therefore, that "authenticity" cannot afford a basis for justifying policies aimed at protecting culture in Fiji or elsewhere. I suggest in conclusion that by invoking authenticity in this regard Carens courts a brand of relativism that is especially pernicious in that it erodes the terrain of democratic representation & deliberation. This is ironic to the extent that Carens seeks to defend democracy as well as difference. On this basis I recommend that, for purposes of justifying social, political, or economic arrangements, we abandon the language of authenticity altogether. Adapted from the source document.

Antonios Vlassis nous livre un compte-rendu des débats de la dernière Conférence des Parties à la Convention sur la protection et la promotion de la diversité des expressions culturelles (CDEC) en analysant précisément les enjeux liés au numérique et en décortiquant les prises de position exprimées par différents acteurs. ; Culture, commerce et numérique, 10(7).

Rice is the primary staple food source for most of Indonesia's population. Rice is a strategic commodity that is quite significant for the State's social, economic, political, and even security aspects to meet food needs and sustainable self-sufficiency targets; substantial efforts are needed, namely by the quality of seeds strongly influences increasing productivity and increasing productivity and the quality of plant products. Breeding seeds through the Desa Mandiri Benih activity is one of the efforts to meet the needs of seeds and solve seed problems at the farmer level. The objectives of this study were: To analyze the influencing factors and formulate appropriate strategies for developing independent village seed breeder groups in Watang Pulu District, Sidenreng Rappang Regency. This research was conducted for 2 (two) months, from December 2020 to January 2021. The research sample was 8 people, including Bureaucracy, Extension and Farmer group members. The analysis used is the analysis of internal and external factors, SWOT strategy and QSPM analysis. The results showed that the internal and external factors that influenced the development of seed breeding were good production results, limited capital, increased awareness of farmers about the use of certified seeds and pests and diseases. The analysis results are three strategic priorities: Increasing seed production and establishing partnerships with seed companies, Optimizing group potential by improving captive facilities and infrastructure, and Improving coordination with relevant agencies and extension workers to facilitate the development of seed breeding.

The research objective is to determine the role of non-state actors, in this case, the World Health Organization (WHO), in responding to efforts to respect human rights despite the COVID-19 pandemic. This research is motivated by the fact that many countries have committed human rights violations in this COVID-19 pandemic. Like Italy, which imposes a lockdown and does not respect other human rights, Indonesia is implementing travel tires against foreign nationals who come from the UK, where this can be said to be a form of discrimination committed against only certain citizens of the country and others. Because of this, it is essential to look from another perspective regarding respect for human rights at this time to achieve respect for human rights. As for the things that the World Health Organization has done in the form of giving a message by the Director-General of World Health Organization, saying that the COVID-19 pandemic is a global issue that must uphold human rights in its prevention and dissemination procedures, the use of the constitution of the International Health Regulations (IHR) as an effort to carry out monitoring of countries on the implementation and implementation of regulations related to the prevention of COVID-19, to providing recommendations and guidance on an ongoing basis with due regard to the humanitarian situation based on the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR, 1966), International Covenant on Political Rights (ICCPR, 1966), and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR, 1948).

Greater Ethiopia combines history, anthropology, and sociology to answer two major questions. Why did Ethiopia remain independent under the onslaught of European expansionism while other African political entities were colonized? And why must Ethiopia be considered a single cultural region despite its political, religious, and linguistic diversity?Donald Levine's interdisciplinary study makes a substantial contribution both to Ethiopian interpretive history and to sociological analysis. In his new preface, Levine examines Ethiopia since the overthrow of the monarchy in the 1970s.""Ethiopian sc.

Environmental non-government organizations (ENGOs) and national governments are key players in the political sphere surrounding issues of climate change and sustainable development. The relationships between the discourse on "climate change" and "sustainable development" and ENGOs and the state in both Vietnam and Bolivia provides a critical look into the ways in which these issues are approached in two highly-vulnerable countries with different political regimes. Live & Learn, the Centre for Marinelife and Conservation, and PanNature were interviewed as ENGO case studies in Vietnam; and Grupo de Trabajo de Cambio Climático y Justicia and Proinpa were interviewed as ENGO case studies in Bolivia. Comparing the discourse from the ENGO interviews and websites depicting the Socialist Republic of Vietnam's Law on the Protection of the Environment and Bolivia's 2009 Political Constitution of the State elucidates the gaps left by state policies with regards to the needs of civil society in the context of climate change and sustainable development. The analysis also demonstrates the ways in which different regimes shape the culture of ENGOs and how this impacts climate change and sustainable development initiatives and action.

Modern models of economic growth and capitalist modernity rest on capital accumulation, inclusive institutions, and various often unquantifiable aspects of "culture" (to which institutions belong). Scholars have also pinpointed the ability, or rather illusion, of human individuals to plan and predict their economic and social future(s). This transition to future thinking opened European's spaces of possibility during what Reinhart Koselleck famously labelled Europe's Sattelzeit, c.1750–1850. Some have emphasized a European culture of dealing with contingency, which may have marked out a specific "Western" path toward modernity.Without making a claim to global history, and focusing on the German speaking lands, I propose that the discovery of the open economic future was a much earlier project. Modern capitalism had roots in continental economic visions as early as the 1500s. We know them under common labels such as "Cameralism" and "mercantilism." They were also apparent in Anglo-Saxon and Swedish economic reasoning since the mid-seventeenth century, suggesting that we may speak of a broader European tradition. The present article thus wishes to add to the debate, showing possibilities of an alternative—or a wider, more inclusive—genealogy of the modern economic mind, pointing out fresh ways of bringing together culture and economic development.

В статье рассматривается понятие «гражданская культура», дается сопоставление с другими видами культур. Роль гражданской культуры в развитии современного общества является противоречивой, в связи с этим актуальной становится проблема проявления гражданской культуры на разных этапах развития социума. ; Processes taking place in modern society are characterized not by stability and emergence of new subjects of social and political interaction, a new system of behavior patterns, all this is reflected in the civic culture. Civic culture is constructed from various elements of parochial, obedient and participatory cultures. These three models of culture are "ideal types" and in a real situation almost never occur. There is a need in the analysis of a particular society to combine elements of these cultures. In addition, modern transforming society, as a rule, passes through three phases of development: liberalization, democratization, democratic consolidation. In each of these phases it changes the structure and role of civil society, as well as changes occur in the system of values. In this regard, the problem of fragmentation of culture is updated at the present stage of society development.

The term gender mainstreaming (PUG) refers to the understanding that the concept of gender should be encouraged to be understood by the public. Which emphasizes the aspect of gender equality and social justice role, must be maximized, so that domination and "oppression" of women can be minimized. PUG concept inevitably be faced with socio-cultural and political realities of society, which is still very dominant with a patriarchal culture. The power of patriarchal culture (male power) already attached so strong in the community, even the legitimacy of the woman. This article also wants to raise the issue of the implementation of gender mainstreaming in the context of the strong theoretical patriarchy. This theoretical study shows that the various elements of society, patriarchal culture is still maintained and there is justification to continue. Eventhough, it also related to religious beliefs and traditions that take place. On the other side of a patriarchal culture has also strengthened with the emergence of popular culture which emphasizes aspects of the material, so that women often used as commodities. This further reinforces the patriarchal culture, as well as challenges for PUG.

Introducing policy-practice skills for family-centered change agents / Katharine Briar-Lawson -- Promoting new alliances among families, family advocates, and helping professionals / Katharine Briar-Lawson -- Introducing globalization's challenges and opportunities and analyzing economic globalization and liberalization / Hal A. Lawson -- Globalization, flows of culture and people, and new-century frameworks for family-centered policies, practices, and development / Hal A. Lawson -- New-century investment strategies and social action agendas for the world's families / Hal A. Lawson and Katharine Briar-Lawson

A public health and economic crisis provoked by Covid-19. A social crisis cracked open by the filmed murder of George Floyd. A leadership crisis laid bare as the gravity of a global pandemic met a country suffocating in political polarization and idolatry. In the spring of 2020, Comment magazine created a publishing project to tap the resources of a Christian humanist tradition to respond collaboratively and imaginatively to these crises. Plough soon joined in the venture. So did seventeen other institutions. The web commons that resulted - Breaking Ground - became a one-of-a-kind space to probe society's assumptions, interrogate our own hearts, and imagine what a better future might require. This volume, written in real time during a year that revealed the depths of our society's fissures, provides a wealth of reflections and proposals on what should come after. It is an anthology of different lenses of faith seeking to understand how best we can serve the broader society and renew our civilization

Introduction / Bronwen Thomas and Julia Round -- Stories we live by -- Storying cyberspace: narratives and metaphors/ Sue Thomas -- Me and you and everyone we know: the centrality of character in understanding media texts / Craig Batty -- Transforming the ordinary/everyday. The good, the bad and the healthy: the transforming body and narratives of health and beauty in reality tv / Peri Bradley -- Competence in your own enactment: subjectivity and the theorization of participatory art / Simon Grennan -- The transformations of Harvey Pekar's American splendor: "ordinary life is pretty complex stuff" / Julia Round -- The politics of representing real people. Narratives of trauma re-lived: the ethnographer's paradox and other tales / Marina Lambrou -- Autobiography and political marketing: narrative and the Obama brand / Darren G. Lilleker -- Merging fact and fiction: cult celebrity, film narrative and the Henry Lee Lucas story / Shaun Kimber -- Celebrity lives reimagined. Fans behaving badly? real person fic and the blurring of the boundaries between the public and the private / Bronwen Thomas -- Remembering Frank Sinatra: celebrity studies meets memory studies / Roberta Pearson.

The historical relations between Africa and Cuba run deep. Cuba significantly contributed to the African national liberation struggle and Africa contributed towards the development of Cuban identity and culture. This article is concerned with the latter aspect. African elements in the development of Cuban culture have historically been manifested in the development of Cuban religions, in particular the Congolese and Bantu derived Regla Conga (Palo Monte), the Yoruba derived Regla Ocha (Santeria), the Benin derived Regla Arara and Vodoo, and the Sociedad Secreta Abakua whose origins are Old Calabar and southwestern Cameroon. These religions were syncretised with Christian symbols to produce Cuban national identity. I will dwell on the Sociedad Secreta Abakua which has historically consisted of male only mutual associations. The society is the only one of its kind in the Americas and is located in the cities of Havana, Matanzas, and Cardenas.
I will examine the historiography on the origins of the society and offer a political economy approach which dwells on the development of the social formation of the societies of Old Calabar and the emergence of the male only Ekpe and Ngbe or Leopard Societies whose functions were those of a state apparatus which provided religious and ideological legitimacy for an emerging merchant class in the eighteenth and the second half of the nineteenth centuries. Membership of the Ekpe and Ngbe was not only restricted to the dominant lineages but also included freemen and slaves. Most of the historiography consider the two secret societies as the origin of the Sociedad Secreta Abakua. It will be suggested that its origins may also lie in the Nka lyip (Association of Blood Men) whose membership was mainly slaves in Old Calabar. The origins of the Blood Men may have been much earlier, possibly in the eighteenth century. The Abakua Secret Society may also have emerged much earlier than 1836 and possibly in the late eighteenth century.
The next level will dwell on its development as a contested Cuban institution based in the port cities of Havana, Matanzas and Cardenas. Based in poor neighbourhoods, its members became a source of labour on the wharves, in warehouses for over 100 years. Its membership underwent transformation from black only to mixed white and black and later Chinese ex‐indentured labour. It became transculturised, drawing its religious pantheons and rituals from Old Calabar, Yoruba and Bantu elements, as well as Roman Catholic symbols. In the colonial and neo‐colonial periods the Abakua were demonised and persecuted. Through the contract system of labour, its members were manipulated and exploited by unscrupulous intermediaries. Some of these intermediaries held leadership positions or plazas in its ranks. But its secret character was politically positive as its fearless, valiant male members actively participated in the struggles against slavery, against Spanish colonialism, labour unions, and the defeat of United States aggression against the young Cuban revolution in 1961.

Recent scholarship in international relations (IR) and international political sociology (IPS) has made significant contributions to the study of images. Chief among such studies on visual politics has been the focus on popular visual media including cartoons, film, photography, and video games. This article takes a look at another prominent medium: the comic. Comics provide ample potential starting points for IR scholars and political sociologists; the comic's aesthetic qualities-the way in which it narrates geopolitical events to public audiences through condensed image-word relations-reveals a distinct politics of representation. Thus, the study of comics contributes to a better understanding of visuality-theoretically, methodologically, and empirically. This article complements existing work by engaging an example outside of familiar European-language contexts. It discusses a comic booklet that was published by the South Korean Ministry of National Defense in the aftermath of the sinking of the Cheonan, a navy vessel that was allegedly sunk by a North Korean torpedo in 2010. Recognizing comics as narrative sites of (geo)politics, the article explores the booklet's own way of seeing by discussing its dramatic structure and rhetorical devices. In this way, the article provides an exemplary reading of comics, which can serve as a conceptual basis for future studies in the field.

Introduction: a discourse-analytical exploration of the citizenship of palestinians -- 1. The contestation of Arabic on Zionist stages -- 2. Linguistically navigating 'mixed' social settings in contexts of segregation -- 3. Expressing styles for discursive authority -- 4. Anxious attitudes, confident practices: The ambivalence of late capitalism -- Conclusion: The political scientist is the sociolinguist's friend.