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"This book analyses policy and programming challenges in gender mainstreaming in counter-terrorism policy, with examples from comparative case studies. The issue of gender in security policy and programming has received an increase in interest over the past several years, with increasing pressure at the international and national levels to ensure commitment to inclusion of women or a gender lens. This book provides in-depth investigation of how gender can be effectively included in the security process, as well as how to improve understanding of gender's impact on preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE). It not only provides timely and effective contribution to the academic conversation about gender in security and how P/CVE programming can be implemented with human security goals, but also offers recommendations for the policy implications of including gender for those seeking to improve the effectiveness of P/CVE program design, implementation, and evaluation. A gender analysis framework is built across the chapters, drawing from various feminist analytical perspectives in International Relations, and applied to the cases. This learning is presented in the last chapter through some recommendations to help move counter-terrorism policy towards more transformative gender mainstreaming strategies. This book will be of much interest to students of counter-terrorism studies, countering violent extremism, gender studies, security studies and International Relations"--

Nach hundert Tagen Amtszeit wird der Regierungskurs des brasilianischen Präsidenten immer mehr kritisiert. Als Eingeständnis gegenüber dem IWF und den internationalen Finanzmärkten verfolgt Lula eine eher liberale Finanzpolitik. Mit dem eingeschlagenen Sparkurs können viele soziale Reformprojekte nicht oder nur ungenügend umgesetzt werden, was den Unmut vieler Aktivisten an der Basis schürt. Die ersten Konfliktpunkte und Auseinandersetzungen mit den Gewerkschaften kündigen sich an. (Lat.am Nach/DÜI)

This book argues that capitalism has practically failed to deliver the long-desired economic transformation and inclusive development in postcolonial Africa. The principal factor that accounts for this failure is the prolific non-productive forms of capitalism that tend to be dominant in the African continent and their governance dimensions. The research explores how and why capitalism has failed in the African context and the feasibility of turning it around. The book meets the demands of diverse audiences in the fields of International Political Economy, Development Economics, Political Science, and African Studies. The author adopts an unconventional narrativist approach that makes the book amenable to general readership. Kenneth Omeje is Director of Manifold Crown Consulting Services based in Bradford, UK, and Visiting Professor at the Institute of Peace and Security Studies in Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia.

SINCE THE END OF THE COLD WAR CHANGED THE GEOPOLITICAL MAP OF THE WORLD, RUSSIA AND THE OTHER SUCCESSOR STATES OF THE DORMER SOVIET UNION HAVE HAD TO ESTABLISH NEW INTERNATIONAL RELATIONSHIPS BASED ON COMPLEX COMBINATIONS OF INTEREST AND ADVANTAGE. THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES HOW INDIA, ONCE BOTH A STALWART OF THE NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT AND A CLOSE TRADING AND MILITARY PARTNER OF THE SOVIET UNION, HAS REFORGED ITS RELATIONSHIPS WITH RUSSIA AND THE CENTRAL ASIAN REPUBLICS IN THE LIGHT BOTH OF NEW CIRCUMSTANCE AND OF ESTABLISHED TIES.

While terrorist attacks against American interests represent an important topic, few studies use international relations theory and a rigorous statistical methodology to examine their occurrence. In recognition of these shortcomings, this paper hypothesizes and tests a simple yet powerful relationship: as American dominance of the international system increases, the number of attacks against its interests will also rise. This relationship exists because American dominance leaves little room for revisionist actors to alter the status quo through conventional means, which makes terrorist methods an increasingly likely choice. Using ARIMA modeling techniques on a data set that spans from 1968—1996, we gain confirmation that increasing levels of American dominance are positively correlated with large numbers of attacks against American interests.

As a conflict ends and the parties begin working towards a durable peace, practitioners and peacebuilders are faced with the thrilling possibilities and challenges of building new or reformed political, security, judicial, social, and economic structures. This Handbook analyzes these elements of post-conflict state building through the lens of international law, which provides a framework through which the authors contextualize and examine the many facets of state building in relation to the legal norms, processes, and procedures that guide such efforts across the globe. The volume aims to provide not only an introduction to and explanation of prominent topics in state building, but also a perceptive analysis that augments ongoing conversations among researchers, lawyers, and advocates engaged in the field.

As classrooms across the globe become increasingly more diverse, it is imperative that educators understand how to meet the needs of students with varying demographic backgrounds. Emerging Issues and Trends in Education presents case studies from academics who have all at one point been teachers in K-12 classrooms, addressing topics such as STEM as well as global issues related to race, gender education, education policy, and parental engagement. The contributors take an international approach, including research about Nigerian, Chinese, Native American, and Mexican American classrooms. With a focus on multidisciplinary perspectives, Emerging Issues and Trends in Education is reflective of the need to embrace different ways of looking at problems to improve education for all students. -- Provided by publisher

Breast cancer and return to work (RTW) is a global issue affected by many factors. The World Health Organization's International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health (ICF) can be used to address disease/treatment, person and work related factors that can impact the RTW process for breast cancer survivors. The work environment, treatment and sociodemographic factors can affect the timeliness of RTW. While conventional treatment methods are critical for survival, there are other strategies that may provide comfort and relief that can improve functioning in the workplace. Although the number of studies addressing this is increasing, certain issues such as differences in RTW rates, RTW needs and accountability need further investigation. A thorough understanding of the independent and combined effects of disease/treatment, work and person related factors can assist in the appropriate implementation of RTW strategies for breast cancer survivors. For many breast cancer survivors, returning to work is used as a gauge of healing and control over breast cancer, providing encouragement for the future.

From 1948 to 1988, the United States failed to ratify and implement the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Genocide Convention). In total, seven presidential administrations neglected to expend the necessary political capital to secure the Genocide Convention's passage. This article is the first comprehensive study of the presidential actions—and, more aptly, inactions—on the long road to ratification. Ultimately, of the seven presidents who failed to procure the Convention's ratification by the Senate, only three even sought the Senate's advice and consent on the important international accord, and in all cases, the presidents did so while working to ensure the act did not harm their broader legislative and foreign policy agendas. Ultimately, President Ronald Reagan oversaw the Convention's ratification, though he did so in response to the threat of a public relations disaster that his administration believed the ratification would help avert. Studying the motivations of these eight presidents deepens our understanding of why it took the United States 40 years to finally adopt the Genocide Convention.

AbstractThe war of aggression by a permanent member of the Security Council, combined with the availability of its assets on the territory of other states, creates an opportunity to solve one of international law's enigmas: the legality of third-party countermeasures in the general interest. Would confiscating Russia's frozen Central Bank assets and making the proceeds available to repair the war damage in Ukraine be permissible as such a countermeasure? This paper argues that state immunity cannot be relied upon to prevent the freezing or confiscation of foreign central bank assets by direct executive action; that freezing foreign state assets is permissible as a third-party countermeasure to stop a serious case of aggression; and that confiscation would not qualify as a countermeasure but may be permissible as a 'lawful measure' to repair the damage. Recent changes in Canadian legislation support the existence of such a permissive rule. On the other hand, controversial measures by the United States to control the assets of the Afghan Central Bank demonstrate the need for safeguards against abuse.

Abstract
This article provides an analysis of the Dutch Supreme Court judgment in the Mothers of Srebrenica case, placing it in its context, and comparing it with earlier and related decisions, in particular the judgments in the cases of Nuhanović and Mustafić. The Mothers of Srebrenica is a foundation established to represent the interests of the approximately 6000 surviving relatives of the victims of the fall of Srebrenica during the conflict in the former Yugoslavia (1995). The foundation holds the Netherlands responsible for not having done enough to protect the victims of the Srebrenica genocide. This contribution addresses the attribution of the conduct of the United Nations peacekeeping contingent to the troop-contributing State (the Netherlands), followed by the wrongfulness of the peacekeepers' conduct and the State's attendant liability for damages suffered by the victims. It is argued that the Dutch State's international responsibility was only engaged because of the exceptional circumstances present in Srebrenica at the time. In the ordinary course of events, the liability of troop-contributing States is unlikely to be engaged if the Supreme Court's review standard were to be applied.

All cases of genocide in the modern era feature counterinsurgency in some capacity. Often, genocidal acts are justified as counterinsurgency, and counterinsurgency doctrines and tactics are employed to carry out many genocides. While genocides often have international dimensions, they are mostly carried out within the context of intrastate armed conflicts, almost all of which can be characterized as counterinsurgency. In this article, I expand upon Martin Shaw's model of Genocide as War by exploring the theoretical linkages between counterinsurgency and genocide to demonstrate where counterinsurgency fits into the genocide process. Two specific linkages are drawn to show how counterinsurgency complements the genocide process: total transformation of society through militarization, and exploitation of the asymmetries of power between the opposing groups. The relationship between counterinsurgency and genocide is not constructed as a causal one, but recursive (i.e., mutually reinforcing). By examining the Rwandan and Guatemalan Genocides, I demonstrate how genocide is operationalized through counterinsurgency in both cases. I conclude by providing areas for further investigation toward a unifying theory between the scholarships on genocide and counterinsurgency.

International audience ; The "origin question" runs through contemporary debate over filiation ; today, the initial conditions of an adopted child's conception and/or upbringing – prior to arrival in his or her adoptive family – should be divulged, ostensibly for the benefit of his or her psychic wellbeing. By focusing on international adoption (based in particular on research conducted in Ethiopia), this article explores the social and political consequences of this new injunction to "transparency," and questions the practical procedures that allow such a story to be constructed. Putting "your" past into words and having "access" to it are individual actions that are partly conditioned by States' strength and archival policies, revealing the public aspect of (auto) biographical accounts. ; La « question des origines » traverse les débats contemporains sur la filiation ; il faudrait aujourd'hui, pour la sécurité psychique des enfants, révéler les conditions initiales des conceptions et/ou les existences antérieures à leur arrivée au sein des familles. En se concentrant sur le cas de l'adoption internationale, cette contribution interroge les effets sociaux et politiques de cette nouvelle injonction à la « transparence », et questionne les modalités pratiques qui permettent l'édiction d'une histoire. Mettre en mots « son » passé et y « accéder » sont autant d'actions individuelles pour partie conditionnées par la force des Etats et leur politique d'archivage, révélant l'épaisseur public des récits (auto-)biographiques.