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Many LGBTQIA+ people face discrimination and prejudice that can affect their health, wellbeing, rights and opportunities. This book explores a range of issues across the sexual identity and gender diversity spectrum, including issues such as coming out and disclosure, being an ally to LGBTQIA+ people, and addressing the human rights of the LGBTQIA+ members of our community.

AbstractBetween 2002 and 2017, Canadian lawmakers sought to redress the pervasive levels of discrimination, harassment, and violence experienced by transgender and/or non-binary people by adding the terms "gender identity" and/or "gender expression" to federal, provincial, and territorial human rights instruments. This paper tracks the complex, iterative ways in which antidiscrimination protections are brought to life outside courts and tribunals. Using Ontario's publicly-funded English language secular school boards as a case study, we examine how the introduction of explicit human rights protections on the basis of "gender identity" and "gender expression" in 2012 worked to produce a series of responses across the education sector. Given that "gender identity" and "gender expression" remain legally undefined terms in the OntarioHuman Rights Code, and only provisionally defined by Ontario Human Rights Commission (OHRC) policy, we argue that school boards constitute important actors engaged in constructing the meanings of these terms in policy and practice. In decentering courts and tribunals in our analysis, we aim to uncover the everyday practices of parallel norm-making taking place in the education context. These everyday practices shape how we collectively understand the meaning of "gender identity" and "gender expression." By carefully tracking these post-legislative developments, which rarely make their way into reported decisions, we suggest that human rights law reforms might open up space for the emergence of norms that allow people to do gender in a variety of ways.

AbstractIn this article, I examine how conflicts over transgender bathroom rights have ignited debates concerning the fundamental nature of transgender identity. Through an institutional and discursive analysis of North Carolina's House Bill 2 or "bathroom bill," the Title IX case inGloucester County School Board v. G. G.,and similar federal court cases, I explore how and why forces both on the right and in the LGBTQ movement have come to rely on scientific expertise to legitimate their conceptions. As conservatives have marshaled evidence to challenge notions that transgender identity is innate, LGBTQ and transgender organizations as well as the American Civil Liberties Union have crafted a "born this way" biopolitical construction of transgender identity. I find that at their core, these conflicts are over the meanings of gender and sex in relation to transgender identity. Conservatives posit sex as biologically rooted and gender as a psychological phenomenon, whereas transgender advocates subsume gender identity into the definition of sex in arguing that constitutional and federal civil rights law must recognize gender identity as a biologically constitutive element of sex. I conclude by noting the limits of a liberal assimilationist and litigation-centric transgender politics and by exploring alternatives to this biopolitical form of transgender political identity.

Introduction: gender and sexual minority migrants and the asylum process in the UK -- Traces of difference : self-awareness, distress and coping strategies -- The global politics of LGBT rights -- Sexuality/gender and the legal process of asylum -- The making of knowable and liberated subjectivities in the context of asylum -- The materiality of asylum : the production of illegality, poverty, and the Home Office procedures

The present research explores benefits and barriers of friendships for transgender individuals. Participants included 536 individuals who self-identified as transgender or gender variant. Participants completed an online survey asking about friendship experiences with transgender, cisgender, sexual minority, and heterosexual friends. Using a feminist intersectional theoretical framework, content analysis attended to the benefits and barriers to friendship and highlighted patterns of responses by allowing for comparisons across friends' gender identity and sexual orientation. Unique friendship barriers and benefits were found across normative (cisgender/heterosexual) and non-normative (transgender/sexual minority) dimensions of identities. In addition, friendship experiences with transgender and sexual minority friends displayed unique similarities and differences. In our analyses we emphasize the usefulness of a feminist intersectional approach in investigating transgender friendship experience.

This study aimed at identifying self-concept and masculinity/femininity in 102 normal males and a similar number of individuals with Gender Identity Disorder using the Tennessee Self-Concept scale (Farag & Al-Qurashi, 1999) and the MMPI subscale of Masculinity/Femininity
(Hana, Ismail, & Milaika, 1986). Results showed that (a) there are significant differences in self-concept in favor of normal individuals; (b) individuals with Gender Identity Disorder scored significantly higher on clinical measures including neurosis, psychosis, personal disorder, defensive
positiveness, and lower on personality integration, (c) normals scored significantly higher on masculinity measures than did males with Gender Identity Disorder.

Women's and gender history has broadened our knowledge of the Franco dictatorship by incorporating new perspectives and categories of analysis. The Women's Section of the Falange, a topic that has attracted progressively greater attention since the 1990s, has been analyzed mainly as a mechanism of female subordination and as a differentiated sphere for women's agency. This dual approach follows to a great extent the ground rules established in ongoing debates on other European experiences of fascism. This article intends to offer ways of surmounting some dichotomies (e.g., subordinated/emancipated, victims/perpetrators) that have underpinned the analysis of women during the dictatorship. Accordingly, an attempt will be made to explore how the Falangists constructed a collective subjectivity from their own notions of their political culture – Spanish fascism – and a specific war experience that had shaped them as subjects. And, from this perspective, the article offers an understanding of their agency in a context in which the 'victory' of the military uprising had led to a process of reconstructing political and social power.

Since the Moroccan invasion in 1975, official reports on visits to Sahrawi refugee camps by international aid agencies and faith-based groups consistently reflect an overwhelming impression of gender equality in Sahrawi society. As a result, the space of the Sahrawi refugee camps in Algeria and, by external association, Sahrawi society and Western Sahara as a nation-in-exile is constructed as 'ideal' (Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, 2010, p. 67). I suggest that the 'feminist nationalism' of the Sahrawi nation-in-exile is one that is employed strategically by internal representatives of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Río de Oro (POLISARIO), the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) and the National Union of Sahrawi Women (NUSW), and by external actors from international aid agencies and also the colonial Moroccan state. The international attention paid to the active role of certain women in Sahrawi refugee camps makes 'Other' Sahrawi invisible, such as children, young women, mothers, men, people of lower socio-economic statuses, ('liberated') slave classes and refugees who are not of Sahrawi background. According to Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh ( ibid.), it also creates a discourse of 'good', 'ideal' refugees who are reluctant to complain, in contrast to 'Other refugees'. This feminisation allows the international community not to take the Sahrawi call for independence seriously and reproduces the myth of Sahrawi refugees as naturally non-violent (read feminine) and therefore 'ideal'. The myth of non-violence accompanied by claims of Sahrawi secularity is also used to distance Western Sahara from 'African', 'Arab' and 'Islamic', to reaffirm racialised and gendered discourses that associate Islam with terrorism and situate both in the Arab/Muslim East. These binaries make invisible the violence that Sahrawis experience as a result of the gendered constructions of both internal and external actors, and silence voices of dissent and frustration with the more than forty years of waiting to return home.