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An influential approach in the scholarship has stressed the 'robustness of authoritarianism' in the Arab world. While this approach has generated a rich research programme yielding valuable insights, it has also contributed to a widespread tendency to downplay the significance of the 2011 uprisings. A perspective that is broader both temporally (going back to the aftermath of the Ottoman Empire's collapse) and spatially (to include Turkey, another successor state to that same empire which may serve as a useful negative case) can illuminate not only variations between regional states, but also convergences – such as the expansion of political mobilization and participation, or the emergence of Islamism versus secular nationalism as a key axis of ideological conflict – that suggest less pessimistic conclusions about the prospects for democracy in the longer-term future.

We report on two studies investigating the motivations ("ingroup love" and "outgroup hate") underlying individual participation in intergroup conflict between natural groups (fans of football clubs, supporters of political parties), by employing the Intergroup Prisoner's Dilemma Maximizing-Difference (IPD-MD) game. In this game group members can contribute to the ingroup (at a personal cost) and benefit ingroup members with or without harming members of an outgroup. Additionally, we devised a novel version of the IPD-MD in which the choice is between benefiting ingroup members with or without helping members of the outgroup. Our results show an overall reluctance to display outgroup hate by actively harming outgroup members, except when the outgroup was morality-based. More enmity between groups induced more outgroup hate only when it was operationalized as refraining from help.

Over the last few years 'community', 'participation' and 'heritage' have become keywords in creative commissioning. These terms are generally invoked with an abundancy of good intentions, but little critical reflection. In this article the author uses a commission of hers as an example to unpick some of the unquestioned assumptions and interests that tend to underpin these projects. The manifold determinants, including bureaucratic, legislative, financial, political and art-historical factors shape to these types of commissions are conceptualized as a 'forcefield', an area of contradictory values, aims and objectives, that the author has to navigate. The article combines critical analysis, project report and personal reflection. It describes the author's efforts to arrive at a satisfactory subject position and project outcome in relation to the conceptual complexities she encounters.

We report on two studies investigating the motivations ("ingroup love" and "outgroup hate") underlying individual participation in intergroup conflict between natural groups (fans of football clubs, supporters of political parties), by employing the Intergroup Prisoner's Dilemma Maximizing-Difference (IPD-MD) game. In this game group members can contribute to the ingroup (at a personal cost) and benefit ingroup members with or without harming members of an outgroup. Additionally, we devised a novel version of the IPD-MD in which the choice is between benefiting ingroup members with or without helping members of the outgroup. Our results show an overall reluctance to display outgroup hate by actively harming outgroup members, except when the outgroup was morality-based. More enmity between groups induced more outgroup hate only when it was operationalized as refraining from help.

In this text the autor explores the main conflicts and trends in the Information Society by developing a critical diagnosis and proposals for what can be considered civilizing challenges in the new global culture. The hypothesis of the article is that the proposals for informative democratization should first be deconstructed on the basis of integrated thought in the globalized culture and, as something complementary, should also go through the political and cultural design for the Information Society using radical methods for active participation according to the principles of what has been called the "McBride spirit". Such conditions need to be accompanied by a different culture and style of research that the critical theory still hasn´t taken on consistently in an ecosystem marked by its complexity, and by an accelerated social change.

В статье рассматривается участие саратовской прессы в мировоззренческом, нравственном, трудовом воспитании и политическом образовании молодежи. Анализ газетных материалов позволил выявить наиболее частотные журналистские жанры, использовавшиеся в идеологической пропаганде 1920-30-х годов. Отмечено, что тематическое своеобразие статей определялось политикой СССР, односторонностью её классового подхода. Все это демонстрирует процесс огосударствления СМИ. ; The article deals with the participation of Saratov press in the worldview, moral, labour and political education of young people. The analysis of the newspaper articles revealed the most frequent journalistic genres that were used in the ideological propaganda of the 1920-30s. It is noted that the thematic originality of the articles was determined by the policy of the USSR, the one-sidedness of its class approach. All this demonstrates the process of the governmentalization of mass media.

While the body of literature concerning voter participation continues to grow there has been a lack of research into the attitudes and behaviors of Hispanics in the United States. To address this disparity in the literature I use the 2012 National Election Study Survey to find support for a Hispanic shift from the right to the left of the political spectrum. I find that Hispanics support the Democratic Party more than Whites on moral values and foreign policy, but not on economic issues. Hispanics are also more likely than Blacks to support the Democratic Party on foreign policy, but not moral values or economics. While my findings support the conclusions of previous authors, less support can be found for the types of shifts that V.O. Key described in Critical Election Theory.

Few studies of co-production in the form of co-governance focus on early involvement of citizens in the input stage of a policy process. What kinds of challenges and potentials does this form of co-production bring about when citizens, local councilors and public administrators collaborate to develop public policies? The empirical foundation for the article is a study of a Danish municipality, Albertslund, where six local councilors, six citizens and three public administrators participated in a formal committee with the purpose of developing a new municipal policy for citizen participation. The study concludes that citizens improve their democratic capabilities and trust in the political establishment in the municipality by participating in the committee. However, a condition for realizing the potentials is a willingness to collaborate in new and more interactive ways.

European citizens are largely unfavourable to immigration. These restrictive attitudes are linked to such factors as the unemployment rate and risk of poverty, as well as to competition for employment and welfare resources. Refuting insider/outsider theories, this article shows, via an analysis of recent European Social Surveys, that national social protection policies can reduce hostility towards immigration, insofar as they moderate social inequality and the risk of poverty. Ethnic and racial differences are problematic for the 'egalitarian compromise' underpinning the welfare state. Nonetheless, strong trade unions and social protection policies are associated with greater integration of immigrants. Over time, the future sustainability of welfare systems may depend on the participation of immigrants as a political force, making their integration even more important.

В статье представлен анализ участия некоторых стран Латинской Америки в режиме нераспространения оружия массового поражения (ОМП). Рассмотрев концепцию «экономизации безопасности», автор приходит к выводу, что такие государства, как Бразилия, Венесуэла, Аргентина, гипотетически способны прийти к приобретению пороговых технологий для создания собственных ядерных арсеналов. Особое внимание уделено подходам к данной проблеме политикоформирующих кругов США. ; The article is concerned with participation of some Latin American countries in the nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). Having considered the concept of security economization the author concludes that such countries as Brazil, Venezuela and Argentina hypothetically are able to gain the threshold technology for creation of their own nuclear arsenals. The particular attention is given to views on this issue by the political quarters of the U.S.

Democracy is a popular power system in this modern period. Democracy is people sovereignty in which sovereignty of people holding the higest in running and controlling their state. In Indonesia political history, democracy is always implemented since Indonesia independence, and in fact, is supported by Indonesia Christian as well. The Christian even has active participation in endorsing democracy. However, analysis is needed in setting Christian position before democracy. The study was conducted on the democracy principal, biblical study of democracy, and the Christin leader view to democracy. The result concluded that the Christian need to endorse demoracracy due to the main democracy principal is respect to the human right and diversity. However on the principle in majority, the Christian has to be critical, that the majority is not always the truth

Recently, historical and migration studies have started to pick up the multiple contributionsof native and immigrant women to the construction of the Argentinian nation, especially bytheir participation in welfare, political and union associations. In this paper, we look intotwo groups of women, Jewish and German women in Argentina. We focus on three textsabout German immigration to Argentina, with the aim to find out which is the discursiverepresentation of women in these texts, which properties and activities are predicated aboutthem, and to which extend they appear with independence of other (male) family members.We detect that two texts support a 'traditional' representation, where women stay in thebackground and have hardly any function with independence of their husbands or teachers.The third text partly presents the same traits, whereas in other opportunities it highlightsfemale achievements.

This paper investigates South Africa's participation in the BRICS formation and the implications of its inclusion for the country, the continent, and global governance. It argues that by joining the BRICS grouping, South Africa is reinforcing neoliberalism in Africa, with markets being liberalized across the continent, trade and investment becoming the focus, and social and environmental protection remaining a distant concern. Meanwhile, other countries, particularly China and Russia, are instrumentalizing the forum to get what they want out of African countries without formalizing the grouping's policies and effecting change to global institutions at the global level, as was initially promised. The paper applies the concept of soft balancing strategy to demonstrate that the BRICS grouping is an economic cooperation forum, not a political cooperation forum, which explains the aforementioned consequences.

Youth civic engagement—and particularly youth participation in properly designed youth programs—has indisputably favorable outcomes for the young people involved (Saito, 2006; Pancer et al., 2002; Flanagan et al., 2002). This research reviews the wide-ranging literature available on youth civic engagement in urban communities. Using content analysis, we identify organizations involved in youth engagement as well as barriers faced by organizations engaged in this policy arena. Our research also identifies 15 broad types of barriers that organizations seeking to encourage youth civic engagement encounter in building and delivering successful youth engagement programs. In addition, we discuss the emergent social and political barriers that are prevalent among the identified service organizations. Ultimately, we argue that such barriers are important influences in determining the ability of organizations to effectively serve their clients.