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Voluntary organizations which attempt to influence the income maintenance policies of the government in favor of the poor.

Although studies of mobilization have given little attention to advocacy, its practice has elsewhere been the object of conflicting analysis. Some see the proliferation of jobs for advocates - salaried employees specifically charged with promoting the political line of the associations that employ them - as a sign of profound transformation. According to this group, the appearance of non-governmental actors with close ties to government is a source of major change for collective action and the political sphere. Others, however, regard the proximity of these forms of action to classic interest groups and political leaders as proof that advocates should be considered lobbyists. The present article draws upon an ethnographic study to examine these theories of the transformative advocate and non-differentiation. The view according to which advocacy constitutes a particular form of lobbying does not allow one to grasp the mechanisms by which this practice spreads and sometimes succeeds. The claim that advocates and lobbyists are much the same also neglects the structural asymmetry between these two groups. This observation calls for bringing greater complexity to bear upon the theory of non-differentiation and serves to qualify the enthusiastic statements of those who defend the idea of the transformational potential of these practices and the power of NGOs in the twenty-first century. Adapted from the source document.

This paper was originally presented at the Conference "The European Legal Field-Le champ juridique européen" organized by Bruno de Witte and Antoine Vauchez with the Robert Schuman Centre and the Academy of European Law (European University Institute, 25-26 September 2008). ; This paper argues that European public affairs is a growing labour market exposed to a gradual institutionalization, albeit important internal cleavages and fragmentations. The primary focus of the analysis is on the position and orientation of legal firms and consultants. The author agrees to scholarly writing by underlining that commercial consultants and lobbyists do not belong to the powerful actors and stakeholders of the European arena. However, he argues that these companies do have an important impact on European politics on another dimension of analysis, because they play an active role (along with the European institutions, amongst others) in the construction and organization of public affairs as a labour-market of paid work on the basis of specific skills, shared claims to superior knowledge and ethical commitments. While the legal profession tries to preserve its own professional status and privilege, and attempts to dissociate itself from the dusky work of interest representation and lobbying, it cannot detach itself from the steady institutionalization and professionalization of European public affairs, which is having indirect effects on European politics.

Analyzes the influence of business on politics, and major causes and consequences of it; focuses on businesses' ineffectiveness in lobbying for constitutional reform, and Congress' lack of accountability and responsibility within the political system; 1980s and 1990s, chiefly. Some focus on the National Confederation of Industry (CNI), the Federation of Industry of the State of São Paulo (FIESP), the Pensamento Nacional das Bases Empresariais (PNBE), Ação Empresarial, and the Instituto de Estudos para o Desenvolvimento Industrial (IEDI).

Currently there are thousands of groups of lobbies of different kinds and background. The lobby is an opaque activity by its very nature, mediated by information management –sometimes in a privileged way– that reduce the democratic handling of actors whohave not been elected by themselves to the position they seat, that is to say, they are more susceptible to the pressures of those who served as their constituents. There is a need to identify persuasive actions in communication and policy that influence, Its decisions are relevant in many ways for the economic, social and territorial interests. ; Actualmente hay miles de grupos de interés o lobbies de distintos tipos y diversas procedencias. El lobby es una actividad opaca por naturaleza, mediada por el manejo de información privilegiada que reduce la maniobrabilidad democrática de actores que no han sido electos para el cargo que ocupan y sectores con poder (político, económico, mediático) y la intervención de factores externos involucrados en los procesos de toma de decisiones y políticas específicas para la primacía de intereses particulares sobre los intereses generales. El lobbista es el intermediario que representa los intereses de las empresas y de las organizaciones empresariales mediante la persuasión y el talento, ya que para poder influir hay que saber persuadir, ante los distintos poderes establecidos gracias al manejo de información privilegiada que poseen.

This title examines the effects of country-of-origin citizenship on the Indian diaspora in the United States and return migrants in India. It explores how the overseas citizenship of India affects remittances, investment, philanthropy, return migration and political lobbying.

Introduction: Decolonization by internationalization -- The Guatemalan claim and decolonization -- Negotiation and mediation (1962-1972) -- Heavy lobbying, hard bargaining (1938-1975) -- Internationalization emergent (1975) -- Internationalization ascendant (1976-1977) -- Internationalization triumphant (1978-1981) -- Conclusions: The power of the conjuncture -- Appendix

Alice Paul's formation as activist -- The commitment to nonviolence -- Reaching the group through words and pictures -- Parades and other events : escalating the nonviolent pressure -- Lobbying and deputations -- The political boycott -- Picketing Wilson -- Hunger strikes and jail -- At nonviolent war