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Originally presented as the author's thesis, Frankfurt am Main. ; On spine: Politik und Religion in Uganda. ; Bibliography: p. 326-334. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht die Auswirkung der Tätigkeit von Solidaritäts- und Menschenrechtsorganisationen auf die politische Miteinbeziehung der Roma in Zentral- und Osteuropa. Der Autor stellt fest, dass die internationalen Unterstützungsnetzwerke, die sich mit der Situation der Roma befassen, den nationalen Roma-Organisationen neue Möglichkeiten eröffnet haben, um politischen Druck auf Regierungen auszuüben mit dem Ziel, das staatliche Verhalten gegenüber den Roma zu verändern und neue politische Maßnahmen einzuführen. Einige exponierte Roma-Persönlichkeiten erhielten sogar Beraterverträge von bekannten Unterstützungsnetzwerken. Trotzdem ist es den Unterstützungsnetzwerken bisher nicht gelungen, eine bessere demokratische Vertretung in zentralen nationalen politischen Entscheidungsgremien zu etablieren. Darüber hinaus ist innerhalb der Roma-Bewegung eine Diskussion über die Legitimität und Verantwortlichkeiten der Roma-Berater entstanden. (ICD)

Three American missiles hit the Chinese embassy in Belgrade, and what Americans view as an appalling and tragic mistake, many Chinese see as a "barbaric" and intentional "criminal act," the latest in a long series of Western aggressions against China. In this book, Peter Hays Gries explores the roles of perception and sentiment in the growth of popular nationalism in China. At a time when the direction of China's foreign and domestic policies have profound ramifications worldwide, Gries offers a rare, in-depth look at the nature of China's new nationalism, particularly as it involves Sino-American and Sino-Japanese relations—two bilateral relations that carry extraordinary implications for peace and stability in the twenty-first century. Through recent Chinese books and magazines, movies, television shows, posters, and cartoons, Gries traces the emergence of this new nationalism. Anti-Western sentiment, once created and encouraged by China's ruling PRC, has been taken up independently by a new generation of Chinese. Deeply rooted in narratives about past "humiliations" at the hands of the West and impassioned notions of Chinese identity, popular nationalism is now undermining the Communist Party's monopoly on political discourse, threatening the regime's stability. As readable as it is closely researched and reasoned, this timely book analyzes the impact that popular nationalism will have on twenty-first century China and the world

On 22–23 November 2016, the Department of Politics and International Studies (PAIS) at the University of Warwick hosted a lively conference on research 'impact', a key component of the Research Excellence Framework (REF)—the periodic peer review in UK Higher Education to evaluate the quality of academic work, in turn determining how nearly £2 billion of annual research funding is allocated among competing institutions. In contrast to many other conferences and workshops about impact, a feature of REF that has generated much fevered commentary across the university sector about the public value of academic research, our event was tightly focused on impact as it relates to the discipline of Politics and International Studies. Featuring presentations from a range of academic and non-academic constituencies—including journalists, government officials, and representatives from the Higher Education Funding Council for England (HEFCE),1 the creator and (at the time of writing) controller of the REF—conversation was particularly timely, owing to the publication, a few months earlier, of the eagerly awaited Stern Review on the future of university research assessment. This special issue contains selected papers from the conference, with the goal of shedding light on how the discipline as a whole, but also its varied composite parts, is responding to the impact agenda in the lead up to REF2021, now looming close on the horizon. We are grateful to the contributors for their participation and for opening up many new facets to the ongoing dialogue about impact.

The aim of this article is to analyse the links between the moral and political aspects of neo-liberal ideology and how appeals to certain ethics may legitimate the establishment of the institutions of neo-liberal capitalism through political action. It presents the original characteristics of neo-liberal ideology by emphasizing how it differs from classical liberalism. Although pressures and contradictions are inherent in neo-liberalism, it is possible to single out some of its most original characteristics which are far more vital to the analysis of capitalism than vague and commonplace notions such as "market fundamentalism". It also describes those moral aspects of neo-liberalism which differ from traditional morals and place the ethos of competitiveness at the centre of social life. It shows how the morals of neo-liberalism are linked to neo-liberal politics and policies. Freed in part from public sovereignty, neo-liberal politics must be guided by a moral imperative linked to competition. This paper reveals the consequences of these morals and politics for the definition of social policy. A contract based on reciprocity between the individual and society is substituted for collective rights to social protection and redistribution. This change in perspective is particularly important for the social policy advocated by the "modern" left. Adapted from the source document.

Politics today appears driven by processes of denomination: 'my' people, community, nation, is external to, even opposed to, yours; and my allegiance is owed to my denomination. This book argues for a deconstruction of the violence embedded in such denominational borders in favour of nonviolent, equitable and sustainable 'neighbourhood democracy'.

Heroes, villains, victims, and minions have been the building blocks of moral and political reputations throughout human history. In 'Public Characters', the authors look at visual images, music, and words to show the techniques by which these characters get constructed. They also trace the impact of these public characters in politics, including the 2016 triumph of Donald J. Trump through his ability to cast opponents as villains and minions.

Since Vladimir Putin was elected president of Russia in 2000, the rhetorical use of the past has increasingly become a defining characteristic of Russian politics. Through a new national holiday, references to history in official statements, the erection of monuments and other forms of state symbolism the regime has sought to mobilise cultural memory in support of its legitimacy. The recent and distant past alike were drawn upon to create a historical foundation for the regime's emphasis on a strong state and centralised leadership, as well as for stepping up the restrictions on political opposition. Yet the Russian government is not the only one who has used history to spread its ideas about how the Russian state "traditionally" should be governed. Various societal, cultural and religious groups and organisations, have put forward their own historically framed visions on Russian statehood. This dissertation examines this societal dynamics of memory politics in contemporary Russia in the period 2000-2012. It analyses a wide range of actors, from the central government and the Russian Orthodox Church, to cultural heavyweight Nikita Mikhalkov and radical thinkers such as Aleksandr Dugin. In addition, in view of the steady decline in media freedom since 2000, it critically examines role of cinema and television in shaping and spreading these historical narratives. This makes it possible to, on the one hand, gain a better understanding of the various means through which the Russian government practices its memory politics (e.g., the role of state media) and, on the other hand, to sufficiently value the existence of alternative and critical voices and criticism that tend to be missed.