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This study deals with the territorial divisions used by the social integration policies to fight social insecurity. The superimposing (or not) of theses territorial divisions and the reason why they do exist are the two principle themes of this research. Analysing both social policy led by the "départements" and urban policy ("Politique de la Ville") in Ile-de-France helps focusing on the relationships between the principle defining these divisions and the way they are actually materialized. It also gives the opportunity to define the exact function of these same divisions and the way people use them. All these elements are compared with the spatial distribution of urban poverty. The study is developed in four parts. Firstly, the spatial approach of these two policies is justified. In the second part, the socio-spatial divisions in Ile-de-France are highlighted and the local contexts of social insecurity are defined, at the municipality and neighbourhood levels. In the third part, we study the territorial divisions used by social policies (of departments), trying to distinguish there professional, management and political aspects. In the last part, the analysis focuses on territorial divisions in use in urban policies ("Politique de la Ville"). We observe how the municipalities incorporated by contractual agreement in a same territorial division ("Contrat de ville") cooperate. We also analyse the perception and the way the priority urban zones ("Zones Urbaines Sensibles") are implemented by the actors involved. All things considered, the distortions between these various territorial divisions seem to be less the cause than an indication of the difficulties met by the professionals and the different institutions to coordinate their policies. ; Ce travail porte sur les maillages du territoire utilisés pour mettre en œuvre l'action publique contre la précarité sociale. Il interroge la non-concordance de ces découpages et partant, cherche à comprendre les raisons d'être de chacun. A partir de l'exemple de l'action sociale départementale et de la politique de la ville en Ile-de-France, on s'interroge sur les relations entre les principes de découpages et le dessin des mailles d'une part, et les fonctions associées aux mailles et les usages qui en sont fait, d'autre part. On porte une attention particulière à la confrontation du tracé des mailles avec les répartitions spatiales de la précarité sociale. Une première partie justifie l'approche spatiale retenue pour aborder les deux politiques publiques. Une seconde partie est consacrée à la mise en évidence des divisions socio-spatiales de la région francilienne, puis à la définition des contextes locaux de la précarité sociale, à l'échelon communal et infra-communal. Dans une troisième, on aborde les maillages de l'action sociale départementale, en cherchant à faire la part de ce qui, dans ces maillages, relève du territoire « professionnel », des impératifs gestionnaires ou encore du territoire politique. La quatrième partie porte sur les cadres territoriaux dans lesquels est mise en œuvre la politique de la ville, en interrogeant en particulier l'intercommunalité des contrats de ville franciliens ainsi que les usages et les représentations associés aux « zones urbaines sensibles ». Au final, la discordance des maillages apparaît davantage comme le signe, que la cause, des difficultés des institutions et des professionnels à coordonner leur action.

This study deals with the territorial divisions used by the social integration policies to fight social insecurity. The superimposing (or not) of theses territorial divisions and the reason why they do exist are the two principle themes of this research. Analysing both social policy led by the "départements" and urban policy ("Politique de la Ville") in Ile-de-France helps focusing on the relationships between the principle defining these divisions and the way they are actually materialized. It also gives the opportunity to define the exact function of these same divisions and the way people use them. All these elements are compared with the spatial distribution of urban poverty. The study is developed in four parts. Firstly, the spatial approach of these two policies is justified. In the second part, the socio-spatial divisions in Ile-de-France are highlighted and the local contexts of social insecurity are defined, at the municipality and neighbourhood levels. In the third part, we study the territorial divisions used by social policies (of departments), trying to distinguish there professional, management and political aspects. In the last part, the analysis focuses on territorial divisions in use in urban policies ("Politique de la Ville"). We observe how the municipalities incorporated by contractual agreement in a same territorial division ("Contrat de ville") cooperate. We also analyse the perception and the way the priority urban zones ("Zones Urbaines Sensibles") are implemented by the actors involved. All things considered, the distortions between these various territorial divisions seem to be less the cause than an indication of the difficulties met by the professionals and the different institutions to coordinate their policies. ; Ce travail porte sur les maillages du territoire utilisés pour mettre en œuvre l'action publique contre la précarité sociale. Il interroge la non-concordance de ces découpages et partant, cherche à comprendre les raisons d'être de chacun. A partir de l'exemple de l'action sociale départementale et de la politique de la ville en Ile-de-France, on s'interroge sur les relations entre les principes de découpages et le dessin des mailles d'une part, et les fonctions associées aux mailles et les usages qui en sont fait, d'autre part. On porte une attention particulière à la confrontation du tracé des mailles avec les répartitions spatiales de la précarité sociale. Une première partie justifie l'approche spatiale retenue pour aborder les deux politiques publiques. Une seconde partie est consacrée à la mise en évidence des divisions socio-spatiales de la région francilienne, puis à la définition des contextes locaux de la précarité sociale, à l'échelon communal et infra-communal. Dans une troisième, on aborde les maillages de l'action sociale départementale, en cherchant à faire la part de ce qui, dans ces maillages, relève du territoire « professionnel », des impératifs gestionnaires ou encore du territoire politique. La quatrième partie porte sur les cadres territoriaux dans lesquels est mise en œuvre la politique de la ville, en interrogeant en particulier l'intercommunalité des contrats de ville franciliens ainsi que les usages et les représentations associés aux « zones urbaines sensibles ». Au final, la discordance des maillages apparaît davantage comme le signe, que la cause, des difficultés des institutions et des professionnels à coordonner leur action.

This study deals with the territorial divisions used by the social integration policies to fight social insecurity. The superimposing (or not) of theses territorial divisions and the reason why they do exist are the two principle themes of this research. Analysing both social policy led by the "départements" and urban policy ("Politique de la Ville") in Ile-de-France helps focusing on the relationships between the principle defining these divisions and the way they are actually materialized. It also gives the opportunity to define the exact function of these same divisions and the way people use them. All these elements are compared with the spatial distribution of urban poverty. The study is developed in four parts. Firstly, the spatial approach of these two policies is justified. In the second part, the socio-spatial divisions in Ile-de-France are highlighted and the local contexts of social insecurity are defined, at the municipality and neighbourhood levels. In the third part, we study the territorial divisions used by social policies (of departments), trying to distinguish there professional, management and political aspects. In the last part, the analysis focuses on territorial divisions in use in urban policies ("Politique de la Ville"). We observe how the municipalities incorporated by contractual agreement in a same territorial division ("Contrat de ville") cooperate. We also analyse the perception and the way the priority urban zones ("Zones Urbaines Sensibles") are implemented by the actors involved. All things considered, the distortions between these various territorial divisions seem to be less the cause than an indication of the difficulties met by the professionals and the different institutions to coordinate their policies. ; Ce travail porte sur les maillages du territoire utilisés pour mettre en œuvre l'action publique contre la précarité sociale. Il interroge la non-concordance de ces découpages et partant, cherche à comprendre les raisons d'être de chacun. A partir de l'exemple de l'action sociale départementale et de la politique de la ville en Ile-de-France, on s'interroge sur les relations entre les principes de découpages et le dessin des mailles d'une part, et les fonctions associées aux mailles et les usages qui en sont fait, d'autre part. On porte une attention particulière à la confrontation du tracé des mailles avec les répartitions spatiales de la précarité sociale. Une première partie justifie l'approche spatiale retenue pour aborder les deux politiques publiques. Une seconde partie est consacrée à la mise en évidence des divisions socio-spatiales de la région francilienne, puis à la définition des contextes locaux de la précarité sociale, à l'échelon communal et infra-communal. Dans une troisième, on aborde les maillages de l'action sociale départementale, en cherchant à faire la part de ce qui, dans ces maillages, relève du territoire « professionnel », des impératifs gestionnaires ou encore du territoire politique. La quatrième partie porte sur les cadres territoriaux dans lesquels est mise en œuvre la politique de la ville, en interrogeant en particulier l'intercommunalité des contrats de ville franciliens ainsi que les usages et les représentations associés aux « zones urbaines sensibles ». Au final, la discordance des maillages apparaît davantage comme le signe, que la cause, des difficultés des institutions et des professionnels à coordonner leur action.

Abstract This work aims to deepen the knowledge of the culturalist, Iberian and Catholic aspects of Brazilian conservatism, turning to the work by Gilberto Freyre, Sobrados e mucambos. We seek to understand how his work, positively received in the modernist, nationalist and anti-liberal context of the 1930s due to its revealing of the roots and 'essence' or 'originality' of Brazilian society, fell into disfavour after the Second World War when the process of massification and democratization of society led more radical sectors of the expanding middle class to lean toward socialism. In concluding, we point out how an imaginary of national belonging, in the form of common positive referents, was due in large measure to authors such as José de Alencar and Freyre.

Abstract This work aims to deepen the knowledge of the culturalist, Iberian and Catholic aspects of Brazilian conservatism, turning to the work by Gilberto Freyre, Sobrados e mucambos. We seek to understand how his work, positively received in the modernist, nationalist and anti-liberal context of the 1930s due to its revealing of the roots and 'essence' or 'originality' of Brazilian society, fell into disfavour after the Second World War when the process of massification and democratization of society led more radical sectors of the expanding middle class to lean toward socialism. In concluding, we point out how an imaginary of national belonging, in the form of common positive referents, was due in large measure to authors such as José de Alencar and Freyre.

The paper investigates how business costs affect sustainable development policies of world's leading automotive producers. The core idea of the paper is to determine if business strategies have any effect on the three sustainable development pillars of world's leading automotive producers. The analysis involves the period of 2006 – 2017 with world's top 15 automotive producers from three different continents. In this paper, the use of fixed effects model will help in analyzing automotive producer's efforts to achieve sustainable development goals with particular analysis of economic, environmental and social aspects of sustainable development in automotive industry. The result showed that economic pillar of sustainable development is more affected by business policy than other two, yet those not so strongly and significantly. This kind of research might contribute in conceptualizing new, efficient and effective business strategies for automotive producers in their attempt to achieve sustainable development goals as soon as possible

Social Licence to Operate is a framework for thinking about the relationship between an organisation or project and its host communities and other stakeholders. Key aspects are the extent of acceptability, legitimacy and trust local people accord to the project. A social licence is not necessarily enduring, rather it is dynamic, varying over time. Little research has been conducted into the dynamics of social licence and how it responds to changes in local context. By examining a new university campus, we highlight how all organisations need to consider the dynamic nature of their relationships with host communities. We assessed Wenzhou-Kean University, a partnership between Wenzhou City Government (Zhejiang Province, China), Kean University (a public university in New Jersey USA), and Wenzhou University. Three villages were resettled for the campus, experiencing many social impacts. Although residents initially allocated a high social licence to the project, this varied over time. To maintain and improve an organisation's social licence to operate and grow, having a good understanding of the local context and periodic assessment of social licence are needed.

El presente trabajo busca reconstruir el debate que mantuvieron a fines de la década de 1950 y principios de la siguiente Juan José Hernández Arregui y Héctor Pablo Agosti, pensadores argentinos adscriptos respectivamente al peronismo y comunismo. Las discusiones entre ambos intelectuales albergaron núcleos teóricos de gran interés para el pensamiento latinoamericano de inspiración marxista, cuestionando las proposiciones deterministas y esbozando una perspectiva original atenta a las diferentes manifestaciones culturales. A pesar de sus divergencias en el plano político, dichos escritores cultivaron un fértil acercamiento conceptual que trajo como resultado elocuentes aportes al estudio de la realidad social argentina y latinoamericana.Palabras clave: Hernández Arregui, Agosti, peronismo, comunismo, marxismo.This work intends to reconstruct the debate that Juan José Hernández Arregui and Héctor Agosti –Argentine thinkers committed respectively to peronism and communism– held at the end of the decade of the 1950s and beginning of the next. The discussions between both intellectuals harbored theoretical cores of much interest to Latin-American thinking of Marxist inspiration, questioned deterministic propositions and outlined an original perspective, attentive to different cultural manifestations. In spite of their divergences in the political aspect, these writers cultivated a fruitful conceptual approach which resulted in eloquent contributions to the study of the Argentine and Latin-American social reality.Keywords: Hernández Arregui, Agosti, peronism, communism, Marxism

AbstractSocial workers use interventions in the expectation that they will make a positive difference for their clients. However, research about the effectiveness of interventions is typically presented at the group level, which places great demands on social workers' ability to apply such results to the needs of individual clients. Further, the content and effects of "service as usual" (SAU) interventions that social workers typically offer are often not known, making it difficult for social workers to identify what aspects of the intervention any client change can be attributed to. Using indicators of clinically meaningful change (CMC) strengthens social workers' ability to identify what, if anything, works in any given intervention for their individual clients, and also motivates their curiosity to identify the efficacious components of SAU. CMC refers to changes in an individual's outcome measures that are reliable or are large enough to be considered "important." We present five indicators to analyze CMC in a child's psychological well-being measured with the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire and illustrate their use with two empirical examples from the project Me and My Foster Family. The examples demonstrated that conclusions regarding CMC can vary depending on the indicator used, the baseline assessment, and the magnitude of raw-score change on the measured outcome. To assess change at the individual level it is important to address questions of measurement reliability and the yardstick for judging when a change is large enough to be considered "important." Implications for research and practice are discussed.

AbstractSocial work historiography has neglected to engage meaningfully with the most troubling aspects of the profession's past: the histories of complicity, or at least acquiescence, in acts of state violence and institutionalised oppression. Through the exploration of historical case studies, this article provides a tentative typology of social work's 'horrible histories' focusing on the project of engineering the ideal-type family, in colonial and oppressive socio-political contexts. The authors argue that practices of oppression and complicity can neither be reduced to the 'few bad apples' approach nor judged through the individualising prism of moralism, prevalent in Kantian Ethics. Instead, they propose an ethics of transformative reconciliation which is based on the principles of apology, respect for victims and collective action for—professional and social—change.

This article draws on T H Marshall's celebrated classification of civil, political and social rights to examine the use of the courts by individuals seeking to establish rights to particular forms or models of welfare service provision. It argues that tensions between the collective and individual aspects of social rights, the relationship of social rights to inequality, and the difficulty of quantifying (and therefore enforcing) legitimate expectations, all make the use of litigation to establish social rights intensely problematic. Drawing on the recent UK Supreme Court case of R (on the Application of McDonald) v Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea, it goes on to suggest that it is unhelpful to think of social rights in terms of human rights: instead, we would do better to adopt Marshall's emphasis on the citizenship basis of social rights and on the social and political context within which they necessarily exist.

National identity is underpinned by historical representations. Recent research shows that narratives presenting an in-group's history as discontinuous rather than continuous raise collective angst, suggesting that historical discontinuity threatens social identity. This previous research has focused on positive aspects of an in-group's past. The present research aims to extend the findings to go beyond positive histories. We suggest that when the in-group's actions in the past are presented as negative, historical continuity instead of discontinuity will increase perceived identity threat because a negative, continuous history threatens group members' need for a positive social identity in the present. In an experiment with a sample size of N = 316, we manipulated the narrated valence of in-group actions during the historical event of the approval of the German constitutional law by framing the group's actions in either positive or negative terms. In addition, we presented the in-group's history as connected or disconnected to the in-group's present. Results demonstrate that historical continuity only decreased identity threat compared to historical discontinuity when the in-group's past behavior was presented as positive. When the in-group's past was presented as negative, continuity even increased identity threat compared to historical discontinuity. These results were particularly pronounced for people who strongly identified with their national in-group. We discuss implications of the findings for political communication and managing a nation's perception of social identity threat. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion

What I would like to do in this article is threefold. First, I would like to sketch the anatomy of the dominant perspective on civil society (which I call 'objectivist') by discussing its basic postulates. Second, I would like to highlight the main problems that are immanent to this conception. I will try to demonstrate the presence of certain blind spots, erasures and contradictions which are constitutive of this dominant understanding. I will argue for the need not so much to reject it outright but to try to transcend it by incorporating it in a wider and more encompassing framework. The attempt to achieve this constitutes the third part of the article where I propose an alternative conception of civil society that is based upon the orientations of social actors. My argument is that an alternative to the objectivist understanding involves treating civility and toleration as not simply being incidental but rather essential aspects of a proper understanding of civil society. The current literature's focus on non-state organizational capacity needs to be complemented by an analysis of the normative orientations of social actors along five distinct yet interrelated dimensions of civility. The perspective outlined here attempts to combine the ontological parameters of the dominant understanding of civil society with the normative criteria that usually get overlooked. It will be argued that, rather than being occasionally and unsystematically alluded to in passing, the specifically 'civil' property of social interactions should be recognized as the formative principle of civil society.

In contrast to discourses of "successful aging" which pathologize and individualize change in later life, this case study of a retired Mexican couple highlights the pleasurable, political, and collective aspects of aging. Here, I analyze the narratives of a couple who found aging "well" fulfilling in part because it served as an intervention into societal-level problems. I argue that their activist form of aging was enabled by local cultural understandings of the Mexican populace as a biologically and socially interrelated whole. They hoped that the Mexican social body would follow a particular life course – of maturing toward modernity – and they sought to model and promote such maturation in their own later lives. This included promoting a health "culture of prevention," living out self-consciously modern forms of gender and family, and active community participation. I assert that their happiness in older age, including their ability to cope with local crises of violence and corruption, stemmed partly from their belief that the attributes and activities which enhanced their own lives simultaneously served as activist interventions into the broader populace's ills. This discussion of the context-specific ways one Mexican couple saw their efforts to live good later lives as contributing meaningfully to societal change over time highlights the need to understand aging and later life as political arenas with collective rather than merely individual import.