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On September 9, 2013, diplomats and civil society activists gathered in a ballroom in New York to welcome Jennifer Welsh as the UN Secretary-General's new Special Adviser on the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP). In her first public appearance in that role, Special Adviser Welsh explained that one of her top priorities would be "to take prevention seriously and to make it meaningful in practice." "In the context of RtoP," Welsh added during the discussion, "we are talking about crimes, and crimes have implications in terms of how we deal with them. You'll hear me say that a lot." Welsh's approach of treating RtoP as a principle that is primarily concerned with prevention and is firmly linked to international crimes neatly captures the evolution of RtoP since its formal acceptance by states at the 2005 UN World Summit. Paragraphs 138 to 140 of the World Summit's Outcome Document not only elevated the element of prevention to a prominent place within the principle of RtoP but also restricted the scope of RtoP to four specific crimes under international law: genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity. The crime and prevention–focused version of RtoP has subsequently been defended and promoted by Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and by UN member states. This article seeks to systematically explore some of the implications of linking RtoP to the concept of international crimes, with a particular focus on the preventive dimension of RtoP, the so-called responsibility to prevent. What, then, are the consequences of approaching the responsibility to prevent as the prevention of international crimes?In order to systematically examine this question, this article turns to literature from criminology. While the criminological perspective has so far been neglected in debates on RtoP, the prominent criminologists John Hagan and Wenona Rymond-Richmond argue vehemently that "criminology is crucially positioned to contribute understanding and direction to what the United Nations has mandated as the 'Responsibility to Protect' groups that are threatened with mass atrocities." For the purpose of this article, the label "criminology" comprises domestic criminology, supranational criminology, and international criminal law. While insights from supranational criminology and international criminal law are directly applicable to international crimes, translating knowledge generated in relation to crimes at the domestic level to atrocity crimes at the international level is, of course, not without challenges. Reasoning by analogy is an important method in this regard, though given the anarchical nature of international society some analogies will inevitably be imperfect. The benefits of such an approach, if carefully employed, however, outweigh the risks.

Effective today, the system of local self-governance is needed to be reformed. Local government is one of the most important institutions of modern society. Today it is both a form of self-organization, and – as well as - an integral part of civil society, the level of public authorities (instrument of democratic participation of citizens in the management of common affairs) and the element of market economic system (filling in the gaps of the market in the provision of services to the residents and the coordination of economic activity). At the present stage of development of all branches of government arises a question of the necessity of the modern state theory and practice improvement, induced transformations in the political system. There is a need to establish an efficient system of local government and self-government can take control of the social, economic and industrial activities in the region to improve the level and quality of life of the population of the Republic of Belarus. ; Действующая сегодня система органов местного управления и самоуправления нуждается в реформировании. Местное самоуправление представляет собой один из важнейших институтов современного общества. Сегодня оно является одновременно формой самоорганизации граждан и – в этом качестве – составной частью гражданского общества, уровнем публичной власти (инструментом демократического участия граждан в управлении общими делами) и элементом рыночной экономической системы (восполняя пробелы рынка в части оказания услуг жителям и координации хозяйственной деятельности). На современном этапе развития всех ветвей власти возникает вопрос необходимости совершенствования теории и практики современного государства, вызванного трансформациями в политической системе общества. Назрела необходимость в создании эффективной системы органов местного управления и самоуправления, способных взять под свой контроль социальную, экономическую и производственную деятельность региона с целью повышения уровня и качества жизни населения Республики Беларусь. ; Діюча сьогодні система органів місцевого врядування та самоврядування потребує реформування. Місцеве самоврядування являє собою один з найважливіших інститутів сучасного суспільства. Сьогодні воно є одночасно формою самоорганізації громадян і - в цій якості - складовою частиною громадянського суспільства, рівнем публічної влади (інструментом демократичної участі громадян в управлінні загальними справами) і елементом ринкової економічної системи (заповнюючи прогалини ринку в частині надання послуг мешканцям та координації господарської діяльності). На сучасному етапі розвитку всіх гілок влади постає питання необхідності вдосконалення теорії та практики сучасного державотворення, викликаного трансформаціями в політичній системі суспільства. Назріла необхідність у створенні ефективної системи органів місцевого врядування та самоврядування, здатних взяти під свій контроль соціальну, економічну і виробничу діяльність регіону з метою підвищення рівня та якості життя населення Республіки Білорусь.

Актуальность и цели. Для формирования гражданского общества и построения демократического, правового государства в России важным является выявление системы ценностей и ориентаций россиян. Вектором развития современного общества выступает студенческая молодежь. Актуальной проблемой является исследование современных ценностей молодого поколения, среди которых особое место занимают духовно-нравственные, характеризующие качество поведения человека в соответствии с общечеловеческими духовными, морально-этическими нормами. Цель работы анализ духовно-нравственных ценностей студенческой молодежи регионального социума. Материалы и методы. Реализация исследовательских задач была достигнута на основе анализа результатов социологического исследования, проведенного среди студенческой молодежи в вузах городов Пензы, Уфы, Саранска, Казани. Особое место в рамках данного исследования уделялось исследованию отношения студенческой молодежи к таким духовно-нравственным ценностям, как жизнь, свобода, патриотизм, общение, толерантность. В качестве методологического основания использованы системный и структурно-функциональный подходы. Основным методом получения эмпирических результатов было проведение опроса в форме анкетирования, использовались также такие методы, как кросс-культурное исследование, сравнительный метод. Результаты. Исследование духовно-нравственных ценностей современной студенческой молодежи позволило выявить, какое место они занимают в системе ценностей молодежи, оказывая влияние в целом на ее жизненные установки. Выводы. Изучение духовно-нравственных ценностей современной студенческой молодежи позволило выявить различные типы ценностных ориентаций в студенческой среде. Результаты исследований подтвердили необходимость проявления особого внимания к формированию духовно-нравствен­ных ценностей студенческой молодежи. ; Background. It is important to identify citizens' moral values to form a civil society and a democratic state in Russia. Students today influence the vector of the modern society development. That is why studying the younger generation's spiritual and moral values is of great significance. The paper analyses spiritual and moral values of the regional community students. Materials and methods. The research objectives were accomplished by analyzing the results of the survey conducted with University students in Penza, Ufa, Saransk, and Kazan. Much attention was paid to the study of students' attitude to such spiritual and moral values as life, liberty, patriotism, tolerance. The system and functional approaches were used as a methodological basis for the research. Conducting surveys in the form of questionnaires, cross-cultural research and a comparative method were the main methods of obtaining empirical results. Results. The study of University students' spiritual and moral values allowed us to identify their role in the value system and the way they affect their attitude to life. Conclusions. The study of spiritual and moral values of University students revealed different types of values in the students' community. The study confirmed the necessity of forming a system of students' spiritual and moral values.

Abstract In this article I argue that without the presence of Nita Freire in Paulo's life, Pedagogy of Freedom, would not have been written—a book Stanley Aronowitz considers his best work, his "last testament [which] focuses [once again] on the question of freedom … [in which] . Freire holds that a humanized society requires cultural freedom, the ability of the individual to choose values and rules of conduct that violate conventional social norms, and, in political and civil society, requires the full participation of all of its inhabitants in every aspect of public life" (Aronowitz, 1998). Thus, Nita Freire not only re-inspired Freire to re-unleash his indignation and rebelliousness in a more direct and accessible manner, but she also influenced him to embrace "a language that is more inviting, less dense, more poetic." In essence, the last ten years of Paulo's life with Nita Freire is by far the best window through which we can see what it meant for the man who gave the world the classic Pedagogy of the Oppressed to be in the world and with the world and with others in the world. Situating Pedagogy of the Oppressed after Nita Freire attempts to capture the meaning of Paulo's life with Nita Freire by providing readers with the opportunity to fully understand Paulo's insistence on viewing history as a constant possibility – a perspective that almost eluded him with the sudden death of his first wife, Elza, in 1986. Resumo Neste artigo, Contextualizando a Pedagogia do Oprimido Pós-Nita Freire, defendo que a obra de Paulo Freire Pedagogia da Autonomia jamais teria sido escrita sem a presença marcante que Nita Freire teve na vida de Paulo Freire – uma obra que Stanley Aronowitz considera como o melhor trabalho de Freire, o seu "último testamento centrado na problemática da liberdade." Neste contexto, Nita Freire não só re-inspirou Freire para que este voltasse a libertar toda a sua indignação e rebeldia de uma forma mais aprimorada e acessível, como também o influenciou substantivamente para que Freire abraçasse 'uma linguagem mais apelativa, menos densa e ainda mais poética". Em suma, a última década da vida de Paulo Freire com Nita é de longe a moldura conceptual mais justa através da qual podemos perceber o que é que na verdade significa, -para o homem que ofereceu ao mundo a Pedagogia do Oprimido - estar no mundo e com o mundo e com os outros no mundo.

Siyaset olgusunun yerel yansımaları yerel yönetimler, yerel seçimler, yerel parti teşkilatları, sivil toplum örgütleri, yerel bürokratik teşkilatlarla yaşamımıza doğrudan veya dolaylı olarak etki etmektedir. Yerel siyasetin genel siyasetle karşılıklı etkileşimi ve ilişkisinin geliştirilmesi demokratik kültürün de gelişiminin önemli bir göstergesi olmakla birlikte, ekonomik, sosyal ve kültürel sorunların rasyonel olarak çözülebilmesi için, öncelikli olarak bu sorunların yerel bazda analizinin yapılması gerekmektedir. Bu anlamda, siyaset olgusunun yerel boyutlarının anlaşılması, demokratik katılım süreçlerinin işlerlik kazanabilmesi, sivil toplum kültürünün toplumun tüm katmanlarına nüfuz edebilmesi ve dolayısıyla bölgesel ve toplumsal kalkınmanın sağlanması açısından büyük önem taşımaktadır. Genel siyasetin tüm boyutlarıyla anlaşılması için genel siyaset zincirinin en önemli halkası olan yerel siyasetin işleyiş süreci iyi anlaşılmalıdır. Bu çalışmada, siyasetin yerel olarak işleyişi, aktörlerin rolü ve aralarındaki etkileşim teorik arka plan çerçevesinde alan çalışması ile birlikte ele alınmış ve çözümlenmeye çalışılmıştır. Çalışmada öncelikle siyasetin yerel yapısı teorik olarak ele alınmıştır. İkinci olarak, Nizip ilçesinin sosyo-ekonomik durumu yerel arka plandaki önemli yapıtaşı olması açısından değerlendirilmiştir. Üçüncü olarak ise siyasetin yerel unsurlarına yönelik alan araştırması anket çalışması ile değerlendirilmiştir. ; The local reflections of politics phenomenon affect our life directly or indirectly through local administrations, local elections, local party organizations, NGOs and local bureaucratic organizations. Although the interaction between local politics and general politics and improvement of their relation are significant indicators of the progress of democratic culture, in order to solve social, economic and cultural problems rationally, these problems require to be analyzed on local basis. In this sense, understanding the local dimension of politics phenomenon is of great important with respect to the fact that democratic participation process can gain functioning, civil society culture can penetrate into all the layers of the society and consequently regional and social develeopment can be achieved.Operation process of local politics must be understood well in order that all aspects of general politics can be understood. Hence, local politics is the most important circle of general politics.In this study, local operation of politics, rol of actors and interactions between them were dealt with in the theoretical background frame with the literature review and were tried to be resolved. In the study, firstly, local structure of politics was covered theoretically. Secondly, socio- economic situation of town of Nizip were evaluated in terms of its being significant basis in local background. Thirdly, field research o local elements of politics was evaluated through survey. ; Nizip Kaymakamlığı ; Kırıkkale Valiliği Özel Kalem Müdürlüğü

Dissertação apresentada para obtenção do Grau de Doutor em Ambiente pela Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia ; Nobody would deny that social processes like culture, socialisation, or politics matter for economic questions. The question is: do they matter in such a way that is completely orthogonal to economics or not? If yes, no need to introduce these aspects in the analysis: it's enough to elicit them through appropriate parameters. If not, economic analysis must extend to the additional interaction between social processes and economic questions. This thesis adopts the latter perspective and applies it to a classical, yet still actual economic problem: how to deal with "social costs". This problem focuses on how several actors settle their mutually incompatible interests. It is central for situations where individuals and groups have to find a middle way between Ecology and the Economy. Previous works on this matter have neglected social aspects and focused on matters of knowledge and technology. Instead, the contribution of this work consists in addressing an economic problem in its social dimension. By this, it adopts the interdisciplinary approach of Ecological Economics. Scholars in Ecological Economics have called for a greater role of participation in environmental conflicts. Here, we study a recent participatory process where actors from the administration, industry and civil society meet in order to settle an environmental conflict. The conflict revolves around river pollution caused by extraction activities. A "solution" of the problem requires a new trade-off between the economy, society and the environment. The process focused on the "science" behind the conflict at hand. Actors strived towards an "objective" perspective on the problem, searching for a "feasible" solution. Focusing on technological options, they dedicated little space to the diverging interests at the origin of the conflict. The process eventually failed: the majority of the participants agreed on one specific technical solution that two key actors oppose. We approached this issue through the analysis of written texts and interviews and compared the actors' interests at the beginning and at the end of the process. Theory and process design assume that they don't change. We however observe changes, consistently with the characteristics of the discussions that took place within the process. The social interaction among actors constitutes therefore a factor in the definition of a solution, even if technology is given strict priority. A thorough consideration for this factor may change the way decision processes are currently designed. ; European Union (European Commission, Marie Curie RTN GoverNat, contract No. 0035536, www.governat.eu)

Систематизируются недостатки действующей системы налогообложения нефтедобывающих предприятий, даются определение эффективной налоговой системы в недропользовании, критерии её построения и показатели оценки. ; The existing taxation system of subsurface resources users has the following vital imperfections: fiscal taxation predomination; irregularity in rent comings distribution over the budget levels of the Russian Federation; absence of distinct strategy of rent comings use; accounting and technical difficulty of privileges use by oil-production enterprises, first of all, MET, as provided for in the legislation; undeveloped system of tax formation bases under MET depending on geological-geographical characteristics and worked-out deposits; absence of reproduction taxation aspect in subsoil resources management; low competition in oil industry due to the tendency of socialisation of oil and gas sector; absence of tax mechanisms encouraging business development in the long-run perspective. Thus, the existing taxation system does not encourage rational and effective subsurface resources use. It is necessary to develop theoretical justification and to form new effective taxation system for mining operations. The authors offer the following criteria for building an effective taxation system for mining operations: 1. Coordination of competing demands of mining operation subjects based on the principles of justice, ecological imperative, ecological and economic safety of state paying attention to the interests of native minorities and future generations. 2. Distinctiveness and methodical simplicity of taxation and accounting-production possibility of use. 3. Differentiation of taxation depending on natural resources types, their reproduction peculiarities, strategic importance, and geological-geographic characteristics of a deposit. 4. Direction to provide wide reproduction of natural resources. 5. Combination of economic, social and ecological effectiveness in mining operation with the priority of ecology. 6. Encouragement of improvement of ecological-economic effective natural resources use, and their complex, eco-friendly and maximum wasteless extraction. 7. Provision of innovative-investing incentives and possibilities for subsoil resources users. 8. Compliance with the strategic goals of the state development aimed at the socially oriented civil society formation. Thus, the effective taxation system in mining operation is a taxation system organisation providing fair combination of competing demands of all subsoil resources users, basing on ecological and social principles of taxation system under an optimal tax duty depending on natural-geographic and other peculiarities of deposits. The taxation system should encourage rational and effective mining operation aimed at the realisation of strategic goals of society development

In response to Executive Order S-3-05, this paper examines California's opportunities and constraints for managing the impacts of climate change. It reviews the extant literature on adaptation and provides examples from selected sectors in California to illuminate the constraints and, in some cases, limits to the ability to adapt to climate change. Based on these insights, recommendations are made for how government, research, and civil society can help California most effectively prepare for climate change impacts. The key findings are: Key Finding #1: California's response to climate change is not a simple choice between mitigating greenhouse gas emissions and adapting to the impacts of climate change. Adaptation and mitigation are necessary complementary strategies for managing climate change. The state must determine the portfolio of solutions that will best minimize potential risks and maximize potential benefits. Key Finding #2: Today's climate variability and weather extremes already pose significant risks to California's citizens, economy, and environment. They reveal the state's vulnerability and existing challenges in dealing with the vagaries of climate. Continued climate changes, and the risk of abrupt or surprising shifts in climate, will further challenge the state's ability to cope with climate-related stresses. Key Finding #3: Adaptation is being addressed by the international community and largely ignored within the U.S. A deeper discussion is needed about the costs and challenges of adaptation in California and elsewhere in the U.S. Key Finding #4: To enhance Californians' preparedness for climate variability and change, decision-makers in the private and public sectors require greater awareness of the risks they face, increased capacity to analyze such information and use it in decision-making, and the ability to remove any institutional, financial, political, and other barriers in the way of turning good intentions into actions. Key Finding #5:Many opportunities exist to enhance California's adaptive capacity and resilience in the face of change, even in the absence of perfect foresight about future climatic changes. In fact, California's adaptive capacity—the ability to adapt—is significant. However, implementing that capacity into real adaptive actions on the ground is actually quite difficult and requires special attention and long‐term commitment at all levels of government, across climate‐sensitive industries, and throughout society. Key Finding #6: The ability to cope and adapt is differentiated across population, economic sectors, and regions within the state. The state has an opportunity to ensure and enhance "environmental justice" while fostering California's adaptive capacity to climate change and other interactive stressors

Bu çalışmada yolsuzluk ?özel kazanç elde etmek amacıyla kamu gücünün kötüye kullanılması? olarak tanımlanmaktadır. Yolsuzluk, devlet, şirket ve kar amacı gütmeyen kuruluşlarda meydana gelen global bir problemdir. Yolsuzluk büyük oranda kamuda ve özel girişimciler tarafından Türkiye'de büyük bir problem olarak algılanmaktadır. Yolsuzluk, kamu görevlileri ve işletme temsilcileri arasındaki politik ilişki ve kişisel temeller üzerinde ödüllendirilen sık sık sözleşme tahsisatlarıyla, kamu işlemlerinde çoğunlukla problem olarak görünmektedir. Yolsuzluk demokratik kurumları zayıflatır. Politik maliyetleri açıkça yasal kayıpların, kamu güveni ve desteğinin üzerindedir. Fiyat, kalite ve buluşu temel alan uygun rekabet yerine rüşvet rekabetine yol açar. Bu, ticaret, yatırım ve aynı zamanda sağlık sektörüne zarar verir. Demokrasi ve insan haklarının görüntüsü yolsuzluğa karşı savaşta önemlidir. Bağımsız medya ve aktif sivil toplum yolsuzluklara karşı savaşta hayati öneme sahiptir. Dünya Bankasınca sonuçlanan araştırma gösteriyor ki, yolsuzluk gelişmiş demokratik ülkelerde daha az, şeffaflık ve kurumlarında demokratik fonksiyonları yeterli olmayan ülkelerde daha fazladır. Yolsuzluk şeffaf ve şeffaf toplumlarda daha kolay kontrol edilebilmekte ve bu nedenle de yolsuzluğu önleyici etkiye sahip olmaktadır. Sonuç olarak, ileri demokrasi ve insan haklarını desteklemek, aynı zamanda yolsuzluğa karşı savaşta önemli bir katkıdır. ; In this work corruption defines as "the misuse of entrusted power for private gain". It is a global problem which can take many forms in state, corporate and non- profit sectors. Corruption is perceived to be a major problem in Turkey by private enterprise and the public at large. Corruption appears to be most problematic in government procurement, with frequent allegations that contracts are awarded on the basis of personal and political relationships between business representatives and government officials. Corruption. Weakens democratic institutions. Political costs manifest themselves above all in loss of legitimacy, and of public trust and support. Leads to competitive bribery, instead of fair competition based on price, quality and innovation. This harms trade and investment also health sector. Democracy and respect for human rights are important in the fight against corruption. Independent media and an active civil society are vital if the fight is to be effective. Research carried out by the World Bank indicates that there is less corruption in well-developed democracies than in countries that do not have well-functioning democratic institutions. Corruption is more easily detected in a transparent society and transparency can therefore also have a preventive effect. Consequently, support to promote democracy and human rights is also an important contribution in the fight against corruption.

When conservative media personality and conspiracy theorist Alex Jones warned of an impending Second Civil War to be initiated by Democrats, he instigated a viral hashtag on Twitter – #secondcivilwarletters – which drew tweets of political commentary and critique in a style mimicking war letters from the American Civil War. Using a sample of these tweets, this article explores the evocation of discursive illusions already established within mainstream and alternative media discourse about contemporary partisan politics in America – that is, the divide between the Republicans and the Democrats and how they categorise each other. To do this we adopt Bhatia's framework of the discourse of illusion and its three main components of linguistic and semiotic action, historicity and social impact. The analysis reveals the extent to which this illusion has permeated the consciousness of the users as they present their ideological beliefs and positions in this new media context.

This paper explores the connection between the rise of new types of online uncivil discourses and the recent success of populism. While discussions on the upsurge of populism have centred on institutionalised politics and politicians, only limited attention has been paid to how the success of the former and the latter was propelled by developments outside of the political realm narrowly conceived. Our interest is therefore in the rise of uncivil society, especially on the web, and in its 'borderline discourse' at the verge of civil and uncivil ideas, ideologies and norms. Those discourses – showcased here on the example of the language on immigration/refugees in Austria and Sweden – have been using civil-to-uncivil shifts in the discursive representations of society and politics. They have progressively 'normalised' the anti-pluralist views across many European public spheres on a par with nativist and exclusionary views now widely propagated by right-wing populist politics in Europe and beyond.