La presente tesis doctoral examina una comunicación relacional como objeto de estudio para la literatura. Dicha comunicación se produce entre autores y autoras y lectores y lectoras a través de las redes sociales. Para tales fines, utiliza una escritora en particular, Toni Morrisson y una modalidad de red social concreta, su página oficial de Facebook. Utilizando como marco teórico el nuevo materialismo (Van der Tuin & Dolphijn, 2010) y una metodología "difractiva" (Barad, 2007), esta tesis desarrolla un concepto de comunicación literaria basada en mecanismos que infieren diferencias sustanciales fundamentalmente en dos aspectos: géenero y política. El marco teórico nuevo materialista lleva como principal premisa la ruptura de opuestos dicotómicos, tales como el binomio sexual entre hombres y mujeres. Por otra parte, la metodología difractiva se opone al "efecto espejo" en el cual las partes de la investigación (investigador o invcestigadora, metodología, instrumentos de medición y objecto de estudo, entre otros) son claramentes diferenciadas con el objeto de representar una realidad. Este punto de partida supone un cambio referencial por el cual buscamos procesos y no resultados. Así pues, en esta tesis encontramos que el objecto literario es la comunicación en sí (y no la obra o el autor o autora), y que en esta comunicación se produce una materialización de política basada en afinidades y no identidades y un concepto de género relacional situado (Haraway, 1991) racialmente. Estos conceptos teóricos se articulan empíricamente gracias al análisis de los afectos (Colman, 2008), o sentimientos, que se encarnan en las relaciones. ; The present doctoral dissertation examines a relational communicacion as an object for Literary Studies. This communicacion between authors and readers is stablished through Social Networking Sites. For those means, it uses a concrete autor, Toni Morrisson and a particular Social Network, like her official Facebook page. Using New materialism (Van der Tuin & Dolphijn, 2010) as a theoretical framework and a "diffractive metodology" (Barad, 2007), this thesis develops a concept of literary communication based on mechanisms that produce differences on two main aspects: gender and politics. The new materialist framework postulates mainly breaking through opposite poles such as the sexual binary between men and women. On the other hand, the diffractive methodology is oppodef to the "mirroring effect" in wich the different elements of a research (such as researcher, methodology, apparatuses and object of study, among others) are separated from each other to represent reality. This requires a referential shift to look for processes instead of results. Therefore, in this thesis we find that the object of Literary Studies is the communication itself (not the novel or the author), and this communication materializes politics based uppon affinities and not identities and a concept of gender as relationally "situated" (Haraway, 1991) in a racial context. Theses theoretical concepts are empirically articulated thanks to the analysis of affects (Colman, 2008), or feelings, embedded in those relationships. ; La present tesi doctoral examina una comunicació relacional com a objecte d'estudi per a la literatura. Aquesta comunicació es produeix entre autors i autores i lectors i lectores a través de les xarxes socials . Per a tals fins, utilitza una escriptora en particular, Toni Morrisson i una modalitat de xarxa social concreta, la seva pàgina oficial de Facebook. Utilitzant com a marc teòric el nou materialisme (Van der Tuin & Dolphijn, 2010) i una metodologia "difractiva" (Barad, 2007), aquesta tesi desenvolupa un concepte de comunicació literària basada en mecanismes que infereixen diferències substancials fonamentalment en dos aspectes: gènere i política.
Abstrak. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus. Unit analisisnya yaitu Intensi Pekerja Rumah Tangga Korban Pelecehan Seksual. Guna mendukung perolehan data yang mendalam digunakan pengambilan data melalui wawancara, observasi, dokumentasi, dan catatan lapangan kepada dua orang narasumber utama, dan empat orang narasumber sekunder penelitian.Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan, bahwa intensi pekerja rumah tangga korban pelecehan seksual untuk melapor ke kepolisian (studi kasus pada pekerja rumah tangga yang masih di bawah umur sesuai dengan undang-undang no. l3 tahun 2003) dipengaruhi oleh beberapa faktor, yakni: bentuk dan dampak dari pelecehan seksual, intensitas pelecehan seksual yang terjadi, ketaatan akan agama, pengetahuan akan etika seksual dalam budaya jawa, faktor kepribadian, serta pengetahuan akan fungsi kepolisian Republik Indonesia. Adapun saran dari penelitian ini ialah pemerintah harus mempertegas kembali tentang larangan untuk memperkerjakan anak dibawah umur serta memberikan sanksi yang jelas bagi pelanggarnya, diharapkan LSM yang terkait dengan Pekerja Rumah Tangga lebih giat untuk membantu memerangi adanya pekerja yang masih dibawah umur dengan terus mengupayakan undang-undang yang dapat menaungi mereka, serta perlunya penggalian data yang lebih mendalam bagi peneliti selanjutnya guna mendapatkan informasi mengenai penyebab intensi Pekerja Rumah Tangga korban pelecehan seksual untuk melapor ke kepolislan. Kata kunci: intensi, pelecehan seksual, pekerja rumah tangga Abstract. Acts of sexual harassment today, has shown how vulnerable the women in his life when the subject of sexual dissatisfaction men. One of the jobs that are vulnerable to sexual abuse is a Domestic Workers, especially for domestic workers who are minors. Employment as domestic workers who are in the domestic sphere, often requiring them to be in the house for 24 hours, so that domestic workers are "isolated" from society. Under these conditions, and with other supporting factors such as economic factors, educational factors, age factors, as well as an inability to resist the employer caused the Domestic Workers are vulnerable to acts of sexual abuse committed by the employer. Sexual harassment is certainly related to intentions to report offenders to the police. Hence, through this research the researchers wanted to know what are the factors that led to the Domestic Workers have the intention to report the perpetrators of sexual abuse to the police. This study uses a qualitative case study approach. The unit of analysis is intention Domestic Workers Sexual Abuse Victims. In order to support the acquisition of the data used in-depth data collection through interviews, observation, documentation, and field notes to the two main speakers, resource persons and four secondary research. The results of this study indicate, that the intentions of domestic abuse victims to report to police (case study on domestic Workers who are minors in accordance With the law No. l3 of 2003) is influenced by several factors, namely: the shape and impact of sexual harassment, the intensity of sexual abuse that occurred, the observance of religion, knowledge of sexual ethics in Javanese culture, personality factors, and knowledge of police functions of the Republic of Indonesia. The suggestion from this study is that the government should reinforce the back of the prohibition to employ minors as well as providing clear sanctions for violations, is expected to NGOs associated with more aggressive domestic Workers to help fight the Workers who are still minors to continue to pursue legislation which can be overshadowed them, and the need for a more in- depth data mining for further research in order to obtain information about the cause of the intentions of Domestic Workers of sexual abuse victims to report to police.
Limited longitudinal studies have been conducted to evaluate colorectal cancer (CRC) incidence based on the updated 2018 World Cancer Research Fund/American Institute for Cancer Research (WCRF/AICR) recommendations or other global lifestyle indices, and none in aged populations at high cardiovascular risk. We aimed to assess the association between CRC incidence and adherence to two emerging lifestyles indices (2018 WCRF/AICR score and another low-risk lifestyle (LRL) score comprising smoking status, alcohol consumption, physical activity, diet, and body mass index) in the Spanish PREvencion con DIeta MEDiterranea (PREDIMED) cohort. We studied 7216 elderly men and women at high cardiovascular risk. The 2018 WCRF/AICR and LRL scores were calculated. Multivariable Cox proportional regression models were fitted to estimate the HRs (hazard ratios) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) for incident CRC events. During a median interquartile range (IQR) follow-up of 6.0 (4.4-7.3) years, 97 CRC events were considered. A significant linear association was observed between each 1-point increment in the WCRF/AICR score (score range from 0 to 7) and CRC risk (HR (95% CI) = 0.79 (0.63-0.99)). Similarly, each 1-point increment in the LRL score (score range from 0 to 5) was associated with a 22% reduction in CRC risk (0.78 (0.64-0.96)). Adhering to emergent lifestyle scores might substantially reduce CRC incidence in elderly individuals. Further longitudinal studies, which take different lifestyle indexes into account, are warranted in the future. ; The Centro de Investigación Biomédica en Red Fisiopatología de la Obesidad y Nutrición (CIBEROBN) is an initiative of the Spanish Instituto de Salud Carlos III (ISCIII) which is funded by FEDER "A way to make Europe"/"Investing in your future" (CB06/03). It is supported by the official funding agency for biomedical research of the Spanish government, ISCIII, through grants provided to research networks specifically developed for the trial (RTIC G03/140 and RD 06/0045) through CIBEROBN, and by grants from the Centro Nacional de Investigaciones Cardiovasculares (CNIC 06/2007), Fondo de Investigación Sanitaria–Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (PI04–2239, PI05/2584, CP06/00100, PI07/0240, PI07/1138, PI07/0954, PI07/0473, PI10/01407, PI10/02658, PI11/01647, and PI11/02505; PI13/00462), Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación (AGL-2009–13906-C02 and AGL2010–22319-C03), Fundación Mapfre 2010, Consejería de Salud de la Junta de Andalucía (PI0105/2007), Public Health Division of the Department of Health of the Autonomous Government of Catalonia, Generalitat Valenciana (PROMETEO17/2017), and the Navarra Regional Government (27/2011). The Fundación Patrimonio Comunal Olivarero and Hojiblanca SA (Málaga, Spain), California Walnut Commission (Sacramento, CA), Borges SA (Reus, Spain), and Morella Nuts SA (Reus, Spain) donated the olive oil, walnuts, almonds, and hazelnuts, respectively, used in the study. J. Salas-Salvadó, the senior author/gratefully acknowledges the financial support by ICREA under the ICREA Academia program. Dr. P.H.-A. is supported by a postdoctoral fellowship (Juan de la Cierva-Formación, FJCI-2017-32205). L. Barrubés has been awarded a grant by the Spanish Ministry of Education, Culture, and Sports (FPU 16/00165). M.M.-G. was the recipient of the Nicolas Monardes Programme from the "Servicio Andaluz de Salud, Junta de Andalucía", Spain (RC-0001-2018 and C-0029-2023). None of the funding sources played a role in the design, collection, analysis or interpretation of the data or in the decision to submit the manuscript for publication.
The aim of this thesis was to understand why despite the real demographic, political and economic qualities of women, despite the regulatory and judicial measures, Cameroonians and French citizens adhere very little to female political leadership. This thesis suggests to apprehend electoral intentions and electoral behaviors using the 2013 municipal and legislative elections in Cameroun and the 2014 municipal elections in France. Hence we argued that cultural differences portrayed by the representations of female political leadership can allow for the identification of Cameroonian and French citizens' behaviors with regards to the presence of women in political positions.Three empirical studies for Cameroun on one hand (N=338) and for France (N=310) on the other hand were conducted. The construction of the questionnaire was mainly inspired by two approaches, namely the theory of planned behavior by Ajzen and Fishben (1985) and the representation of female political leadership by Vergès (1992;1994).In the first study (Cameroun and France), we observed that voting intentions in favor of female political leadership were all the more high that the representations were positive towards female political leadership. Likewise, when the electorates showed a positive attitude towards female political leadership, they perceived it as strength and thus portrayed a favorable intention towards the female political leadership. Female gender stereotypes (e.g. warmth, accommodating, maternal) induced positive political leadership representations in Cameroun; unlike in France. In other words, these representations mediated the link between attitudes, stereotypes and voting intentions in favor of female political leadership whereas in France these representations mediated only the link between attitudes and voting intentions. The second study (Cameroun and France) used the same data as the Study 1. Here, we examined the variations of voting intentions in favor of female political leadership with regards to adherence to beliefs, cultural values and subjective norms. We observed that in France, when participants adhere strongly to beliefs and cultural values, their voting intentions tend to be favorable towards female political leadership. However, we did not observe a link between adherence to beliefs and cultural values and favorable voting intentions towards female political leadership with the Cameroonian participants. Concerning Cameroonians, the representation of female political leadership was all the more favorable when they adhered strongly to beliefs and cultural values. With reference to the French participants, female political leadership did not vary significantly in function of their adhesion to beliefs and cultural values. In Cameroun as well as in France, when participants attributed importance to the viewpoints of people who are considered as experts in women political leadership and are motivated to conform to it, their voting intentions in favor of female political leadership was high. The results from this study also revealed that adhering to beliefs and cultural values as well as subjective norms was not mediated by the representations of female political leadership.The third study evaluated voting intentions in favor of female political leadership in relation to perceived behavioral control. We then examined the interaction between perceived behavioral control and electoral experience. The results were not conclusive for the two samples (France, Cameroun).Finally, the global model (Cameroun and France) was tested simultaneously with all variables of the three studies. The final conceptual model for Cameroun was confirmed by the results of the analysis. This model fitted with the data collected and proved to be the most parsimonious than the French model. These results conveyed an interesting contribution to the research and were discussed in light of existing theoretical knowledge. ; La présente thèse visait à comprendre pourquoi malgré les atouts démographiques politiques et même économique des femmes, les camerounais(e)s et français(e)s adhèrent très peu au leadership politique féminin. Nous avons appréhendé les comportements électoraux à l'occasion des élections municipales et législatives de 2013 au Cameroun et les élections municipales de 2014 en France. Nous postulons que les différences culturelles exprimées par les représentations du leadership politique féminin peuvent permettre de cerner les comportements des participants. Trois études empiriques pour le Cameroun d'une part (avec 338 participants) et pour la France d'autre part (avec 310 participants) sont conduites. La construction du questionnaire s'inspire principalement de la démarche proposé par Ajzen et Fishbein (1985) pour la théorie du comportement planifié et par celle de Vergès (1992 ; 1994) pour les représentations du leadership politique féminin.Dans la première étude (Cameroun et France), on note que les intentions de vote en faveur du leadership politique féminin sont d'autant plus fortes que les représentations sont favorables au leadership politique féminin. De même, lorsque les électeurs ont une attitude favorable envers le leadership politique féminin, ils se le représentent comme une force et expriment une intention favorable au leadership politique féminin. Les stéréotypes de genre féminin (chaleureuse, conciliante, maternelle) induisent au Cameroun des représentations du leadership politique favorables; ce qui n'est pas le cas en France. En outre, ces représentations médiatisent le lien entre les attitudes, les stéréotypes et les intentions de vote en faveur du leadership politique féminin, tandis qu'en France, elles médiatisent uniquement le lien entre attitudes et intention de vote.La deuxième étude (Cameroun et France), examine la variation des intentions de vote en faveur du leadership politique féminin en fonction de l'adhésion aux croyances et valeurs culturelles et des normes subjectives. En France, lorsque les participant(e)s adhèrent fortement aux croyances et valeurs culturelles, leurs intentions de vote sont favorables au leadership politique. Par contre, on observe chez les participant(e)s camerounais(e)s aucun lien entre l'adhésion aux croyances et valeurs culturelles et leurs intentions de vote. Les représentations du leadership politique féminin des camerounais(e)s sont d'autant plus favorables qu'ils adhérent fortement aux croyances et valeurs culturelles. Les représentations du leadership politique féminin des participants français ne varient pas significativement avec leur adhésion aux croyances et valeurs culturelles. Au Cameroun comme en France, lorsque les participants accordent une importance au point de vue des personnes considérées comme référents sur la question du leadership des femmes en politique et sont motivés à s'y conformer, leurs intentions de vote en faveur du leadership politique féminin est forte. Les résultats dans cette étude ont montré également que l'effet de l'adhésion aux croyances et valeurs culturelles, et des normes subjectives sur les intentions de vote en faveur du leadership politique féminin n'est pas médiatisé par les représentations du leadership politique féminin.L'étude 3 évalue l'intention de vote en faveur du leadership politique féminin en fonction du contrôle comportemental perçu, puis examine l'interaction entre ce contrôle comportemental perçu et l'expérience électorale. Les résultats ne sont pas concluant sur les deux échantillons (France, Cameroun).Enfin, le modèle global (Cameroun et France) est testé avec toutes les variables de nos trois études en même temps. Le modèle conceptuel final camerounais est confirmé par les résultats de l'analyse et est le plus parcimonieux que le modèle français. Ces résultats apportent une intéressante contribution aux recherches antérieures et sont discutés en lien avec les connaissances théoriques.
The aim of this thesis was to understand why despite the real demographic, political and economic qualities of women, despite the regulatory and judicial measures, Cameroonians and French citizens adhere very little to female political leadership. This thesis suggests to apprehend electoral intentions and electoral behaviors using the 2013 municipal and legislative elections in Cameroun and the 2014 municipal elections in France. Hence we argued that cultural differences portrayed by the representations of female political leadership can allow for the identification of Cameroonian and French citizens' behaviors with regards to the presence of women in political positions.Three empirical studies for Cameroun on one hand (N=338) and for France (N=310) on the other hand were conducted. The construction of the questionnaire was mainly inspired by two approaches, namely the theory of planned behavior by Ajzen and Fishben (1985) and the representation of female political leadership by Vergès (1992;1994).In the first study (Cameroun and France), we observed that voting intentions in favor of female political leadership were all the more high that the representations were positive towards female political leadership. Likewise, when the electorates showed a positive attitude towards female political leadership, they perceived it as strength and thus portrayed a favorable intention towards the female political leadership. Female gender stereotypes (e.g. warmth, accommodating, maternal) induced positive political leadership representations in Cameroun; unlike in France. In other words, these representations mediated the link between attitudes, stereotypes and voting intentions in favor of female political leadership whereas in France these representations mediated only the link between attitudes and voting intentions. The second study (Cameroun and France) used the same data as the Study 1. Here, we examined the variations of voting intentions in favor of female political leadership with regards to adherence to beliefs, cultural values and subjective norms. We observed that in France, when participants adhere strongly to beliefs and cultural values, their voting intentions tend to be favorable towards female political leadership. However, we did not observe a link between adherence to beliefs and cultural values and favorable voting intentions towards female political leadership with the Cameroonian participants. Concerning Cameroonians, the representation of female political leadership was all the more favorable when they adhered strongly to beliefs and cultural values. With reference to the French participants, female political leadership did not vary significantly in function of their adhesion to beliefs and cultural values. In Cameroun as well as in France, when participants attributed importance to the viewpoints of people who are considered as experts in women political leadership and are motivated to conform to it, their voting intentions in favor of female political leadership was high. The results from this study also revealed that adhering to beliefs and cultural values as well as subjective norms was not mediated by the representations of female political leadership.The third study evaluated voting intentions in favor of female political leadership in relation to perceived behavioral control. We then examined the interaction between perceived behavioral control and electoral experience. The results were not conclusive for the two samples (France, Cameroun).Finally, the global model (Cameroun and France) was tested simultaneously with all variables of the three studies. The final conceptual model for Cameroun was confirmed by the results of the analysis. This model fitted with the data collected and proved to be the most parsimonious than the French model. These results conveyed an interesting contribution to the research and were discussed in light of existing theoretical knowledge. ; La présente thèse visait à comprendre pourquoi malgré les atouts démographiques politiques et même économique des femmes, les camerounais(e)s et français(e)s adhèrent très peu au leadership politique féminin. Nous avons appréhendé les comportements électoraux à l'occasion des élections municipales et législatives de 2013 au Cameroun et les élections municipales de 2014 en France. Nous postulons que les différences culturelles exprimées par les représentations du leadership politique féminin peuvent permettre de cerner les comportements des participants. Trois études empiriques pour le Cameroun d'une part (avec 338 participants) et pour la France d'autre part (avec 310 participants) sont conduites. La construction du questionnaire s'inspire principalement de la démarche proposé par Ajzen et Fishbein (1985) pour la théorie du comportement planifié et par celle de Vergès (1992 ; 1994) pour les représentations du leadership politique féminin.Dans la première étude (Cameroun et France), on note que les intentions de vote en faveur du leadership politique féminin sont d'autant plus fortes que les représentations sont favorables au leadership politique féminin. De même, lorsque les électeurs ont une attitude favorable envers le leadership politique féminin, ils se le représentent comme une force et expriment une intention favorable au leadership politique féminin. Les stéréotypes de genre féminin (chaleureuse, conciliante, maternelle) induisent au Cameroun des représentations du leadership politique favorables; ce qui n'est pas le cas en France. En outre, ces représentations médiatisent le lien entre les attitudes, les stéréotypes et les intentions de vote en faveur du leadership politique féminin, tandis qu'en France, elles médiatisent uniquement le lien entre attitudes et intention de vote.La deuxième étude (Cameroun et France), examine la variation des intentions de vote en faveur du leadership politique féminin en fonction de l'adhésion aux croyances et valeurs culturelles et des normes subjectives. En France, lorsque les participant(e)s adhèrent fortement aux croyances et valeurs culturelles, leurs intentions de vote sont favorables au leadership politique. Par contre, on observe chez les participant(e)s camerounais(e)s aucun lien entre l'adhésion aux croyances et valeurs culturelles et leurs intentions de vote. Les représentations du leadership politique féminin des camerounais(e)s sont d'autant plus favorables qu'ils adhérent fortement aux croyances et valeurs culturelles. Les représentations du leadership politique féminin des participants français ne varient pas significativement avec leur adhésion aux croyances et valeurs culturelles. Au Cameroun comme en France, lorsque les participants accordent une importance au point de vue des personnes considérées comme référents sur la question du leadership des femmes en politique et sont motivés à s'y conformer, leurs intentions de vote en faveur du leadership politique féminin est forte. Les résultats dans cette étude ont montré également que l'effet de l'adhésion aux croyances et valeurs culturelles, et des normes subjectives sur les intentions de vote en faveur du leadership politique féminin n'est pas médiatisé par les représentations du leadership politique féminin.L'étude 3 évalue l'intention de vote en faveur du leadership politique féminin en fonction du contrôle comportemental perçu, puis examine l'interaction entre ce contrôle comportemental perçu et l'expérience électorale. Les résultats ne sont pas concluant sur les deux échantillons (France, Cameroun).Enfin, le modèle global (Cameroun et France) est testé avec toutes les variables de nos trois études en même temps. Le modèle conceptuel final camerounais est confirmé par les résultats de l'analyse et est le plus parcimonieux que le modèle français. Ces résultats apportent une intéressante contribution aux recherches antérieures et sont discutés en lien avec les connaissances théoriques.
In: Spijker , J J A 2004 , ' Socioeconomic determinants of regional mortality differences in Europe ' , Doctor of Philosophy , University of Groningen .
This thesis has attempted to assess the importance of various socioeconomic and other factors in mortality at the population level in three different settings: in Europe at the country level, and in the Czech Republic and the Netherlands at the regional level. Each analysis was conducted from a different perspective. The first established causes for the differences and changes in mortality over time that could assist in current European mortality projections. The second was set in a formersocialist country and covered the period from just before the transition to several years after, and provided insights into changing regional mortality differences. The focus of the third analysis was in uncovering reasons for the recent decline in sex differences in mortality. One conclusion that can be drawn from the various types of analysis employed in this thesis is that mortality studies need to consider many different contexts and potential trends. This is even more important in making projections, given the number of assumptions involved. Since all the studies were ecological in nature, it is impossible to control for factors in the way that this is done in studies where personal information is linked to outcome. The methodology and assumptions therefore need a sound justification, the discussion in Chapter 4 with regard to the time lags introduced for the exogenous variables being an example of this. Mortality studies have become interdisciplinary. Mortality, here, was studied by cause of death, because this provides, by definition, an initial explanation for observed differences and changes. However, in looking for additional answers, for example by incorporating direct and indirect determinants of death and disease, one needs to have some understanding of the disease mechanisms. This is because most such factors do not affect mortality immediately, but only after a certain period of time and, further, this time lag may be different for alternative causes of death or even for the same cause of death depending on the level of exposure. For example, large quantities of alcohol consumption may instigate a heart attack (IHD) or a stroke (CRB) within 24 hours, whereas moderate consumption of alcohol is thought to reduce the process of atherosclerosis, and thus protect against IHD. It is therefore important that short and/or long term effects are estimated. In the case when the effect of alcohol consumption is studied at the aggregate level using aggregated data and information on consumption patterns, the effect of the exposure on the outcome should be estimated for a range of theoretically plausible time lags, from which the one with the largest effect should be used in the analysis. In the case of alcohol and IHD, both a short- and long-term lag could be incorporated in the model equation. Throughout the thesis, reference has been made to the life course approach because current mortality differences are the result of many years of differential exposure to both health-damaging and health-promoting factors. The direct factors, such as smoking and alcohol consumption, are often embedded in socioeconomic factors and, as a consequence, political, social and economic changes will invariably impact on future levels of mortality. We have seen the immediate impact on health of the transition in Eastern Europe, but the full effects of 40-50 years of socialism may not disappear for decades to come. One reason is the impact of psychosocial risk factors, rather than the standard risk factors such as smoking, that appear to be of major importance in explaining East- West differences in IHD mortality (Kristenson et al., 1998). It is therefore unlikely, even if all other things were equal, that health patterns in Eastern Europe would quickly catch up the West, even if they were to enter the fourth stage of the epidemiological transition, which is not impossible in the near future given that declines in IHD are already being observed in several central European countries. Previous trends in the "leading" countries may therefore be useful to projection makers in adopting realistic assumptions. This equally applies to trends in other phenomena that appear to follow a set of phases, such as the smoking epidemic. One trend that does not seem to receive sufficient attention in existing mortality projections is the changes in societal norms and values, in particular with regard to their effect on female mortality. Already among most of the younger cohorts in Europe, smoking and moderate to heavy alcohol consumption are no longer an exclusively male habit, and labour force participation rates are also converging. This suggests that future sex differences in life expectancy, within a stable socioeconomic climate, will not be the seven or eight years it once was in most European countries, in particular because the full effect of smoking on mortality has yet to be seen. I would therefore expect future increases in the life expectancy of women to stagnate, particularly in southern Europe because of an even larger delay in the smoking epidemic. Turning to Eastern Europe, the future trends are more difficult to predict because many gains in life expectancy can still be made with regard to non-smoking-related deaths from circulatory system diseases, whose mortality levels are still much higher than in the West.
The purpose of this study was to provide a better understanding for policy makers and service providers of mobility and migration among ex-combatants and the effectiveness of Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programming in Uganda. The study followed a scoping study on migration in Uganda conducted in March 2011 by the Transitional Demobilization and Reintegration Program (TDRP) of the World Bank. This study had the following specific objectives: 1) to analyze push/pull migration factors of ex-combatants in Uganda, with a specific focus on social as well as economic factors both within communities of origin and at new communities of re-settlement; 2) to explore any impact of DDR programming on migration of ex-combatants in Uganda; 3) to increase the understanding of the impact of migration by ex-combatants on the effectiveness of past and current DDR programming, specifically on reintegration efforts; and 4) to generate recommendations on how to improve DDR programming, taking into account findings from other related studies.
Author's introductionThe article provides an overview of research about social movements targeting and activism within organizations, such as corporations, educational institutions, the military, and religious orders. I begin by discussing older research in the field, then turn to four key questions that social movements scholars tend to ask and present a summary of the answers that scholars focusing on social movements in organizations have provided: what factors prompt the development of social movements in organizations; who becomes involved in insider activism, and why are they willing to face the risks inherent in participation; what strategies and tactics are used by social movements in organizations, and what are the relative costs and benefits of different strategic and tactical choices; and when do social movements have impacts on organizations, and what kinds of impacts do they have? This field remains underdeveloped, and the article concludes with an overview of potential directions for future research in an area of growing concern as the world population exists more and more under and within the influence of organizations.Author recommendsEisenstein, Hester 1996. Inside Agitators: Australian Femocrats and the State. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.Hester Eisenstein's detailed study of the movement of Australian feminists into the state government bureaucracy is one of the first studies in the current wave of research into insider activism. While her case involves governmental agencies rather than non‐state organizations, the research provides a useful overview of how outsider activists become insiders and how their strategic choices are affected by their location with respect to the organization. The research finds that the creation of women's divisions within the state bureaucracy gave women both a seat at the government table and a foothold for the development of an insider consciousness and ultimately insider activism.Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod 1998. Faithful and Fearless: Moving Feminist Protest inside the Church and Military. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Faithful and Fearless considers campaigns by feminist activists to improve the situation for women in the United States military and the Catholic Church. Katzenstein highlights the personal costs of insider activism, the strategic choices activists make, the particular strengths and vulnerabilities of insider activists, and the way that accountability shapes insider activism. Particularly important is her discussion of the ways that the military and the Church, while both institutions that have stressed obedience and compliance, foster distinctive forms of activism and protest. While women in the military use legal action and lobbying to support their cause, women in the Church tend to turn to what Katzenstein calls 'discursive activism' (writing, workshops, conferences, and discussions reflecting on the meaning of faith and justice in the Church), and these different strategies have important consequences for the different ways that the impacts of these activists have developed.Klein, Naomi 2000. No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies. New York, NY: Picador.While Naomi Klein is a journalist rather than a social scientist, No Logo provides a useful overview of the anti‐globalization and anti‐corporate movements written as they were beginning to make a global impression. Eminently readable, this text is a way to highlight the difference between movements targeting organizations from within and without. Klein's main focus is on branding, and she traces the development of branding, the reduction of choice by multinational corporations, and the global movement of manufacturing jobs and concomitant labor issues. In the final section of the book, the part of most use to scholars and students of activism, Klein discusses anti‐globalization movements and other forms of activism targeting corporations from the outside.Meyerson, Debra E. 2001. Tempered Radicals: How People Use Difference to Inspire Change at Work. Boston, MA: Harvard Business School Press.'Tempered radicals' are individuals who have successful careers within and identify with the organizations they are part of, but who simultaneously occupy marginal spaces in relation to these organizations due to some aspect of their personal identities, politics, practices, or ideals. Meyerson's book, written from a management studies perspective, shows how tempered radicals can create change in the corporate environments in which they work and provides an overview of the non‐disruptive forms of resistance such activists use. She presents many case studies of individuals who have created change in their corporate environments through the use of such non‐disruptive strategies, and structures her book as a guide to engaging in corporate change.Raeburn, Nicole C. 2004. Changing Corporate America from the Inside Out: Lesbian and Gay Workplace Rights. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.Raeburn's work provides an excellent way to bridge the discussion of activism within organizations with the discussion of other forms of organizational change. Her research begins with the observation that while the US government has made little progress in extending civil rights to gay and lesbian people, over half of all Fortune 500 corporations offered family leave and domestic partner health coverage by the beginning of the 2000s (up from just three in 1990). She argues that employee activists organized to convince their corporate employers to offer domestic partnership benefits, non‐discrimination policies, and other LGBT workplace rights, and she builds on this analysis to show how changes that originate in a small number of organizations can spread across the organizational field.Rojas, Fabio 2007. From Black Power to Black Studies: How a Radical Social Movement Became an Academic Discipline. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.Like Raeburn, Rojas's work shows the connection between insider activism and other processes of organizational change, such as foundation‐driven financial support and broad social change. His exploration of the emergence of black studies as an academic discipline in American higher education incorporates significant discussion of strategic choice and its effects on movement impacts. Rojas argues that black studies departments were able to emerge when they resonated with the culture of their college or university, particularly when they developed organizational structures that fit with institutional norms while still staying true to the movement itself. A particular strength of this book is its focus on the institutionalization of social movements and the ways in which institutionalization may actually be co‐evolution and compromise rather than cooptation.Scott, James C. 1990. Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Domination and the Arts of Resistance does not focus on insider activism, but in this book, James Scott meticulously documents how resistance can occur beneath the surface and out of sight. It expands the reader's understanding of how insider activists can begin to resist the policies and practices at work in their organizations before they are willing to face repression and other personal costs. Drawing on examples from literature and history around the world, Scott shows how the public expressions of domination and submission differ markedly from the mocking and other forms of resistance that occur backstage – what he calls a 'hidden transcript'.Online materials Social Movements and Culture: A Resource Site http://www.wsu.edu/~amerstu/smc/ Developed by the Department of American Studies at Washington State University, this site contains extensive bibliographies of texts, syllabi, and websites concerning social movements and activism. While the site does not primarily focus on social movements in organizations, it is a useful place to begin investigating social movement campaigns and contains links to the websites of many organizational activists. Confronting Companies Using Shareholder Power http://www.foe.org/international/shareholder/ This primer outlines the history of shareholder activism and provides a detailed overview of how to mount a shareholder campaign. Most useful for teaching purposes, it provides links to primary source documents from a variety of shareholder campaigns in the late 1990s which could serve as the basis for a variety of course projects. Campus Activism http://www.campusactivism.org/ This site provides a directory listing hundreds of activist groups on college campuses across the United States, as well as organizing resources, lists of events and campaigns, and a discussion forum. It would be a great starting place for organizing local participant‐observation projects. Net2 http://www.netsquared.org/ Net2 is a database of projects that utilize social web tools on behalf of both activist and not‐for‐profit groups. The projects highlighted here can provide ideas of Web 2.0 projects for classroom development as well as show the ways that covert or non‐disruptive activism is utilized by those seeking social change.Sample syllabus Week 1. Introduction to Organizations Scott, W. Richard. 2000. 'Institutional Theory and Organizations.' Pp. 21–46 in Institutions and Organizations. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Week 2. Introduction to Social Movements Della Porta, Donatella and Mario Diani. 2006. Social Movements: An Introduction. Malden, MA: Blackwell.Snow, David A., Sarah A. Soule, and Hanspeter Kriesi. 2004. 'Mapping the Terrain.' Pp. 3–16 in David A. Snow, Sarah A. Soule, and Hanspeter Kriesi, ed. The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Week 3. Schools of Social Movement Theory McCarthy, John D. and Mayer N. Zald. 2002. 'The Enduring Vitality of the Resource Mobilization Theory of Social Movements.' Pp. 533–565 in Jonathan Turner, ed. Handbook of Sociological Theory. New York, NY: Plenum.Melucci, Alberto. 1994. 'A Strange Kind of Newness: What's "New" in New Social Movements?' Pp. 101–130 in Enrique Laraña, Hank Johnston and Joseph R. Gusfield, eds. New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.Kriesi, Hanspeter. 2004. 'Political Context and Opportunity.' Pp. 67–90 in David A. Snow, Sarah A. Soule, and Hanspeter Kriesi, ed. The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Week 4. Labor and the Labor Movement Fantasia, Rick and Kim Voss. 2004. Hard Work: Remaking the American Labor Movement. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Week 5. Social Movements Targeting Organizations from the Outside Klein, Naomi 2000. No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies. New York, NY: Picador. Week 6. When and Why do Movements Emerge within Organizations? Santoro, Wayne A. and Gail M. McGuire. 1997. 'Social Movement Insiders: The Impact of Institutional Activists on Affirmative Action and Comparable Worth Policies.'Social Problems 44: 503–519.Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod. 1998. 'Protest Moves Inside Institutions.' Pp. 3–22 in Faithful and Fearless: Moving Feminist Protest inside the Church and Military. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Van Dyke, Nella. 1998. 'Hotbeds of Activism: Locations of Student Protest.'Social Problems 45: 205–220. Week 7. Insider Activists Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod. 1998. 'Legalizing Protest.' Pp. 23–42 in Faithful and Fearless: Moving Feminist Protest inside the Church and Military. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Meyerson, Debra E. and Maureen A. Scully. 1995. 'Tempered Radicalism and the Politics of Ambivalence and Change.'Organization Science 6: 585–600.Meyerson, Debra E. 2001. 'Tempered Radicals.' Pp. 1–34 in Tempered Radicals: How People Use Difference to Inspire Change at Work. Boston, MA: Harvard Business School Press. Week 8. Strategies and Tactics in Organizational Activism Rojas, Fabio. 2006. 'Social Movement Tactics, Organizational Change, and the Spread of African‐American Studies.'Social Forces 84: 2147–2166.Meyerson, Debra E. 2001. 'How Tempered Radicals Make a Difference.' Pp. 35–138 in Tempered Radicals: How People Use Difference to Inspire Change at Work. Boston, MA: Harvard Business School Press. Week 9. Discursive Activism Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod. 1998. 'Discursive Activism.' Pp. 107–131 in Faithful and Fearless: Moving Feminist Protest inside the Church and Military. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Scott, James C. 1990. 'Behind the Official Story.' Pp. 1–16 in Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.Benford, Robert D. and David A. Snow. 2000. 'Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment.'Annual Review of Sociology 26: 611–639. Week 10. Understanding Movement Impacts Amenta, Edwin and Michael P. Young. 1999. 'Making an Impact: Conceptual and Methodological Implications of the Collective Goods Criterion.' Pp. 22–41 in Marco Guigini, Doug McAdam, and Charles Tilly, ed. How Movements Matter: Theoretical and Comparative Studies on the Consequences of Social Movements, edited by Marco Guigini, Doug McAdam and Charles Tilly. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.Guigni, Marco. 1998. 'Was It Worth the Effort? The Outcomes and Consequences of Social Movements.'Annual Review of Sociology 24: 371–393.Earl, Jennifer. 2003. 'Tanks, Tear Gas, and Taxes: Toward a Theory of Movement Repression.'Sociological Theory 21: 45–68. Week 11. Impacts on Organizations Raeburn, Nicole C. 2004. Changing Corporate America from the Inside Out: Lesbian and Gay Workplace Rights. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.The remaining weeks are left open for studies of specific cases, student presentations, or coverage of research techniques in social movements. For a 10‐week trimester course, I would suggest combining weeks 2 and 3 and combining weeks 10 and 11. For those who wish to cover research techniques in social movements, the following selections are useful:Mahoney, James. 2003. 'Strategies for Causal Assessment in Comparative‐Historical Analysis,' pp. 337–371 in James Mahoney and Dietich Rueschemeyer, eds. Comparative Historical Analysis in the Social Sciences.Klandermans, Bert and Suzanne Staggenborg, eds. 2002. Methods of Social Movement Research. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.Hill, Michael. 1993. Archival Strategies and Techniques. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.Focus questions
What factors prompt the development of social movements in organizations? Who becomes involved in insider activism, and why are they willing to face the risks inherent in participation? What strategies and tactics are used by social movements in organizations, and what are the relative costs and benefits of different strategic and tactical choices? When do social movements have impacts on organizations, and what kinds of impacts do they have? How are social movements within organizations different from and similar to other types of social movements and from other types of organizational change?
Seminar/project idea Activism in the College/University Context: An Archival Research Project In this project, individual students or small groups of students investigate periods of activism in their own college or university. The project will introduce students to both the promise and the challenge of doing research on movements in the past, and it will help them to see the complexity of processes of change in an organization they are intimately familiar with. While the moments of activism in each college and university are different, some good places to start might be changes in general education requirements or the development of new majors or programs; the end of parietal rules governing cross‐sex visitation in dorms; changes in religious observance, including chapel regulations or religious affiliations; times of social turbulence outside of the college or university, such as the Civil Rights movement, anti‐war movements, or divestment campaigns related to apartheid in South Africa; efforts related to the admission of students of different sex or race from the original student body; and labor movement activity. Instructors may wish to consult with archivists and/or faculty members with a long history at the institution to draw up a list of possible topics in advance, or they may encourage students to locate their own topics. Students will then need to spend time in the archives to develop an understanding of the context of the activist campaign they are studying. Most campaigns will have received coverage in student newspapers and will be documented in the archives to some extent, but some projects may require interviews with activists or observers present at the time. Students will then prepare papers and/or presentations that rely on the theoretical ideas covered in the course to explain the emergence, strategic choices, and impacts of these change campaigns. Corporate Case Study Assignment In this assignment, students conduct a case study of an individual incidence of shareholder activism. Drawing on publicly available documents, such as those that can be located at foe.org, SEC filings, and court cases, students develop an analysis of what lead to movement emergence, how shareholders developed their strategies (including framing), and what factors influenced the eventual impact of the activism. Depending on the case, instructors may also encourage students to locate and interview key activists in the campaign. For graduate courses, final projects on different corporations might be created by individual students or small groups; for undergraduate courses, instructors might choose a single case and have all the students contribute to a joint analysis. This project would be particularly well suited to courses in business or management that take organizational change and insider activism as topics of inquiry.Note * Correspondence address: Rhode Island College, Department of Sociology, 600 Mount Pleasant Avenue, Providence, RI 02908. E‐mail: marthur@ric.edu.
In: Journal of international relations and development: JIRD, official journal of the Central and East European International Studies Association, Volume 20, Issue 1, p. [1]-28
Only Vanderbilt University affiliated authors are listed on VUIR. For a full list of authors, access the version of record at https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1002/mgg3.707 ; BackgroundEpidemiological studies consistently indicate that alcohol consumption is an independent risk factor for female breast cancer (BC). Although the aldehyde dehydrogenase 2 (ALDH2) polymorphism (rs671: Glu>Lys) has a strong effect on acetaldehyde metabolism, the association of rs671 with BC risk and its interaction with alcohol intake have not been fully elucidated. We conducted a pooled analysis of 14 case-control studies, with individual data on Asian ancestry women participating in the Breast Cancer Association Consortium. MethodsWe included 12,595 invasive BC cases and 12,884 controls for the analysis of rs671 and BC risk, and 2,849 invasive BC cases and 3,680 controls for the analysis of the gene-environment interaction between rs671 and alcohol intake for BC risk. The pooled odds ratios (OR) with 95% confidence intervals (CI) associated with rs671 and its interaction with alcohol intake for BC risk were estimated using logistic regression models. ResultsThe Lys/Lys genotype of rs671 was associated with increased BC risk (OR=1.16, 95% CI 1.03-1.30, p=0.014). According to tumor characteristics, the Lys/Lys genotype was associated with estrogen receptor (ER)-positive BC (OR=1.19, 95% CI 1.05-1.36, p=0.008), progesterone receptor (PR)-positive BC (OR=1.19, 95% CI 1.03-1.36, p=0.015), and human epidermal growth factor receptor 2 (HER2)-negative BC (OR=1.25, 95% CI 1.05-1.48, p=0.012). No evidence of a gene-environment interaction was observed between rs671 and alcohol intake (p=0.537). ConclusionThis study suggests that the Lys/Lys genotype confers susceptibility to BC risk among women of Asian ancestry, particularly for ER-positive, PR-positive, and HER2-negative tumor types. ; BCAC is funded by Cancer Research UK [C1287/A16563, C1287/A10118], the European Union's Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme (grant numbers 634935 and 633784 for BRIDGES and B-CAST respectively), and by the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme under grant agreement number 223175 (grant number HEALTH-F2-2009-223175) (COGS). The EU Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme funding source had no role in study design, data collection, data analysis, data interpretation, or writing of the report. Genotyping of the OncoArray was funded by the NIH Grant U19 CA148065, and Cancer UK Grant C1287/A16563 and the PERSPECTIVE project supported by the Government of Canada through Genome Canada and the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (grant GPH-129344) and, the Ministere de l'Economie, Science et Innovation du Quebec through Genome Quebec and the PSRSIIRI-701 grant, and the Quebec Breast Cancer Foundation. Funding for the iCOGS infrastructure came from: the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme under grant agreement no 223175 (HEALTH-F2-2009-223175) (COGS), Cancer Research UK (C1287/A10118, C1287/A10710, C12292/A11174, C1281/A12014, C5047/A8384, C5047/A15007, C5047/A10692, C8197/A16565), the National Institutes of Health (CA128978) and Post-Cancer GWAS initiative (1U19 CA148537, 1U19 CA148065 and 1U19 CA148112-the GAME-ON initiative), the Department of Defence (W81XWH-10-1-0341), the Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) for the CIHR Team in Familial Risks of Breast Cancer, and Komen Foundation for the Cure, the Breast Cancer Research Foundation, and the Ovarian Cancer Research Fund. The ACP study is funded by the Breast Cancer Research Trust, UK. CBCS is funded by the Canadian Cancer Society (grant #313404) and the Canadian Institutes of Health Research. The HERPACC was supported by MEXT Kakenhi (No. 170150181 and 26253041) from the Ministry of Education, Science, Sports, Culture, and Technology of Japan, by a Grant-in-Aid for the Third Term Comprehensive 10-Year Strategy for Cancer Control from Ministry Health, Labour, and Welfare of Japan, by Health and Labour Sciences Research Grants for Research on Applying Health Technology from Ministry Health, Labour, and Welfare of Japan, by National Cancer Center Research and Development Fund, and "Practical Research for Innovative Cancer Control (15ck0106177h0001)" from Japan Agency for Medical Research and development, AMED, and Cancer Bio Bank Aichi. The KOHBRA study was partially supported by a grant from the Korea Health Technology R&D Project through the Korea Health Industry Development Institute (KHIDI), and the National R&D Program for Cancer Control, Ministry of Health & Welfare, Republic of Korea (HI16C1127; 1020350; 1420190). LAABC is supported by grants (1RB-0287, 3PB-0102, 5PB-0018, 10PB-0098) from the California Breast Cancer Research Program. MYBRCA is funded by research grants from the Malaysian Ministry of Higher Education (UM.C/HlR/MOHE/06) and Cancer Research Malaysia. MYMAMMO is supported by research grants from Yayasan Sime Darby LPGA Tournament and Malaysian Ministry of Higher Education (RP046B-15HTM). The Northern California Breast Cancer Family Registry (NC-BCFR) was supported by grant UM1 CA164920 from the National Cancer Institute (USA). The content of this manuscript does not necessarily reflect the views or policies of the National Cancer Institute or any of the collaborating centers in the Breast Cancer Family Registry (BCFR), nor does mention of trade names, commercial products, or organizations imply endorsement by the USA Government or the BCFR. The NGOBCS was supported by National Cancer Center Research and Development Fund. The SBCGS was supported primarily by NIH grants R01CA64277, R01CA148667, UMCA182910, and R37CA70867. Biological sample preparation was conducted the Survey and Biospecimen Shared Resource, which is supported by P30 CA68485. The scientific development and funding of this project were, in part, supported by the Genetic Associations and Mechanisms in Oncology (GAME-ON) Network U19 CA148065. SEBCS was supported by the BRL (Basic Research Laboratory) program through the National Research Foundation of Korea funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology (2012-0000347). SGBCC is funded by the NUS start-up Grant, National University Cancer Institute Singapore (NCIS) Centre Grant and the NMRC Clinician Scientist Award. Additional controls were recruited by the Singapore Consortium of Cohort Studies-Multi-ethnic cohort (SCCS-MEC), which was funded by the Biomedical Research Council, grant number: 05/1/21/19/425. The TBCS was funded by The National Cancer Institute Thailand. The TWBCS is supported by the Institute of Biomedical Sciences, Academia Sinica, Taiwan.
Maggie's Tour Company Limited is a small enterprise located in Arusha (Tanzania) owned and managed by Maggie Duncan Simbeye, the first Tanzanian woman to own and operate her own tour company. She manages her business with a masterful hand, driven by a strong belief in the importance of respecting and protecting the environment, offering 'responsible travel to natural areas that conserves the environment and improves the well-being of local people'.
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"Researchers frequently experience sexualized interactions, sexual objectification, and harassment as they conduct fieldwork. Nevertheless, these experiences are often left out of ethnographers' "tales from the field" and remain unaddressed within qualitative literature. Harassed argues that the androcentric, racist, and colonialist epistemological foundations of ethnographic methodology contribute to silence surrounding sexual harassment and other forms of violence. The authors challenge readers to recognize how these attitudes put researchers at risk; furthers the solitude experienced by researchers; leads others to question the validity of their work; and, in turn, negatively impacts the construction of ethnographic knowledge. With the intent to improve methodological training, data collection, and knowledge produced by all researchers, Harassed advocates for an embodied approach to ethnography to reflexively engage with the ways that researchers' bodies shape the knowledge they produce. By challenging these assumptions, the authors offer an opportunity for researchers, advisors, and educators to consider the multiplicity of ways good ethnographic research can be conducted"--Provided by publisher
Introduction : European integration and the transformation of masculine rule in the countryside -- Studying masculine rule in the decentered European state -- Masculine rules and their transformation at the European level : the cap and rural development policies -- Rural gender regimes and their transformation in West and East Germany -- Fighting for women's rights in the agricultural welfare state -- Rural development and gender mainstreaming -- Conclusion: transforming masculine rule agendas for future research
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