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As students of politics and political science, we should and we do care about the events which lead to war, instability, and international tension as well as about events which lead to equitable interdependence, integration, peace, improvement of quality of life, reduction of colonialism, and so on. Because we care about these matters, we try to advance procedures and theories about systematizing our observations and improving our skills of analysis. Recent developments in international relations have tended to (a) emphasize the exploration of more specific problems and testing of hypotheses with quantified data and (b) deemphasized the search for general theories of internation behavior. This trend appears to be undergoing slight modification for many reasons. Events contain useful information which permit a student of foreign policy to use events singularly or in the aggregate to study foreign policy outputs and inputs. A student of international systems uses events singularly or in the aggregate to study patterns, structures, and transformation. This research calls for continuously developing models and operational procedures which analyze these phenomena with faster and better numerical precision. The Conflict and Peace Data Bank Project is the contribution of myself, my students, and my colleagues to this effort.

Vesa, U. Finland and the New International Economic Order. Cooperation and Conflict, XIV, 1979, 105-120. Finland's position towards the NIEO issues can be explained by two sets of factors: first, her overall foreign policy 'ideology', which is characterized as an active, peace-seeking policy of neutrality, and secondly, her position in the international system and in the international division of labour. Structurally, Finland has a kind of intermediate position, which allows more room for political and diplomatic manoeuvering than other countries have in discussions concerning global development issues. Due to her intermediate position on the North-South axis, Finland also has similar short-term interests with developing countries in some issues. . Because of these two sets of factors Finland's policy in some phases since 1974 may have come closest to the developing countries. While Finland thus has acquired the image of a progressive capitalist country, her poor record in development assistance has undermined her foreign policy credibility. It can be expected that along with increasing trade and development cooperation with developing countries the role of self-interests becomes a more pronounced background factor also for Finland, whereby her progressive image might further be en dangered.

During the two years I spent as an exchange student in the People's Republic of China, from October 1974 to July 1976, under the auspices of the Sino-Canadian Student Exchange Programme, I was witness to such major political events as the convening of the Fourth National People's Congress, the Dictatorship of the Proletariat Campaign and the Campaign to Criticize Water Margin. This report focuses on the events that occurred in the last 10 months of my stay, and most particularly on the Educational Debate of late 1975, the passing of Chou En-lai, the campaign against Teng Hsiao-p'ing, and the events surrounding the T'ien An Men Incident. My sources include personal observations: in the first few months of 1976 I witnessed the uneven unfolding of the "Educational Debate," and I was in T'ien An Men Square on 3 and 4 April, when the first open attacks against the "Shanghai four" took place, on the eve of the riot of 5 April; material I collected from posters at Peita and in Shanghai; conversations with other foreign and Chinese students; and various contacts with Chinese teachers and officials. I also had contact with some members of the foreign community.

Most people view our current relations with China as a sudden development but actually they were carefully planned and were one of the first orders of business when the Nixon Administration took office. The Administration considered various ways of establishing some mode for direct political contacts which would be more satisfactory than the Warsaw Talks. Those talks had been very productive; they were high-level negotiations. Although we had no diplomatic relations in a legal sense, we had more talks with the Chinese leadership over this ten-year period than did any other country. However, the talks had become stagnant and so we sought new modalities. Many small steps were taken in an effort to convince the Chinese that we were interested in establishing contacts with them, for example, allowing U.S. tourists to bring in more Chinese goods. At the time, only small steps were possible for during the crisis of the Cultural Revolution, with its attacks on foreign embassies, the Chinese were neither willing nor able to expand their foreign contacts. We have now reached the stage of establishing Liaison Offices in Washington and Peking, a step which would have been impossible four years ago.

A recurrent theme in much of the writing on development is
that the prospects for the export of agricultural products from
underdeveloped countries are bleak, and that these countries should,
therefore, concentrate on expanding their exports of manufactures.
Pakistan, too, has not been immune to such thinking, and over the years
the authorities have attempted to stimulate industrial exports through a
wide array of incentive schemes. On the one hand these" took the form of
discouraging agricultural exports by the imposition of export taxes and
by compelling the sale of these products at the official—and overvalued
—exchange rate. On the other hand, the manufacturing sector was given a
much more favourable exchange rate by way of the Export Bonus Scheme,
was permitted to purchase its imported component at an artificially low
rate through the Export Performance Licensing Scheme, and was exempted
from taxation on exports. In addition, businessmen were permitted
foreign exchange at the official rate in order to travel abroad to make
contacts and conduct market surveys, export credit guarantee schemes
were drawn up for manufactured products, while government-financed
participation in foreign trade exhibitions was chiefly designed to
provide a shop window for the products of industry.

The author remarks that the US is virtually alone among the states of the world where a majority are against the admission of Communist Chinaa to the UN. It is true that there has been some change in the past few yrs, but opinion in favor of admission rose from 7% in 1950 to not more than 35% in 1970. But most people think that the US should accept a majority vote of the UN & very few say that the US should withdraw from the UN if the People's Republic of China (PRC) is seated. Out of 110 measurements in 43 foreign countries available to the Public Opinion Quarterly at the present time, 79% of the questions show support for seating the PCR & 21% of the questions show opposition. The bulk of the article consists of tables showing findings of PO polls on this question in the US at diff times & in foreign countries. Opinion in favor of seating the PRC is strongest in Africa, followed by Asia. There is a wide diversity among the European countries, but all countries have strong pluralities, if not majorities, in favor. Opinion in favor is less strong in Latin America. A. Peskin.

Highlights five influential U.S. scholars who helped shape understandings of South America in the early 20th century, showing how Latin American Studies began and how academic knowledge affected foreign policy and helped build an informal American empire. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched. ; Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ; South America as a field of inquiry -- Five traveling scholars -- Research designs of transnational scope -- Yale at Machu Picchu : Hiram Bingham, Peruvian indigenistas, and cultural property -- Hispanic American history at Harvard : Clarence H. Haring and regional history for imperial visibility -- Intellectual cooperation : Leo S. Rowe, democratic government, and the politics of scholarly brotherhood -- Geographic conquest : Isaiah Bowman's view of South America -- Worldly sociology : Edward A. Ross and the societies "South of Panama" -- U.S. scholars and the question of empire. ; Highlights five influential U.S. scholars who helped shape understandings of South America in the early 20th century, showing how Latin American Studies began and how academic knowledge affected foreign policy and helped build an informal American empire. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Interview with Mark Robinson, conducted 17 July 2013 and 8 August 2013 as part of the Commonwealth Oral History Project. The project aims to produce a unique digital research resource on the oral history of the Commonwealth since 1965 through sixty oral history interviews with leading figures in the recent history of the organisation. It will provide an essential research tool for anyone investigating the history of the Commonwealth and will serve to promote interest in and understanding of the organisation. Biography: Robinson, Mark. 1946- . Born in Bristol, England. Educated at the University of Oxford. Special Assistant, United Nations Emergency Relief Operation to Bangladesh. Served the United Nations, New York, in the Office of the Under-Secretary General and the Office of the Secretary General (Kurt Waldheim). Assistant Director, Office of the Commonwealth Secretary General (Sir Shridath Ramphal), 1977-83. Conservative Member of Parliament for Newport West, 1983-87, and Somerton and Frome, 1992-97. Appointed to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee in the government of Margaret Thatcher. Parliamentary Private Secretary to the Minister for Overseas Development and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary. Member of the Board, Commonwealth Development Corporation, 1988-92. Chair, Commonwealth Consortium for Education.

Teniendo en consideración la relevancia del conflicto palestino israelí en la agenda de política internacional global el objetivo primario de este trabajo reside en analizar la política exterior emprendida por la administración De la Rúa frente al mismo durante su breve interregno a cargo de la presidencia argentina.Mientras que el objetivo secundario se funda en analizar los ajustes y continuidades de la política exterior de De la Rúa frente a la contienda en relación con la gestión de su antecesor, Carlos Menem. ; Considering the importance of the palestinian-israeli conflict on the global agenda of international politics the primary objective of this paper is to analyze the foreign policy undertaken by the De la Rua administration in respect to this controversy during his brief interregnum in charge of argentinean presidency. While the secondary objective is based on analyzing the adjustments and continuities of De la Rúa foreign policy as regards the conflict in relation to the administration of his predecessor, Carlos Menem. ; Fil: Fabani, Ornela. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales. Centro de Estudios en Relaciones Internacionales de Rosario; Argentina

Description based on: 1894-95. ; Imprint varies. ; Another edition published in London with title: East India (trade) : review of the trade of India in . ; At head of title: Government of India. Statistical Bureau. ; Reviews for 1945/1946-1946/1947 issued in combined form. ; Reviews for 1913/1914-1945/1946-1946/1947 called 40th-72d/73d issue. ; Vols. for 1917/18 only in, and 1918/19 also in, "Sterling ed." ; Vols. for also numbered issue. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; 1945/1946-1946/1947 published by the Ministry of Commerce of the Republic of India. ; Issued 1884/1885-1893/1895 by the Dept. of Finance and Commerce (called 1889/1890-1893/1894 Finance and Commerce Dept.); 1894/1895-1904/1905, 1913/1914-19 by the Department of Statistics (called 1894/1895/-1898/1899 Statistical Bureau); 1905/1906-1912/1913, 19 -1922/1923 by the Commercial Intelligence Dept. of Commercial Intelligence and Statistics (1938/1939-1939/1940 by Its Statistical Research Branch). ; Supersedes Review of the trade by land of British India with foreign countries and Review of the accounts of the sea-borne foreign trade of British India, issued by the Dept. of Finance and Commerce.

The United States position in the world economy has been changing fundamentally over recent years. The traditional large surplus accumulated through foreign trade disappeared in 1968. Gross capital inflows became as large as the proceeds of exports in that year. And the dollar declined in use as a reserve currency among central banks while its use expanded in private transactions outside the United States. Although the extreme shifts evident in 1968 may exaggerate the more lasting pattern of change, they do point to the need for a basic realignment of United States policies. In balance-of-payments adjustment, emphasis may have to be placed as heavily upon capital transactions as has been customary for trade transactions. The dollar may serve less as a reserve currency and more as an international-transactions currency. The Special Drawing Rights (SDR's) in the International Monetary Fund (IMF) should provide most needed future additions to official reserves. Changes in exchange rates should be expected to occur more frequently, but also in smaller size, to reflect the divergent paths of advance among rapidly expanding countries. United States foreign policies will have to be tailored to the relative shrinkage in the United States economic position within the world economy.

The article presents a few numerical models designed for use in statistical investigations of the impact of political factors upon economic growth in the developing countries. The main assumptions of the models are that economic growth is influenced by (1) the economic level of the country, (2) foreign capital inflow, and (3) political factors. The influence of the economic level of a country is taken into account by using a simple savings function relating per capita savings linearly to GDP per capita. The impact of the political factors is intro duced in the models by letting the savings depend also upon those factors. The value of the contribution of foreign capital inflow to GDP growth is assumed to be a third of the value of the inflow itself. While mainly concerned with methodological proposals, the article also presents an empirical investigation of the importance of the political mobilization of various social groups for economic development, and how political integration influences economic growth. The results of this study suggest that the political mobilization of the lower classes in the devel oping countries may have a positive impact upon the development efforts of these countries.

The Economics of Agricultural Development is an important
book. Throughout the book, Mellor uses economic analysis to organize,
extend, understand, and evaluate the economic facts of the agricultural
sector in a de¬veloping country. He treats agricultural development
within the framework of overall economic growth and highlights the
interaction between agriculture and the rest of the economy.
("Agriculture and Foreign Exchange", for instance, is the title of one
early chapter, "Agriculture and Capital Formation" is the title of
another.) It is not enough, for instance, to show that chemical
fertilizer can have significant influence on agricultural output in a
developing country. It is also necessary to consider alternative uses of
the scarce foreign exchange it requires and alternative uses of
industrial capital. Also it is necessary to decide when to stop
increasing fertilizer supply and turn to other activities. This
essen¬tial integration of agriculture into overall development activity
acts as a useful antidote to the special pleading that tends to surround
sectoral planning for so large and politically powerful a sector as
agriculture and to those economic theorists who ignore this sector,
which produces 50-90 per cent of GNP.

Jurisdiction — Territorial limits of — Foreign confiscatory legislation — Effect on assets situate abroad — Situs of trade — marks and trade names — Effect of expropriation on trade — marks registered in State of forum and trade name in use in State of forum — The law of Norway.Nationality — Acquisition of — Effect on nationality of inhabitants of compulsory naturalization measure passed by Occupation authorities — German Ordinance of 1939 — Effect on nationality of Czech inhabitants.War — Effects of outbreak of — On enemy property and other rights — Post — war legislation providing for taking over of enemy and ex — enemy property — Whether nationalization measure passed in Czechoslovakia in 1945 was legislation of this nature.Recognition of acts of foreign States — Legislative acts — Effect of confiscatory legislation — Partnership business expropriated in Czechoslovakia — Position of trade-marks registered in State of forum — International registration of trade-marks by Czechoslovak National Enterprise substituted for expropriated firm — Use by National Enterprise of trade name of firm in State of forum — Paris Convention for the Protection of Industrial Property, 1925, Article 10 — Whether French company subsequently formed by former partners entitled to sole right to use trade name in State of forum — Effect of delay in seeking remedy — The law of Norway.

In the past decade Africa has been transformed from a vast colonial domain into a continent of independent states. After generations of accepting decisions made by Europeans, African nations feel a strong compulsion to form their own judgments, & to be the active agents of their own history. Nat'lism is the dominant soc & pol'al force. Accordingly, African states will be guided in their internal & external policies by what is best for their own people, development, & future. The African states seek to strengthen their pol'al independence & economies to pursue an independent foreign policy, & to contribute to world peace & security, & to assist the remaining African colonial territories in gaining independence. Trade & aid are critical issues, & the problem is whether the African states will be compelled to develop primarily with their own resources, or whether they will benefit from the advantages of co-operating with the West. Within Africa, foreign policy is directed toward increasing unity & integration. Toward the rest of the world, it is based on nonalignment - which can be considered as refusal to prejudge issues, rather than as reluctance to make judgments. In the future, Africa will be, sui generis, baffling, exciting, & challenging -capable of playing a role proportionate to her size & the genius of her people. AA.