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Aus polnischer Sicht

The Beginning of a Post-Communist Era in Albania, by Thomas Schreiber
The parliamentary elections held on 22nd March 1992 effectively ended 45 years of communist party rule. Two weeks later, Ramiz Alia, the chosen successor of Enver Hodja, founder of the Stalinist regime, resigned his post as Président in favour of Sali Berisha, leader of the democratie opposition. For several years, Ramiz Alia had sought normal relations with the outside world without relinquishing his monopoly on power. By 1990, popular discontent forced him to institute several reforms, but these came too late to avoid the rise of a strong opposition force. The early post communist era is fraught with difficulty. The new leadership has to reestablish order and rebuild the economy if anarchy is to be avoided, and if Albania is not to pose yet another threat to the already fragile stability of the Balkans.

A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) argues that principles of liberal democracy & democratic pluralism work only if they match extant political, sociological, & cultural realities. Problems with Anglo-Saxon analyses of postcommunism are delineated, noting that the central tension in the context of liberal pluralism is the relationship between individual & collective identities. Collective identities may delimit individual choice & be coercive in terms of cognitions, but they are structurally universal despite vast content variations. Regarding the acceptance of collective identities, ie, ethnic groups, as legitimate, the character of ethnicity is explored, along with the persistence of ethnic identities. Attention turns to the role of political institutions & cultural reproduction, highlighting issues related to the state & contending that in Central & Southeastern Europe there has been little purchase for liberal pluralism during & after communism. In addition, why postcommunist civil society has been unable to meet its democratizing responsibility is considered, asserting that differences between established democracies & postcommunist states make direct comparisons useless. The relevance of native rule & the placement of political elites in the grounding of first- & second-order rules governing the exercise of power are seen as reasons behind liberal democracy's development in Western Europe. The dysfunction of second-order rules in postcommunist states is then addressed. In closing, the idea of a double standard vis-a-vis Western views of democracy & human rights enforcement in postcommunist states is briefly touched on. J. Zendejas

A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) argues that principles of liberal democracy & democratic pluralism work only if they match extant political, sociological, & cultural realities. Problems with Anglo-Saxon analyses of postcommunism are delineated, noting that the central tension in the context of liberal pluralism is the relationship between individual & collective identities. Collective identities may delimit individual choice & be coercive in terms of cognitions, but they are structurally universal despite vast content variations. Regarding the acceptance of collective identities, ie, ethnic groups, as legitimate, the character of ethnicity is explored, along with the persistence of ethnic identities. Attention turns to the role of political institutions & cultural reproduction, highlighting issues related to the state & contending that in Central & Southeastern Europe there has been little purchase for liberal pluralism during & after communism. In addition, why postcommunist civil society has been unable to meet its democratizing responsibility is considered, asserting that differences between established democracies & postcommunist states make direct comparisons useless. The relevance of native rule & the placement of political elites in the grounding of first- & second-order rules governing the exercise of power are seen as reasons behind liberal democracy's development in Western Europe. The dysfunction of second-order rules in postcommunist states is then addressed. In closing, the idea of a double standard vis-a-vis Western views of democracy & human rights enforcement in postcommunist states is briefly touched on. J. Zendejas

As the French know only too well, political leadership split between a president and a prime minister from different sides of the political spectrum can make for a rough ride. Even so, the clash at the summit of Romania between the conservative president Traian Basescu and the social democrat prime minister Victor Ponta reached mind-boggling levels during the summer of 2012. The two men and their respective entourages unleashed a volley of fierce insults, each accusing the other of trying to take total control of the country's institutions. Luckily, following a series of elections that ended in a draw - Basescu survived a referendum to remove him before Ponta's party won the legislative elections - the belligerents ultimately worked out a modus vivendi. In this exclusive interview, Victor Renta affirms that the conflict that pitted him against the president is over and outlines his objectives for the coming years. Things seem to be returning, at last, to a modicum of normalcy. Adapted from the source document.