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Despite the wide repository of knowledge about conflict-related sexual violence that now exists, there remains a lack of understanding about how victims/survivors of such violence themselves make sense of and frame their experiences in conversation with global and local discourses and with the categorisations that underpin support programmes. Such sense-making is important not only because the ways in which violence is categorised shape a victim/survivor's ability to access particular forms of recognition and support, but also because it is central in how shattered selves and worlds are remade in the aftermath of violence. Drawing on individual and group interviews conducted with refugees living in Kampala, Uganda, this article charts how framings of 'torture' and 'sexual violence' become meaningful in participants' accounts in the (re)formation of themselves as subjects after violent victimisation. We trace how participants navigate the heteronormative societal and legal norms that shape their subjectivity and the effects of the violence they experienced through the deeply gendered and political work that these terms do in their narratives. Our analysis thus highlights and reminds us to pay attention to the political stakes involved in fluid processes of categorising injury.

It is assumed that voters blame incumbents for poor economic performance but give credit when the economy is strong. A huge literature shows the impact of economic indicators and economic perceptions on vote choice and presidential popularity, but there is precious little research on whether public perceptions match economic reality. We propose a novel comparison of perceptions with performance by utilizing the Gallup Poll "most important" problem question. The average percentage that mentions unemployment, inflation, and the general economy over each presidential term from 1949 to 2008 is compared against the Presidential Economic Scorecard. The public correctly perceived unemployment and the general economy as salient national problems, but not inflation, and we speculate on why public perceptions do not correspond to actual inflation rates.

It is assumed that voters blame incumbents for poor economic performance but give credit when the economy is strong. A huge literature shows the impact of economic indicators and economic perceptions on vote choice and presidential popularity, but there is precious little research on whether public perceptions match economic reality. We propose a novel comparison of perceptions with performance by utilizing the Gallup Poll "most important" problem question. The average percentage that mentions unemployment, inflation, and the general economy over each presidential term from 1949 to 2008 is compared against the Presidential Economic Scorecard. The public correctly perceived unemployment and the general economy as salient national problems, but not inflation, and we speculate on why public perceptions do not correspond to actual inflation rates. Adapted from the source document.

The interest group and social movement mobilizations to remove the Confederate flag, which had been flying since 1962, from atop the South Carolina State Capitol dome provides an instance where large, issue‐specific coalitions successfully expanded the scope of a conflict and framed an issue in a universalistic discourse of inclusive citizenship. The groups and movements seeking to keep the flag on the dome of the capitol experienced cascading defections in part based on a narrow vision of history, the political context, and goals for the future. Based on seventeen in‐depth interviews with interest group activists; key members of the South Carolina legislature: and educational, religious, and business leaders active in the issue along with observations at five pro and anti‐flag demonstrations and rallies, this study seeks to explain how the effort to remove the Confederate flag was partially successful. The analysis includes media attention from 1962 to 2000 in South Carolina regarding the Confederate flag and public opinion on the flag over time. Prior interest group work helped prepare the terrain for the mobilizing effects of several galvanizing events—the NAACP tourism boycott and national media attention during the highly contested 2000 Republican primary in the state, which in turn pressured institutions—parties, the legislature, and the governor—to respond. The struggle was an instance of applied philosophy.

The interest group & social movement mobilizations to remove the Confederate flag, which had been flying since 1962, from atop the South Carolina State Capitol dome provides an instance where large, issue-specific coalitions successfully expanded the scope of a conflict & framed an issue in a universalistic discourse of inclusive citizenship. The groups & movements seeking to keep the flag on the dome of the capitol experienced cascading defections in part based on a narrow vision of history, the political context, & goals for the future. Based on 17 in-depth interviews with interest group activities, key members of the South Carolina legislature, & education, religious, & business leaders active in the issue along with observations at five pro- & anti-flag demonstrations & rallies, this study seeks to explain how the effort to remove the Confederate flag was partially successful. The analysis includes media attention from 1962 to 2000 in South Carolina regarding the Confederate flag & public opinion on the flag over time. Prior interest group work helped prepare the terrain for the mobilizing effects of several galvanizing events -- the NAACP tourism boycott & national media attention during the highly contested 2000 Republican primary in the state, which in turn pressure institutions -- parties, the legislature, & the governor -- to respond. The struggle was an instance of applied philosophy. 1 Figure, 2 Appendixes, 57 References. Adapted from the source document.