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The aim of the essay is to examine the mechanism that rules the World Wide Web and the new frontier of communication, the Online Social Network, in reference to the repercussion that this new media have on the politic and social sphere. The so called Big Data Revolution has deeply changed the propaganda in the post-democratic era and the way to shape the public opinion via the control and the profiling of emotions. I will start from the Cambridge Analytica scandal, denounced by the Guardian and Channel 4, in order to underline the dynamics that rule the Internet concerning the risk of a new digital totalitarianism. I will discuss the role of strategies such as gamification, profiling and psychological targeting in their biopolitical relevance as means of mass control. At the end of the paper, I compare this new form of digital totalitarianism to the previous totalitarian forms and I examine the new media's role in shaping a new kind of mass-individuals via the control of passions.

L'accoglienza dei richiedenti protezione internazionale rappresenta un fenomeno complesso e frequentemente oggetto di polemiche politiche e mediatiche, a causa della scarsa o parziale conoscenza che spesso si ha della questione. Il presente scritto si propone di analizzare il sistema di accoglienza ad oggi vigente in Italia, partendo dall'esame della normativa europea in materia di protezione internazionale. Essa, sviluppatasi alla fine degli anni novanta, si configura come il punto di riferimento delle legislazioni in materia di asilo dei vari Stati membri, compresa l'Italia. Prima dell'intervento europeo, infatti, la normativa italiana relativa alla protezione internazionale era decisamente carente e, pur con le importanti modifiche apportate negli ultimi anni, è tuttora assente una legge organica sul diritto di asilo che racchiuda in unico testo i provvedimenti attualmente in vigore. Conclusa l'analisi giuridica, si proseguirà osservando l'evoluzione storica dell'accoglienza dei richiedenti asilo in Italia, con particolare attenzione alle soluzioni messe in campo a partire dagli anni novanta fino all'Emergenza Nord Africa del 2011. Infine, si concluderà esaminando il sistema ad oggi operativo, alla luce dei recenti emendamenti, osservandone le varie fasi, le strutture di accoglienza e le principali criticità.

Brazil has been the first developing country challenging and winning an economic dispute on agricultural issue against the United State of America (USA). This thesis is a case study of the Cotton Dispute at the Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) of the World Trade Organisation (WTO). The Cotton Dispute was initiated by Brazil due to certain protectionist subsidies that the USA had on cotton. The study took as a starting point the Brazilian domestic inequality and the presence of a strong agribusiness sector, and it focused on who lied behind the Brazilian victory at the WTO. The aim was to analyse the role of a strong Brazilian cotton association, ABRAPA, in order to understand whether they had influenced the Brazilian WTO policy. ABRAPA is the Brazilian Cotton Growers Association. The analysis followed Putnam's theoretical framework and was carried in two levels, the domestic and international levels. In addition, Putnam's theory was integrated with Lukes's first dimension of power. At the national level ABRAPA played a role in influencing the Brazilian WTO policy by the use of economic, technical, and legal capacities. These represent the association's potential power in influencing the WTO policy. At the international level, ABRAPA's role was given by its successful contribution in the dispute. The DSB found in fact that the US subsidies were not conformed to the WTO agreement. However, the study found that ABRAPA's influence to the Brazilian WTO policy can be understood only in cooperation with the Brazilian Government. ABRAPA and the Government were, in this study, the Brazilian domestic constituency and they had shared economic interests. The interests at stake also contributed in understanding why what started as a dispute in the WTO, ended in a bilateral negotiation. The bilateral negotiation resulted favouring not only the USA, but also ABRAPA and the Government on the Brazilian side. ABRAPA played a role in widening the Brazilian domestic win-set and facilitated the ratification of the bilateral negotiation. ; M-IR