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Abstract
The Wisconsin Idea is a widely acclaimed late nineteenth-century vision for Wisconsin higher education that promotes democratic engagement, the search for truth, and developing knowledge of importance to Wisconsin citizens. While the Wisconsin Idea is often celebrated as an enduring feature of public higher education in Wisconsin, this paper points to a myriad of cultural, economic, and political forces that have reshaped its meaning. Among these forces, fragmenting purposes of higher education, globalization, and changes in state political culture have edited understandings of the Wisconsin Idea in ways that have eliminated its moral and democratic purposes. These shifts that occurred throughout the twentieth century and early twenty-first mirror changes in the broader American higher education landscape. Ultimately, such changes have resulted in divided lives among students, faculty, staff, and administrators that seek wholeness, connection, and deep civic purposes in their work. This paper retraces the Wisconsin Idea's history and concludes with a discussion about ways in which its early notions might be revived to inspire new thinking about higher education's role in society.

The purpose of this article is to ensure free, fair and credible election by adopting electoral reformation, switch from `Winner Take All" (WTA) to Proportional Representation (PR) system. In Bangladesh the election process and election result both have been questioned. Nevertheless, election is one of the key components in ensuring democracy. Particularly the free, fair and credible election is one of the basic and crucial prerequisites and elements of democratic government and governance. Bangladesh, we found an under developed political culture, lack of democratic political organizations, institutions and practices in true sense. All these indicators have been almost failed to institutionalize democracy in Bangladesh. In this backdrop, this paper attempts to explain that, a switch from the current Winner Takes All (WTA) system to Proportional Representation (PR) system can reshape the election system by keeping consistency, because of the fact that the democracy means the rule of the majority but the minority can't be uprooted as well as Proportional Representation (PR) method can help stabilize democracy in Bangladesh.

In 2010 Colombia experienced an unexpected surge in acid attacks against women, and from 2010–2014, it had more acid attacks per capita than any other country in the world. No other form of violent crime in the country demonstrated such a spike. What explains this unusual variation in violence? I argue that this unique pattern of violence was made sensible by the 2005–2011 nation-building campaignColombia Is Passionthat redefined the enduring violence plaguing the country as men's misunderstood passion for beautiful women. By valorizing violence toward women and making women's membership in the nation contingent upon their beauty, the campaign created an affective economy under which acid attacks became both intelligible and effective in producing social death and national ostracization. In this paper, I have denaturalized violence against women and suggest that political scientists might do more to explain important variations of violence outside of armed conflict. Finally, I demonstrate the explanatory power of interpretive studies of political culture, national identity, and public emotion in structuring the meaning and patterns of violence.

The construction of cultural identity is a very complex issue and is affected by many factors, one of which is education. To make Chinese people acknowledge their own political civilization and cultural tradition, after the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, the Chinese education departments integrated Marxist education by using Chinese language courses in junior-senior high schools (JSHSs) as a medium. To achieve such integration, Chinese language courses must teach language knowledge while disseminating Marxism. A large number of works with Sinicized Marxism content was included in textbooks and interpreted according to relevant theories. Additionally, teachers of Chinese language courses must have high literacy regarding Marxist theory. Judging from the current social reality, the Chinese language courses in China's JSHSs have prompted the adherence, identification and internalization of Marxism among JSHS students since the founding of the People's Republic of China and have laid the foundation for the formation of a socio-political culture guided by Marxism in the general public.

State preemption of local policymaking has attracted increasing attention from scholars, public officials, and citizens, as states have prevented local governments from boosting the minimum wage, regulating firearms, and barring certain forms of discrimination, among other policies. Although scholars have examined the legal dimensions of state preemption and analyzed preemption in specific areas, we lack a comprehensive account of which states have adopted preemption laws and why some states are more active than others in adopting them. Using a dataset drawing on preemption legislation in seventeen policy areas, we test support for competing explanations for variation in adoption of state preemption measures. Our general conclusion is that political factors are more significant than institutional features in explaining state preemption activity. More specifically, and consistent with expectations, we find preemption measures are more likely to be adopted by Republican-controlled states. We also find that legislative professionalism, political culture, and home-rule status are correlated with the prevalence of preemption measures.

AbstractThe introductory essay to this special double issue on "Repossessing Property in South Asia: Land, Rights and Law Across the Early Modern/Modern Divide" reviews existing historical scholarship on land control and proprietary right in the Indian subcontinent in order to contextualize the contribution made by the articles that follow. Dividing earlier writings—by historians and anthropologists since the 1950s—into three phases/thematics, the introduction shows how work on South Asia has long grappled with property both as a material relation and as an alien cultural category. Making the case that we must think about property's conceptual history as being necessitated by more than just the critique of Eurocentrism, the essay clarifies how the articles that follow both continue and extend past discussion. Overall, it argues that by providing integrated perspectives on property's materialandideational dimensions, our articles will be illuminating both to scholars of Afro-Asia and those interested in law, political economy and political culture more generally.

Latin America is a vast region that spread at southside of USA, from Mexico to Chile. Dominated by Catholicism, this region maintains its social and political culture inheritaged from 16th century. But by the 21st century Catholicism was challenged by the new religion. Islam is the majority religion in the Middle East and Asia slowly emerged and gets a lot of followers in Latin America. Using the qualitative analisys and library research, it is found that this religion is growing quite rapidly because of its honest and anti violence followers, as well as to be known as a religion of peace and tolerance. In today politics, religion is no longer just a private matter, it is a public concern and both are interrelated and in uence each other. Islam as the religion of minority plays a signi cant role in Latin America, including maintaining stability of society, so as the economy. Prominent Muslims also pay some political support albeit in a small scale, equals to its position as a minority.

This essay aims to explore the attempt to organize a socialist movement by integrating the national component to its ideology. The project sought to materialize around the figure of Alfredo L. Palacios, after his expulsion of the party. The new program could put into question the political culture of the argentinian socialism, at a time when it was consolidated in the political system of the country. However, the new identity failed to materialize into a lasting organization. These pages explores the reasons. ; Este trabajo se propone estudiar la tentativa de organizar un movimiento socialista integrando el componente nacional a su ideario. El proyecto se materializó en torno a la figura de Alfredo L. Palacios, luego de su salida del PS. El nuevo programa podía poner en entredicho la cultura política del socialismo argentino, en un momento en que éste consolidaba su presencia en el sistema político. Sin embargo, la nueva identidad no logró cuajar en una organización duradera. Estas páginas exploran las razones.

This article reconsiders traditional assumptions about the connection between the First World War and the rise of National Socialism in Germany, according to which politically radicalised war veterans joined the Freikorps after the war and formed the backbone of the Nazi membership and electorate. In questioning this view, the article first traces the political paths of actual veterans' organisations. Whereas the largest veterans' organisations were not politically active, the most distinctive ones – Reichsbanner and Stahlhelm – were not primarily responsible for a 'brutalisation' or radicalisation of Weimar political culture. Their definitions of 'veteran' and 'front experience' implicitly excluded the so-called 'war youth generation' from their narrative. Secondly, it is shown how representatives of this younger generation, lacking actual combat experience but moulded by war propaganda, determined the collective imagination of the First World War. The direct connection between the First World War and National Socialism can therefore primarily be found in the continuity of public and cultural imagination of war and of 'war veterans', and much less so in actual membership overlaps between veterans' and Nazi movements.

The factors that influenced the establishment of representative and legislative authorities inYugoslavia in the early 1990s of XX century were analyzed. The main stages of the development ofparliamentarism in the post-Yugoslav space are highlighted. A brief overview of the key features ofmodern parliaments in the countries of the former Yugoslavia is given, as well as their role inlegitimizing of the existing political regimes and rooting of the democratic political culture isanalyzed. ; Проанализированы факторы, повлиявшие на становление институтов представительнойи законодательной власти в Югославии в начале 90-х гг. ХХ в. Выделены основные этапыразвития парламентаризма на постюгославском пространстве. Дается краткий обзоросновных характеристик современных парламентов в странах бывшей Югославии, их роли влегитимации существующих политических режимов и укоренении демократическойполитической культуры. ; Проаналізовано чинники, що мали вплив на становлення інститутів представницької та законодавчої влади в Югославії на початку 90-х рр. ХХ ст. Виокремлено основні етапи розвитку парламентаризму на постюгославському просторі. Дається стислий огляд основних характеристик сучасних парламентів у країнах колишньої Югославії, їх ролі в легітимації існуючих політичних режимів та укоріненні демократичної політичної культури.

The factors that influenced the establishment of representative and legislative authorities inYugoslavia in the early 1990s of XX century were analyzed. The main stages of the development ofparliamentarism in the post-Yugoslav space are highlighted. A brief overview of the key features ofmodern parliaments in the countries of the former Yugoslavia is given, as well as their role inlegitimizing of the existing political regimes and rooting of the democratic political culture isanalyzed. ; Проанализированы факторы, повлиявшие на становление институтов представительнойи законодательной власти в Югославии в начале 90-х гг. ХХ в. Выделены основные этапыразвития парламентаризма на постюгославском пространстве. Дается краткий обзоросновных характеристик современных парламентов в странах бывшей Югославии, их роли влегитимации существующих политических режимов и укоренении демократическойполитической культуры. ; Проаналізовано чинники, що мали вплив на становлення інститутів представницької та законодавчої влади в Югославії на початку 90-х рр. ХХ ст. Виокремлено основні етапи розвитку парламентаризму на постюгославському просторі. Дається стислий огляд основних характеристик сучасних парламентів у країнах колишньої Югославії, їх ролі в легітимації існуючих політичних режимів та укоріненні демократичної політичної культури.

This article confirms that the decision of Nahdlatul Wathan organization not to engage in the field of practical politics cannot be separated from the fact that a number of the organization's members do the opposite. Hence, such contradic-tion may lead to a conflict of interest between the organization's missions, which are to solely focus on three main domains of activities: education, social transfor-mation, and dakwah islamiyah, with a number of practically engaging members in politics who may take advantage of their Nahdlatul Wathan organizational posi-tion to raise voters. Apart from their mission statement, Nahdlatul Wathan al-ways takes a strategic position in the political culture of West Nusa Tenggara. This can be observed from three aspects: (1) the supported political party, (2) the owned social capital and (3) the massive organization's role. Based on these three aspects, the Nahdlatul Wathan and a number of its members always participate in assuming legislative and executive powers.

Die moderne Welt ist von einer Krise politischer Freiheit bedroht. Diese Diagnose Hegels bildet eine denkwürdige Konstante seiner Philosophie. Hegels Kritik gilt dabei der bürgerlich-liberalen Verfasstheit der modernen politischen Kultur, die das Versprechen, Freiheit und Gleichheit zu verwirklichen, uneingelöst lässt oder gar ins Gegenteil verkehrt: Freiheit des Einzelnen wird ununterscheidbar von einem Selbstermächtigungsanspruch, während die Gleichheit in die Nivellierung aller Unterschiede umschlägt. -- Die vorliegende Studie rekonstruiert diese Diagnose Hegels und verbindet die politisch-rechtliche Reflexion mit freiheitstheoretischen Erörterungen zum Verhältnis von Sozialität und Individualität. Der Schlüssel zu Hegels Diagnose wird dabei in seiner Kritik des Legalismus der Kantischen Moralphilosophie gesucht. Hinter der Kritik eröffnet sich die Perspektive auf mögliche Auswege aus der bürgerlich-liberalen Verfasstheit der politischen Kultur. Methodisch setzt dies allerdings voraus, dass das vernunftrechtliche in ein historisch-genealogisches Denken überführt wird. / »Public Freedom and Individuality« – Modernity is marked by a crisis of political freedom. In providing this diagnosis, Hegel locates this crisis in the heart of the bourgeois-liberal political culture itself: Individual freedom here turns into a claim to self-empowerment while equality expresses itself as the levelling of all differences. The key to this diagnosis lies in Hegel's critique of the legalistic frame of the Kantian moral philosophy. Turning away from legalism means leaving the rational law doctrine behind in favor of a historical genealogy of normativity

This article offers a revision of the interpretations tending to minimize the influence of Krausism in Cuba, by extending the usual field of the Cuban history of ideas to the analysis of legal and political ideas during the second half of the nineteenth century. This approach reveals the strong impact Krausism had on 1860s reformists and 1880s autonomists, and consequently on the regenerative political culture that was to affect the Cuban Republic. ; El presente texto propone una revisión de las interpretaciones tendentes a minimizar la influencia del krausismo en Cuba, ampliando el campo habitual de la historia de las ideas cubana al análisis de las ideas jurídicas y políticas de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX. Este enfoque permite detectar un fuerte impacto del krausismo tanto en los reformistas de los años 1860 como en los autonomistas de los años 1880, y por ende en la cultura política regeneradora que más tarde se proyecta en la República.

In New Zealand's 2014 general election, a series of opinion polls demonstrated that the public was greatly concerned about inequality, poverty and "the wealth gap". Other work conducted that year indicated significant support for raising the minimum wage. In the actual election, however, the parties who campaigned most strongly on those issues (Labour, the Greens and Mana) achieved historically horrific results. Clearly, even when such issues are seen as important, other factors remain salient as people make their political choices. This paper offers insights into some of those "other factors". Drawing on survey, interview and focus group work conducted in 2014, and adopting Boltanski and Thévenot's (2006) typology of the 'grammars of justification' employed in public debates, it focuses on the structures of argumentation that elite and lay actors draw on as they advance claims. The paper concludes that New Zealand's pragmatic-positivist political culture privileges arguments that appeal to 'market forces' and the constraints imposed by 'external forces'.