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AbstractIn Armenian-Turkish relations, politics reached a breakthrough in October 2009 with the signing of the Swiss-mediated protocols, whereby it was agreed to open the common borders and establish diplomatic relations. This outcome generally met with great praise internationally. However, as there was also strong domestic and international resistance to the rapprochement, the process soon stalled and the protocols were suspended. Politics failed. In such a situation, is it possible for social organisations to step in and press the process ahead? Stressing the economic advantages of a further rapprochement, MÜSİAD, as an influential entrepreneurs' association in Turkey, is in favour of amelioration of Armenian-Turkish relations and an opening of the borders. Yet, it is also positioned at the junction of political Islam and political economics and, thus, might have reservations against Turkey's Christian neighbour. As the situation is complex, there are various factors influencing the stance of this interest group towards the issue: its view of historical questions, its role vis-à-vis the institutions of political Islam, the economic entanglement within the region, and the Turkish-Azerbaijani relations. Relations with Azerbaijan Republic seem to be particularly relevant in this matter. Azerbaijan reacted negatively to the protocols because it wants to isolate Armenia and thus stifle the latter's military help to the enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh, a region that declared its independence in 1992. The strong economic connections between Turkey and Azerbaijan Republic and, more importantly, the linguistic and religious bonds between the two countries pushed MÜSİAD into a pro-Azerbaijani stance and simultaneously pulled it away from the peace process with Armenia. MÜSİAD's close bonds to the conservative-religious AKP-government of Turkey, which was one of the signatories of the protocols, explain this reaction even more. It is, thus, not the cultural-religious differences with Armenia, but the close relationship to Azerbaijan Republic, which governs the process. In addition, seeing as MÜSİAD regards the Armenian genocide claims categorically as unjustified and false, viewing them solely as malevolent interferences of foreign powers in the Turkish interests, one has to conclude that the organisation is only limitedly capable of changing the course of Turkey's relations with Armenia. Hence, the one-sided approach to historical questions and the close Turkish-Azerbaijani relations with their economic and cultural implications collide with the organisation's explicit objective to improve relations with Armenia.

The article examines the problems of the legal construction of state unitary enterprises and evaluates the contribution of Professor S. M. Korneev to its justification. The article reveals the history of the formation and the essence of the construction of a state enterprise based on the right of operational management (economic management) in domestic civil law. The disadvantages of this design are noted, consisting in the splitting of property rights for the same property between two entities (the state and the enterprise). The role of S. M. Korneev in substantiating the construction of the law of operational management is shown. The dual nature of the powers of the state in relation to the state-owned enterprises created by it is revealed, consisting not only of the property rights of the owner in relation to the property assigned to the enterprise, but also of organizational and managerial powers in relation to the enterprise itself as a legal entity. The reasons for the gradual abandonment of the construction of a state unitary enterprise based on the right of economic management in the present period are analyzed, among which are the loss of the importance of state ownership as the basis of economic relations, the shortcomings of the construction of the right of economic management itself, which is essentially a variation of "split property", the need to develop competition. At the same time, the main reason for the "dying out" of the design of unitary enterprises is its replacement by the modern theory of corporate management relations that arise between the founder-owner and the unitary legal entity created by him (state enterprise). The conclusion is made about the meaninglessness of the powers of the state as the owner of the property of a state enterprise and about the performance of the corresponding functions by the "managerial" corporate powers of the state as the sole founder of a state legal entity.

The article is devoted to the problems of legal support of relations in the field of communication. The current state of legal support of relations in the field of communication is highlighted and steps are taken to develop directions for its improvement. The emphasis is on the fact that increasing the role and importance of the communication industry in all spheres of society and public administration requires improvement of the legislation of Ukraine in this area. The article analyzes the processes of adaptation of Ukrainian legislation to EU law and concludes that today there is a way to approximate Ukrainian legislation to EU law in the field of communications (electronic telecommunications and postal services) to eliminate systemic misunderstandings, optimize the development and adoption of relevant sectoral bills and ensuring integration into global information and telecommunications networks, active investment in the communications industry. Emphasis is placed on the impact of digitalization on all spheres of society and the rapid development of global informatization, which has led to the need to improve the legal regulation of relations between government, business entities and civil society institutions. According to the results of the study, it is concluded that the impact of the Internet on all public relations and the introduction of information and communication technologies in all spheres of public life and digitalization in general is the basis for the emergence of new legal relations that require special regulation. It was concluded that in order to combat cybercrime, it is necessary to intensify cooperation between many institutions, both universal and regional. At the same time, the competencies of the relevant institutions are mostly duplicated, which reduces the effectiveness of cooperation between states in the fight against cybercrime. Mechanisms to combat cybercrime are created in the absence of special regulation. ; Статтю присвячено проблемам правового забезпечення відносин у галузі ...

This study follows the trajectory of the category of "intercultural relations", both an academic and a public policy category. It analyses, in the French context, its first formulations in the beginnings of the 1960's, its various forms of institutionalization along the 1980's and describes its progressive invisibilization until the 2000's. This study investigates the way different actors use this category in a scientific, administrative or political way in order to consider the presence of immigrants in the French society. The mobilization of this category led these sociologists, educationalists and civil servants to rethink the immigration phenomenon. Instead of looking at the dynamics of social classes or with an assimilationist view, they put the cultural dimension of immigrant workers' presence in France at the heart of the analysis. At the centre of this study lies the analysis of the emergence of this scientific category coined via critical knowledge and used as a reforming public policy category which targets representations of a so-called "racist French public opinion". The investigation is carried out at the crossroads of socio-historical analysis of a category and the study of the construction of policy problems. It is based on (partly unreleased) archives of public organizations, depending from the Ministry of social affairs, in charge of implementing insertion policies and promoting intercultural relations. This study also relies on the grey literature produced both by the main promoters of this cause, and various State agencies as well as interviews with both kinds of actors. These empirical data are examined through two approaches: first the analysis of the relations between knowledge and public policy; and second, the relations between organisations and public policy. The thesis shows that the idealistic dimension of this category promoting a harmonious management of intercultural relations has not been present very long in the government'' agenda. However, this category has been used as a ...

The aim of this article is to propose a framework for analysis to introduce the reader to the debate on public, private and social associative relations (RaPPS), proposed by the author as an instrument of change in public management. Based on the tendency of governments to act in a network, the RaPPS allow governments to enhance the relational capacities of their public administrations, in the provision of their services or even in some of the phases of the public policy process. In the article, it is tried to give some clues that characterize an associative relation, of a traditional public-private association. In exploring three municipal cases of associative relations, two in Mexico and one in Chile, the reader is drawn to the attributes that were identified in the three types of associative relations between government, civil society and business, in order to contribute inputs to their own reflection. The application of techniques of observation, interviews and documentary review allowed gathering evidence about the complexity in the functioning of associative relations and the barriers of sustainability that they face. It proposes the existence of three types of RaPPS: a) deliberative, b) corporate and c) participatory. ; El objetivo del artículo es proponer un marco de análisis para introducir al lector al debate de las relaciones asociativas pública, privada y social (RaPPS), propuestas por el autor como instrumento de cambio en la gestión pública. Con base en la tendencia de los gobiernos para actuar en red, las RaPPS permiten a los gobiernos potenciar las capacidades relacionales de sus administraciones públicas, en la prestación de sus servicios o incluso en alguna de las fases del proceso de política pública. En el artículo, se pretende dar algunas pistas que caractericen una relación asociativa, de una tradicional asociación público- privado. Al explorar tres casos municipales de relaciones asociativas, dos en México y uno en Chile, se dibuja al lector los atributos que se identificaron en los tres ...

This study follows the trajectory of the category of "intercultural relations", both an academic and a public policy category. It analyses, in the French context, its first formulations in the beginnings of the 1960's, its various forms of institutionalization along the 1980's and describes its progressive invisibilization until the 2000's. This study investigates the way different actors use this category in a scientific, administrative or political way in order to consider the presence of immigrants in the French society. The mobilization of this category led these sociologists, educationalists and civil servants to rethink the immigration phenomenon. Instead of looking at the dynamics of social classes or with an assimilationist view, they put the cultural dimension of immigrant workers' presence in France at the heart of the analysis. At the centre of this study lies the analysis of the emergence of this scientific category coined via critical knowledge and used as a reforming public policy category which targets representations of a so-called "racist French public opinion". The investigation is carried out at the crossroads of socio-historical analysis of a category and the study of the construction of policy problems. It is based on (partly unreleased) archives of public organizations, depending from the Ministry of social affairs, in charge of implementing insertion policies and promoting intercultural relations. This study also relies on the grey literature produced both by the main promoters of this cause, and various State agencies as well as interviews with both kinds of actors. These empirical data are examined through two approaches: first the analysis of the relations between knowledge and public policy; and second, the relations between organisations and public policy. The thesis shows that the idealistic dimension of this category promoting a harmonious management of intercultural relations has not been present very long in the government'' agenda. However, this category has been used as a ...

Why Pearl Harbor? / John H. Maurer And Erik Goldstein -- Constructing A Liberal International Order: David Lloyd George And Peacemaking / Erik Goldstein -- Return To Great Power Competition: Imperial Japan's Rejection Of The Washington System / Peter Mauch -- Tasting Gall: Chiang Kai-shek And China's War With Japan / Grant F. Rhode -- Winston Churchill And The Gathering Storm In Asia / John H. Maurer -- FDR And America's Road To War In The Pacific / Walter A. Mcdougall -- Igniting The U.S.-Japan War 1941 / Richard B. Frank -- Chinese Views Of Future Warfare In The Indo-Pacific: First Strike And U.S. Forward Bases In Japan / Toshi Yoshihara.

From the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations to the NATO International Staff and the European External Action Service, international bureaucrats make decisions that affect life and death. In carrying out their functions, these officials not only facilitate the work of the member states, but also pursue their own distinct agendas. This book analyzes how states seek to control secretariats when it comes to military operations by international organizations. It introduces an innovative theoretical framework that identifies different types of control mechanisms. The book presents six empirical chapters on the UN, NATO, and EU secretariats. It provides new data from a unique dataset and in-depth interviews. It shows that member states employ a wide range of control mechanisms to reduce the potential loss of influence. They frequently forfeit the gains of delegation to avoid becoming dependent on the work of secretariats. Yet while states invest heavily in control, this book also argues that they cannot benefit from the services of secretariats and keep full control over outcomes in international organizations. In their delegation and control decisions, states face trade-offs and have to weigh different cost categories: the costs of policy, administrative capacity, and agency loss. This book will be of interest to scholars, postgraduates, and officials in international organizations and national governments, dealing with questions of international political economy, security studies, and military affairs.--

This book looks at the legacy of the 1998-99 Kosovo crisis for European security affairs. It examines the debates about the nature and justification of intervention in the affairs of sovereign states. It also considers the impact of the crisis on NATO and on relations between western states and Russia both during and since Kosovo. Well-known 'facts' are critically assessed and challenged. The authors argue, for example, that the NATO attacks on Serbia were not a 'war', nor did the crisis directly lead to moves to endow the European Union with its own military dimension. The authors also look at key issues and debates that have, so far, often been neglected. They consider the difficulties of entrenching 'western' norms and values in areas where ethnic conceptions of national identity are dominant. They also place the Kosovo crisis in the context of the long-term evolution of a transatlantic 'community of values' between Europe and North America.

This paper examines the difficult relations between the biggest Asian states and the most populous countries in the world: China and India. Starting from the historical experiences of crisis and war, the study is focusing on the strategic culture and on the decision-makers' visions on their own state and the other one. In spite of the fact that both countries have peaceful official doctrines and try to normalize their relations, People Republic of China's spectacular rise in power, its assertiveness concerning the borders, the support for Pakistan and some more or less accidental events like border violations, could precipitate an armed clash between the two Asian neighbors. The balance of power at the world level, with the USA and China oscilating between rivalry and cooperation, balance of power versus engagement, could determine India and China to reshape their strategies and policies on the long term.

"With the 60th Anniversary of the alliance at hand, its fate seems to be more uncertain and unpredictable than ever. While some commentaries already foresee the end of NATO, there are others that rather portray a revitalization of the old transatlantic alliance due to the new US-administration and the return of France into NATO's military command structures. But people tend to look too closely at NATO's institutional and conceptual framework and the future risks it is – at least theoretically – intended to counter. Instead, one should focus on the member states and their relationship with other parties, because it is the capitols that define the framework for NATO's political and military action." (author's abstract)

Bernard LaFayette Jr. (b. 1940) was a cofounder of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), a leader in the Nashville lunch counter sit-ins, a Freedom Rider, an associate of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. in the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), and the national coordinator of the Poor People's Campaign. At the young age of twenty-two, he assumed the directorship of the Alabama Voter Registration Project in Selma -- a city that had previously been removed from the organization's list due to the dangers of operating there. In this electrifying memoir, written with Kathryn Lee Johnson, LaFayette shares the inspiring story of his years in Selma. When he arrived in 1963, Selma was a small, quiet, rural town. By 1965, it had made its mark in history and was nationally recognized as a battleground in the fight for racial equality and the site of one of the most important victories for social change in our nation

Broadside describing the course of study offered at Alden Partridge's Military-Collegiate Institution in Norwich, Vermont, with a fall term to open 13 September 1848. ; CAPT. PARTRIDGE'S MILITARY-COLLEGIATE INSTITUTION, AT NORWICH, VERMONT. THE FALL TERM, at this Institution, will commence on WEDNESDAY, the 13th of SEPTEMBER. The departments of In-struction are as follows, viz.: 1. DEPARTMENT OF CIVIL AND MILITARY ENGINEERING. This department embraces all those branches of theoretical and practical Mathematics, Topography, Military Science, and such other branches as are necessary to form a good Scientific and practical Civil and Military Engineer. The practical use of the Barometer, in calculating the Heights of Mountains, and which is highly useful in all practical Scientific Operations, and which is not taught at any other Institution in the United States, will be particularly attended to. The charge (for tui-tion) for carrying a student through the full course, in this department, including the use of Instruments, will be forty dollars. The time necessary for a diligent student to complete a full course, will be from four to five Quarters, of eleven weeks each. Should a longer time be necessary, no addition will be made to the charge. Each Student will be allowed to complete the course as soon as he can. 2. THE FULL ENGLISH COLLEGIATE COURSE. The full course in this department will embrace all of the preceding, with the addition of the Laws of Nations; Natural and Political Law; Logic; Rhetoric ; Moral Science; Mental Philosophy; History; Geography; Natural Philosophy and Astronomy; Belles Lettres, &c., &c. Composition, Declamation, and a correct Grammatical knowledge of the English Lan-guage will be required of all. The time necessary for a diligent student to complete the course in this department, will be from eight to ten Quarters, and the charge for tuition eighty dollais. Should a longer time be necessary, no additional charge will be made. Blackstone's Commentaries will be added for those who wish to attend to them. 3. The Latin and Greek Languages will be taught to those who may wish to attend to them, and to such extent as they may require; and the charge on this account will be in proportion to the increase of time. 4. Those students who prefer to pay a Quarterly tuition to accepting of the terms proposed in the 1st and 2d articles, will be charged as follows, viz.: Tuition per Quarter, of eleven weeks, - $8,00 Incidental expenses, " " 1,00 Board, in respectable private families, from one dollar fifty, to one dollar seventy-five cents per week. Private study-rooms from one dollar fifty to two dollars per Quarter. Washing not to exceed twenty cents per week Fuel from $1,50 to $1,75 per cord. 5. Capt. P. will receive, not to exceed twenty, Students as Boarders in his family, for forty dollars per Quarter, or one hun-dred and sixty dollars for the Collegiate year of forty-four weeks, which will include Board, Tuition, Room-rent, Washing, Lights, Fuel, and the usual Incidentals. 6. Capt. P. will receive a Class, not to exceed fifteen, to be instructed in all the branches necessary to teach a Select English School, including Practical Surveying, and the use of the Barometer. Tuition $6,00 per Quarter. 7. THE NORWICH INSTITUTE. This Institution, formerly so flourishing under the Instruction of Messrs. Shedd, Ilurlbutt, &c., will be re-opened, under the superintendence of Capt. P., on the 13th of September. The Instruction will include all the branches necessary to prepare a student to enter on the higher branches in the Collegiate department, or to teach a good District School. The charge for tui-tion will be four dollars per Quarter, or five dollars, if the Languages are included. The student in this, and all the other departments will have the privilege of attending Capt. P.'s lectures, and the Military Exercises without additional charge. 8. LECTURES. Capt. P. delivers an annual Course of Lectures on the Science of Government, the Constitution of the United States, Po-litical Economy, the several branches of Military Science, and other branches of useful knowledge, which are open to all the students. 9- Students are admitted at any time, and charged tuition from the time of joining. 10. The Commencement will be on Monday, the 4th of September. Also, the celebration of the 28th Anniversary, since the establishment of the Institution at Norwich, under the name of the A. L. S. M. Academy. Several interesting addresses will be delivered. The public generally, and all of Capt, P.'s former pupils, particularly, are urgently invited to attend. 11. A Literary Convention will meet at Norwich on the 4th of September, for the purpose of adopting measures to establish on a permanent basis, at Norwich, or some other convenient place, in New England, a Literary, Scientific and Military Institu-tion, of a high order. Addresses may be expected from Joseph C. Wright, Esq., of New York, and Major Simeon Wheeler of Virginia,"former Graduates under Capt. P. All the friends of a truly American System of Education, are urgently invited to attend. Norwich, Vermont, June 12, 1848. NOTE. Those who wish a more extended Literary and Scientific course than the foregoing, can be carried forward to any extent they really require. Payments for board and tuition to be made quarterly or half-yearly in advance.

This master thesis examines the phenomenon of anti-Americanism in Western Europe in general and in Italy in particular. After the events of September 11th the US had received sympathy and support from many states of the world. However, just in two years all this disappeared: the war on terrorism incited by the US and finally the military offensive of 2003 against Iraq without a resolution of the UN brought an immense negative reaction in the world. The results of the opinion polls showed a general trend: the rise of negative attitudes towards America. Though the manifestations of anti-Americanism existed long before, it seems as many scholars have discovered the phenomenon of anti-Americanism anew and the main idea is that the 20th century (often called the American century) is giving the way to the new one – the century of hatred for America. Of course, after September 11th the main research area of anti-Americanism became analysis of this phenomenon in the Middle East. However, anti-Americanism exists also in Western Europe notwithstanding a long history of close US-Western Europe relations. Besides, the case of military intervention in Iraq had shown that also the consequences of this phenomenon can vary a lot. Hence, the main aim of this thesis is to analyze anti-Americanism in Western Europe and by analyzing the case of Italy distinguish the most important causes and consequences of this phenomenon. This analysis eventually allows to confirm/to deny such hypothesis: H1: A complex of many reasons causes anti-Americanism (i.e. there is not any single reason that causes this phenomenon); H2: Anti-Americanism so noticeable in the society can influence significantly the relations with the US. Since in the thesis the old and new manifestations of anti-Americanism are analyzed it permits to confirm/ to deny also this hypothesis: H3: The "New" anti-Americanism does not differ significantly from the "Old" one. In pursue of the main aim the thesis is divided in four parts. First of all the complexity of the definition of anti-Americanism and the historical development of the phenomenon is presented. Secondly, the experience of Italy's encounter with the US is analyzed as it is very important for the analysis of anti-Americanism. Thirdly, the main sources of anti-Americanism in Italy are revealed. Finally, the analysis examines two cases of anti-Americanism in Italy: the case of Vietnam and the case of military base in Vicenza. The analysis revealed that notwithstanding the long history of anti-Americanism there still does not exist unanimous definition of anti-Americanism. However, at this moment we can understand anti-Americanism as a sum of criticism of American society/culture, the rejection of economical model of the US and the opposition to the global projection of the American power. Besides, each country's encounter with the US forms the unique context for anti-Americanism. Furthermore, many different sources of anti-Americanism exist. Hence, we can confirm the H1 hypothesis. The analysis of the case of Italy had revealed a some kind of myth of America which had been formed in Italy and transformed into a model of America after the Second World War. The attitude of the Italian sources of anti-Americanism toward America is also very ambiguous. The traditional political parties still appreciate a "special relation" with the US, which has lost its importance in the Italian society. The analysis of both cases (the Vietnam war and the military base in Vicenza) had shown very similar results: only in cases of society's reaction all the elements of anti-Americanism were found and we could not reveal any significant deterioration of Italy-US relations. Furthermore, both cases testified that anti-Americanism often becomes a significant tool in internal political dispute. Hence we can deny the H2 hypothesis and confirm the H3 hypothesis.