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By focusing only on the composition of representative bodies, the traditional 'politics of presence' approach has inadvertently diminished the value of participation for representation. It overlooks that there exist 'elite voters' who reinforce discrimination against abstainers at the policy level and create obstacles for improving the lives of the marginalized. We offer a remedy to persisting patterns of political exclusion by arguing in favour of a 'politics of presence' at the polls. This requires high and socially diverse turnout that will make representation more inclusive, broader and qualitatively different; it will be more descriptive, not of group characteristics, but of the interests, opinions and ideas of voters. Our alternative is a fusion of descriptive and substantive representation 'descriptive responsiveness'.

Abstract
This study examines government religion policy in 26 Western democracies between 1990 and 2014 using the Religion and State round 3 (RAS3) dataset to determine whether these policies can be considered secular. While many assume that the West and its governments are secular and becoming more secular, the results contradict this assumption. All Western governments support religion in some manner, including financial support. All but Canada restrict the religious practices and/or religious institutions of religious minorities. All but Andorra and Italy restrict or regulate the majority religion. In addition religious both governmental and societal discrimination against religious minorities increased significantly between 1990 and 2014. All of this indicates religion remains a prominent factor in politics and society in the West.

Sweden portrays itself as a champion of human rights. Simultaneously, it violates the rights of its indigenous Saami population. To understand the dynamics of this duplicity, this interdisciplinary study explores how Saami identity is constructed and perceived in Swedish cultural memory. Avril Bell's (2014) theory of thesettler imaginary is applied to analyse the narrative on Saami identity in Swedish school textbooks, legislation, political debates, and its historical context. The findings indicate that Saami identity, in Swedish cultural memory, has been constructed by Swedish settlers as authentic, static and incompatible with the majority of society. This image is perpetuated in the present day's educational and political institutions. Implications of such an image are reflected in discrimination against the Saami.

Pre-implantation genetic diagnosis enables the genetic testing of embryos in the process of in vitro fertilisation before they are transplanted. The method raises ethical questions, affects different societal interests and therefore represents a continuing legislative challenge. In 2011, balancing individual and societal interests with regard to the handling of embryos and discrimination against those affected, a majority of the German Bundestag voted for a strictly limited authorisation. To date, with around 300 applications per year, the number of people making use of PGD corresponds to the estimations formulated in the legislative process. The further development depends on questions regarding reimbursement, the number of indications approved by the PGD Ethics Committees and the clarification of open legal ...

[ES] El prejuicio capacitista conlleva actitudes de discriminación y exclusión social de las personas con diversidad funcional. En este trabajo defendemos la conexión del capacitismo con el fenómeno de la aporofobia. El reto ético-político que debe afrontar un sistema democrático frente al capacitismo es su erradicación. ; [EN] The ableist prejudice entails attitudes of discrimination and social exclusion of people with functional diversity. The thesis that we defend in this work is the connection of ableism with the phenomenon of aporophobia. Eradication is the ethical-political challenge that a democratic political system must face against ableism. ; Este trabajo se enmarca dentro del proyecto "Capacitismo" (FFI2017-88787-R), financiado por el Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación. Gobierno de España. ; Peer reviewed

Cities are in a unique position to influence national policy. Over 80 percent of people live in cities, and over 90 percent of the U.S. economy comes from cities. Unfortunately, the federal and many state governments are dysfunctional, paralyzed by partisanship. As a result, cities are emerging as the primary places of policy innovation. This article examines policy-making in one city by Ralph Becker, Salt Lake City mayor from 2008 through 2015. This article examines three policy areas—ending discrimination against the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer community, sustainability, and urban revitalization. Mayor Becker explains the challenges and rewards of local government policy-making. He provides recommendations for other mayors who want to make significant policy changes in their cities.

Over the past few years, Palestinian children in Occupied East Jerusalem (OEJ) have faced high rates of arrest. The article examines violence against children during arrest by juxtaposing state official documents recording debates and analyses of children's rights with published reports by human rights and civil society organizations. The article suggests that arrested children in OEJ suffer from three intersecting discriminatory regimes: structural discrimination that targets them as criminals based on their ethnicity; a lack of assistance as they fall under the responsibility of neither the Palestinian nor the Israeli socio-legal systems; and limited access to welfare, justice, and educational opportunities. The article concludes by suggesting that Palestinian children face severe structural violence that amounts to state-hate criminality.

Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, members of the Chicana/o Movement reached across class, borders, and ideologies to proclaim a political solidarity with the Mexican Left. Both, Chicana/os and Mexican activists expressed a narrative of political solidarity that encompassed a perceived shared experience of oppression and struggles for liberation. I contend, however, that both groups saw the source of their oppression and forms of resistance through different lenses. Chicana/o activists identified racism, discrimination, and cultural erasure with oppression, and they retrofit Mexican nationalism with political radicalism. In contrast, Mexican activists celebrated Marxist ideologies as radical political resistance against an increasing authoritarian government and associated Mexican nationalism with state repression and political manipulation.

This paper provides the first micro-level evidence for the existence and patterns of intra-national protectionism in China. We demonstrate that drug advertising inspections are used by provincial governments to discriminate against firms from outside the province. We further reveal systematic patterns in the degree of discrimination across firms: those from neighboring areas, those from regions with more economic links to the destination province, those from provinces with stronger presence in the market, and those with political ties to "allied" provincial governments are less likely to be targeted. Our findings highlight the unique politico-economic structure in China and confirm that giving local governments strong incentives to compete with each other may exacerbate the market distortions inherent in a partially reformed economy.

Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, members of the Chicana/o Movement reached across class, borders, and ideologies to proclaim a political solidarity with the Mexican Left. Both, Chicana/os and Mexican activists expressed a narrative of political solidarity that encompassed a perceived shared experience of oppression and struggles for liberation. I contend, however, that both groups saw the source of their oppression and forms of resistance through different lenses. Chicana/o activists identified racism, discrimination, and cultural erasure with oppression, and they retrofit Mexican nationalism with political radicalism. In contrast, Mexican activists celebrated Marxist ideologies as radical political resistance against an increasing authoritarian government and associated Mexican nationalism with state repression and political manipulation.

This paper provides the first micro-level evidence for the existence and patterns of intra-national protectionism in China. We demonstrate that drug advertising inspections are used by provincial governments to discriminate against firms from outside the province. We further reveal systematic patterns in the degree of discrimination across firms: those from neighboring areas, those from regions with more economic links to the destination province, those from provinces with a stronger presence in the market, and those with political ties to "allied" provincial governments are less likely to be targeted. Our findings highlight the unique politico-economic structure in China and confirm that giving local governments strong incentives to compete with each other may exacerbate the market distortions inherent in a partially reformed economy.

This article addresses the linked topics of internal migration and occupational discrimination against migrants. The data, collected from 21 manufacturing companies in Shanghai, indicate that migrants are a heterogeneous group in terms of their origins. Migrants from rural areas are the least well-educated. In contrast, migrants from other cities in China have attained significantly higher education than local workers in Shanghai. Much of the literature compares the occupations of rural migrants and local residents; urban migrants are often neglected. By examining occupational patterns for rural migrants, urban migrants and local workers, this study adds to the literature through a full assessment of occupational inequalities. Such inequalities reflect both market forces (rewards for differing productivity) and institutional factors (rewards on grounds of residential status).

There is a long history of unfair housing and lending practices in the United States and generally, African Americans have been disproportionately negatively impacted by these activities. In order to understand the current economic crisis and its impacts on African Americans, one must first explore the historical spectrum of discriminatory actions leveled against blacks in housing and mortgage lending. This paper discusses the recent subprime mortgage crisis and identifies the ways that African Americans were impacted. It provides an historical review of mortgage lending and housing discrimination and the role that public policy played in these practices. It then chronicles the subprime mortgage crisis and connects the consequences of lending policy run amok by targeting minority communities.

427War and armed conflict — International humanitarian law — Customary international humanitarian law — Content — Whether 1949 Geneva Conventions reflecting principles of customary international humanitarian law — Whether provisions of Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions reflecting principles of customary international humanitarian law — Additional Protocol I, Article 75 — Duration of application of international humanitarian law — Aftermath of conflict — Civilians — Protection — Detention — Discriminatory measures — Role of International Committee of the Red Cross — Expulsion of enemy nationals — Confiscation of property — Duty of protection of enemy civiliansHuman rights — Discrimination — Discriminatory measures against nationals of enemy State — Detention — Conditions of detention — Sexual abuseClaims — Evidence — Standard of proof — Rape claims — Sensitive nature of rape in culture of the States concerned — Other claims

In this essay, I explore the question of how the government will likely respond to demands by Black activists to compensate the descendants of Black slaves for the historical injustice of slavery in the United States. Public opinion surveys reveal strong racial divisions on the question of whether the U.S. government should compensate or apologize to the descendants of Black slaves. Based on my efforts to gain an officer's commission for my father's military service in World War II as well as the recent case of discrimination against Black farmers by the Department of Agriculture, I argue that it is unlikely that the government will compensate Blacks monetarily for the historical injustice of slavery. However, I think that an apology by the U.S. government will ultimately be issued.