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As much as COVID-19 is a health and economic crisis, at its core, it is also a governance crisis.

NDI President Derek Mitchell and new Director of Democratic Governance Kristen Sample delve into ways governments and the international community have risen (or not) to meet the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic.

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Derek Mitchell: As we all continue to shelter in place and respond to the colossal health and economic crisis that is COVID-19, we must not forget that at its core, pandemics are as much a result of governance failure as any failure of healthcare or health system.
Since working to support democratic processes, institutions and governance around the world is what NDI does for a living, we thought it useful to delve into the role governance has played in the COVID-19 pandemic with NDI's experience in more than 50 countries around the world serving as a guide. Welcome to DemWorks. My name is Derek Mitchell, president of the National Democratic Institute.
To discuss all this with me in this podcast, I'm joined by NDI's new director of democratic governance, Kristen Sample.
Kristen Sample: Thank you so much Derek.
DM: Kristen just joined us on March 1. She brings more than 20 years of democratic governance experience with her to NBI having advised and evaluated programs at UN Women, UN Democracy Fund, the Open Society Foundation, Global Partners, Governance and International IDEA. Kristen is an expert on countering corruption, legislative strengthening in the nexus of gender and politics and she has led projects focused on the impact of democratic reform on economic development and citizen security. At a moment when the global crisis in governance is at the center of international conversation, at least before the pandemic push pause, we are thrilled to have Kristen aboard to look at that issue with fresh creativity here at NBI. So welcome Kristen to your very first DemWorks podcast.
KS: I'm really pleased to have the opportunity to speak with you today on such important issues.
DM: So we'll speak about the crisis of governance but also the pandemic factor as well. But I do want to start with this global governance crisis that has sort of preceded this. This is a broader overhang. We've seen all over the world popular demonstrations over the past year and more and everywhere from Moscow to Managua, to Hong Kong, to Khartoum, to Algeria, to Istanbul, to Paris. You can go on and on. And what it represents is a frustration with the quality of governance. Democracy somehow is not delivering for people. And I want to hear your thoughts on that. It's a moment of turmoil certainly. People will look at this and say, "Well, democracy is failing," but it's more than democracy that this is happening. It's a general quality of governance question that I think actually provides an opportunity. So let me just ask your thoughts on that first off, Kristen.
KS: Yeah. Thanks so much for that question, Derek. I think that NDI, since we have officers or programs spanning every region of the world basically in more than 50 countries, we're in a very good position to be able to take the pulse of what's happening in the different countries. In fact, we have been conducting surveys every two weeks of our country programs to get a sense of what's happening on the ground and we've received some very interesting signals that I'm really happy to be able to share with you today.
On the one side, we are saying that in many countries governments are responding very seriously, in very concerted ways to the health crisis. I mean in more than two thirds of the countries. The governments in the countries where we work are closing nonessential businesses in over 60%, they are communicating in ways, having very intensive communication campaigns that really are reaching all citizens. But when it comes to the democracy side, when it comes to implementing that response and pursuing a response that's consistent with democratic principles and norms and values and institutions, we are seeing some troubling developments at the same time.
For instance, the number of governments by our account, over 40% of the governments in the countries where we work are declaring emergency powers and it's clear that this is an extraordinary situation that requires extraordinary measures, but in many cases these emergency powers are inconsistent with democratic principles. They are not linked to the crisis. There is no provision for legislative oversight or in many cases, these have no sunset class, so there's no time limit and these are simply open-ended.
And link to that and linked in many cases to these emergency powers, emergency decrees, we're seeing an uptick also in threats to fundamental freedoms. For instance, nearly half of our countries are reporting that there are measures in place where governments are repressing non-state media who are critical of the government's response to the pandemic and that in some cases, again, almost 50% of our countries, there are measures in place where governments are limiting space for civil society to engage in political actions.
Another factor that I'd like to highlight too is while we're all distracted by the pandemic and while people are at home and perhaps with less access to information and less direct contact with government, there are also signals that many governments are using this as an opportunity to diminish anti-corruption controls. So that means that in some cases economic response packages or healthcare delivery is taking place with less transparency and less openness, which as you can imagine is a risk in terms of making sure that those resources are actually getting where they need to be.
And all of this, all of the stresses, the frustration and these concerns of course also have impacts when it comes to citizen trust, interpersonal trust citizen trust of the government and also we're seeing greater potential for civic unrest and a deteriorating security environment.
So all together, I hate to start with such a pessimistic view, but I think it is important again, through the networks that we have, the relationships that we have with political and civic actors on the ground, to convey the seriousness of the situation and to make sure that we're always communicating that well, this response requires really drastic measures. These measures need to be consonant of course, with the principles of democratic governance.
DM: Right. It fits into this broader competition of narratives that occurred even before the pandemic began, where China or Russia saying, "Look, authoritarian governments are more efficient in providing services. We do this stuff better. Democracy is messy." And they're able, as you say, to take advantage of this moment when people are looking for strong central control to make that case and to both do that rhetorically but also through provision of services.
And then it's not just those major countries. You'll have folks whether it's Hungary or Poland or you just go around the world, they're postponing elections. They are shutting down civil society, they're settling scores with adversaries. They're constraining public debate, saying that those things are luxuries during a time of crisis and that gives them an opportunity then as you said, for not just power grabs, but resource grabs and money grabs and they say, "Look, these are extraordinary times. They require extraordinary measures." And the concern is that these extraordinary measures will be permanent, that they'll say you need us to be surveilling people.
So this is a challenge for certainly those who do democracy work and for folks inside these countries. But I think the broader question of security, we'll talk about that maybe a little bit later, but it's interesting what we're seeing on the ground as you say.
You do a lot of work in the legislative sphere, you have a lot of background on that. How legislatures are particularly important. Civil society is too, but just focusing on legislature's role as a check and balance against executive overreach, can you talk about from the NDI experience or your other observation, how legislatures are being challenged, how they're dealing with this moment, how they're adapting to deal with the COVID-19 moment.
KS: Yeah, absolutely. So I'm so glad you brought this point up. The first challenge that I'd highlight is this risk that the legislative branch is getting sidelined. In a crisis like this, the executive branch is generally front and center. Their role is clearly understood by citizens. Head of state might be the one out there doing daily press briefings or a health minister communicating medical reports. And there's this sense of emergency that as I sort of alluding to before, it seems to empower the executive branch. And unfortunately that seems to be, in many cases, at the expense of the legislative power.
And additionally, another challenge and another reason that legislatures are perhaps getting crowded out or sidelined is simply that, the coronavirus, by it's dynamic, it's not socially compatible. And since parliaments are these multi-member bodies that have more diffuse operations, more diffuse leadership and that involve hundreds of different people, it's simply just a challenge to assemble a large group of people together, bring them together and keep them front and center in this crisis.
So if that first challenge is making sure that people just keep in mind that legislatures matter and the legislatures are able to exert their rights and their authority, I'd say that the second challenge of course is just how do parliaments, legislatures operate in a virtual world. Politicians are by nature, they like to shake hands, they like to get out on the street, they need to be in touch with their constituents. And there are so many challenge involved in this current world that we have where we should all be social distancing.
So looking across the world where we work, their parliaments are adopting different measures. Some of them are using social distancing restrictions like reducing the number of MPs in sessions. Others are moving to remote voting, remote deliberations. And then others are not meeting at all, which of course is quite terrible. And in those cases where legislatures have been dissolved or have been suspended for long periods of time.
We are working too, as you were saying, as NDI closely with parliaments in a number of countries to try to do those adaptations to the rules of procedures so that they're able to continue meeting in session and continue deliberating and continuing exercising oversight. For instance, we have connected parliamentarians in Colombia with parliamentarians in Ecuador. We have virtual sessions to learn from Ecuador's experience in adopting a regulation for the implementation of virtual session and teleworking.
So we are trying to connect parliamentarians across countries to understand how some parliaments have been moving forward in terms of remote procedures and how that's going for them. And two more challenges. One I'd highlight is that oversight role that we've been talking about. And from the same survey that we conducted with our country programs, we found that in 59% of the countries, checks and balances have been weakened, have deteriorated under the pandemic.
And this is happening at such an unfortunate time when there's so many policy measures that need to be approved and put in place. If we just take the issue of debt policy for instance, I saw a statistic from the Westminster Foundation that more than 80 countries have already requested emergency aid from the IMF. I mean these countries are struggling of course to meet different types of fiscal obligations and they are desperate for cash in order to ramp up health services and put in place economic measures.
And so these governments are taking on debt obligations, debt burns that are going to have far reaching impacts and long lasting impacts that should really be approved by the legislative branch and include monitoring and reporting. And that's not always the case in most of these instances.
DM: So you just say it's a very dangerous time and folks are adapting procedurally, but there are really implications to this longterm, including for security. And I think we'll get to that after the break.
For more than 35 years, NDI has been honored to work with courageous and committed pro-democracy activists and leaders around the world to help countries develop the institutions, practices and skills necessary for democracy's success.
KS: Welcome back. Derek, I've heard you speak to the issue of authoritarian systems and how they're operating in this crisis and that the authoritarian nature in itself makes health crises more likely. And you've also said in some of your speeches and some of the conversations we've had that it's not a coincidence that the pandemic started in China and I'd really like to hear from your expertise, your deep background on China specifically. Can you explain to listeners why that is? Why there is that connection?
DM: Well, as I said at the top, this is not just a health crisis, it's a governance crisis. It's a factor of governance both in the prevention of the pandemic and the response to it. We talked so far mostly about the response, how we're responding to the pandemic, but the core of the pandemic is a failure of governance. The difference between a local health crisis that is contained and a pandemic lies in the ability of a political system to respond to that early challenge quickly and effectively. And that requires both government and civic action. And if you're going to deal with this crisis early, it requires both. To do that, you have to act swiftly. You have to have widespread testing and contact tracing. You need critical support from citizens. In order to do all that and to ensure that that happens, you have to have basic civic trust.
Closed societies routinely fail that test of having that civic trust and that rapid action for some very practical reasons. When a government suppresses a free flow of information, when it fails to empower independent civic institutions, when it's too insecure to convey bad news candidly, doesn't feel that it has a political legitimacy, therefore, it's insecure to convey bad news. When its data can't be trusted because it's opaque, when its officials are afraid to speak truth to power or communicate inconvenient truths to their superiors or act decisively, absent waiting for some strict orders from the very center and they can't move quickly, the result can be deadly.
It turns what is a local health issue into a pandemic so it crosses borders. It becomes not just a problem for one country but for all others. So democratic governance is very, very practical and once again in this regard, transparent, accountable, inclusive, responsive, open governments is essential to crisis response but it's also essential to prevent the crisis from emerging to begin with.
And it is a matter of national security. This highlights frankly what many of us have known all along, that this is not just nice but has very practical national security effects. And as we just talked earlier, the irony is that just as the world needs more open democratic societies to prevent future crises and deal with the current one, there are opportunistic politicians who are closing political and civic space. That I think is a very practical reason why that closed societies cause these pandemics.
KS: I think that all of those points that you've been raising in terms of the threats and the vulnerabilities are so important for us to keep front and center. At the same time, here in NDI, as you know, is we're very keen to make sure that there are also opportunities to elevate the many examples around the world where governments are acting democratically and effectively in response to the crisis and they're framing and working with citizens in ways that are absolutely consistent with democratic values and principles. And so I do want to showcase some of those.
I think it's received a lot of press around the world how New Zealand, for instance has reacted, and I read this week that New Zealand is perhaps one of the very first countries to have been able to successfully eliminate COVID. They have no new COVID cases. And it's a case that really stands out for the way that the prime minister has been able to deliver information in a very clear, compassionate, inclusive way, a way that's very grounded in science of course, and transparent.
And at the same time where the legislature has had an important role developing a parliamentary select committee that's providing scrutiny of the government's response. The government has also been very affirmative there I think, in terms of issues of freedom of information and media freedom and has said that they would not slow down, for instance, their commitment to responding to requests for information during the crisis. So there's certainly the case of New Zealand, which is so interesting and it's shown such early success, but there are other places around the world too where specific measures taken by the government I think have been so positive and far reaching.
Uruguay comes to mind for instance. We see so many cases where authoritarian leaders are using this crisis to be able to settle scores as you were saying, or to act in a very partisan fashion. But in Uruguay, the president convened all of the former presidential candidates to give a joint press conference to send a powerful message of unity and to show that across the party divide, they were working together to develop responses.
Taiwan also really stands out for its cross party coordination, the transparent communications they've had, the very creative efforts that the government has put in place there, I think they've called it humor, not rumor. A campaign to share facts in real time to counter disinformation, to manage fear. So there aren't many cases out there as I was saying, of governments that are responding effectively and in ways that are building that citizen trust that you were mentioning.
DM: Yes. And then a further one, another democracy that's a leading democracy, probably the first out of the gate is South Korea. They did exactly what was necessary. People are looking at that example, a democratic example. They didn't sacrifice rights at all. They obviously had very strong controls at times of the society, but it took very swift action. They did widespread testing, contact tracing and they worked with civil society and is shown over and over that civil society is probably one of the most important factors. It's not simply a government driven thing that makes a response success. Civil society serves as a very efficient force multiplier for government. We saw that in Katrina, hurricane Katrina. We see it's proved over and over that it really is effective in getting the word out and messaging.
Ensuring is like in Taiwan through their civic tech community, they're sort of hackers. They're young citizens, who themselves in a voluntary fashion, formed a community. They were viewed as allies and partners not alienated from the government. And that partnership has been a success in Taiwan, has been a success in South Korea and is essential for a success. And that means that governments need to be open, need to be transparent, they need to see society as partners. So this is absolutely critical.
KS: Yeah. And I just want to add on the South Korea example. I'm so glad you brought that up because South Korea held elections during the pandemic on April 15, they had national assembly lessons and they were actually able to organize those elections in a way that was seen as very transparent, that was very consistent with electoral integrity and they had higher levels of turnout than in previous elections, which is pretty amazing. And there's so many countries around the world that are facing elections in 2020. I think the way that South Korea was able to do it with a very intensive communication campaign as you were speaking again to their transparency of communication, they had expanded early voting measures in place. They had home voting, they had very comprehensive safeguards for people to be able to vote in person. So even organizing an election in a time that seems so difficult and so challenging, I think that as you were saying, democracies like South Korea are showing that there is a way forward.
DM: Right. And I think we can learn some lessons from that as well. There are groups, including NDI has been at the center of this, of putting together documents that say here are the election integrity guidelines for this moment, that democracy should not be sacrificed at the alter of crisis response, that elections need to move forward if they can be done in the right way and if they need to be postponed, it's postponed within a certain timeframe and only during a period of high crisis. So there are principles here where democracy can continue to move forward. It makes the society stronger, it builds that civic trust that's important for crisis response. But we need to... You can walk and chew gum at the same time at this moment. So I'm glad we were able to talk about some of these democratic examples.
KS: Absolutely. And I will be right back after this quick message.
You can hear more from other democracy heroes by listening to our DemWorks podcast available on iTunes and SoundCloud.
DM: Welcome back with Kristen Sample. Of course you're new to NDI, but you know NDI very well and it's a fundamental principle everywhere that nations will only succeed when societies are fully inclusive, where they don't leave anybody behind. They enable all to contribute equally. That means women, that means young people, that means traditionally marginalized groups, LGBT communities, et cetera. It's just plain logic that if you leave anybody behind, that you're not going to get the most out of your citizen when you're going to hold your country back, and yet we are witnessing negative impacts toward these populations during this COVID-19 moment. Kristen, can you speak to this, explain what's going on here and why it matters?
KS: Sure, absolutely. I mean obviously this crisis isn't occurring in a vacuum. It's occurring in a context where across the world, across all countries, there are already this array of existing intersecting inequalities where some people were coming into this crisis already in a disadvantaged place. And then the pandemic itself has differentiated impacts that affect women and other marginalized groups disproportionately. I'll just give a few examples.
I mean lockdown for women who are living in relationships of power imbalance and of abuse perhaps, lockdown for them means locked in, with an abusive partner. And for instance our survey of country offices that I was referring to previously, in 66% of our countries, there seems to be an increase in sexual and gender based violence since the pandemic. In 15% of those countries, it's a significant increase. Of course these women might be locked in in vulnerable situations and then at the same time have less access to government resources, government support. So that's one example.
Others, people with disabilities for instance, who have always struggled to access health services, transportation in an equitable fashion, you can imagine that that lack of access and the differentiated impact of the pandemic on them is life threatening in some cases.
There are digital divide concerns, people in rural areas or women, other marginalized groups who may have less access to information, to resources. There are real concerns also and cases around the world where this pandemic is being exploited by anti migrant hate groups for instance, who try to link movement and migration to the origin of the virus. Or in some cases, for instance in Africa and some of the countries where we work, media outlets are perpetuating stereotypes against people with albinism for instance, and placing the blame for the virus on them.
So there are so many challenges around making sure that people have access to resources, people are safe and that we are able to convey and support a message of social cohesion and solidarity instead of the divisions that we're seeing pop up around the world. I think that in our case, for instance in Indiana, what we're trying to do is reinforce the need for inclusive decision-making, making sure for instance, that women are involved in decision making and other marginalized groups are involved in decision making and representation and in these deliberation bodies, making sure that the policymaking is taking into account these vulnerabilities and these different differentiated needs. And also the government messaging is inclusive, getting to everybody and it's supporting the social cohesion messaging and solidarity messages.
DM: And again, this is critical for the crisis response, pandemic response. I mean COVID-19 doesn't discriminate. Whoever has it, whoever is vulnerable or subject will get it and it will spread to the society writ large. So if you're not inclusive, if you're excluding folks, if politicians then see that there is an opportunity here as some politicians will to divide and conquer, to play on fear. Or spoilers from the outside may see that there are opportunities if they're divided societies, to create tensions that then require or enable them to negotiate the deal that you want to make or promote corruption within the society.
There are all kinds of ways this makes societies less stable, less secure, and affects the development and certainly the response to crises. So this is not just a nice thing, it's not just a human rights thing. This is fundamentally important to national security, international security and to everything that we're seeking to achieve through democracy.
KS: Absolutely. And I think along the things I'd really like to hear from you too, Derek, in terms of how you see along the lines of this being an international crisis that includes the whole world, that joins us all although we are in very different places. How you see role NDI's role in supporting that cross border cooperation and solidarity and having the international community come together?
DM: Given that authoritarians are claiming their model is unique for this moment, we have to be out there making our case. But in terms of our specific adaptations that we are doing, we are working in places like Ethiopia to ensure that the public opinion surveys are necessary invents of their postponed elections or continue forward, but can be done virtually. That we can adapt legislative rules of procedure in places that need it to allow for remote voting and continue the legislative process to ensure that election integrity is maintained.
As I mentioned earlier, there are certain principles and established accepted international principles for when and how to postpone elections, how to hold them during moments of crisis. And we put together crisis response kits that can be used. It's called the practical toolkit for politicians during a pandemic that can help political parties figure out how to do crisis management or help the government put together crisis communication.
So a lot of things that can be done internally and done across different countries that ensure the solidarity is still there, the momentum for democracy is still there. The expectation that democratic norms are sustained in this moment so that the headlines are not simply roll back authoritarian opportunism, that massive surveillance, all the things that people may succumb to because of fear during crisis, that there is an alternative voice and it says it doesn't have to be like that. Or if it does have to be like that now, it doesn't have to continue to be like that indefinitely and that there are some standards by which these things are being imposed.
So that international norm setting at this moment, it's probably more important than ever to do and we are trying to do at national level. We're trying to do it across different countries to ensure that there is not a vacuum to which the authoritarian voice moves and has free open season for its own values. It goes across, I think, a lot of different countries. And Kristen, I'd be interested in your thoughts from your perspective of governance, how that's working.
KS: I think that there's a real role for the international community to play. And I wanted to highlight that too in what you're saying because these challenges are so vast that clearly we have to work together on people to people exchanges and supporting lesson sharing. And so I do think that there's an absolute role for the international community playing in terms of getting out the messages of that democracy is not a luxury, it's not something that could be put into a coma or put on hold while we're all sheltering, that it's something that has to be reaffirmed on a daily basis.
And so I do think that countries also have to, in addition to standing firm, standing on their own ground on democratic principles, they also have to be willing to promote and expand those democratic principles across borders, especially to counter those liberal influences that you were referring to earlier, that in some cases are, really transmitted and increased through disinformation campaigns or phony PR campaigns that need to be called out of course by all actors.
DM: Thanks again, Kristen for joining me in conversation about how democracies can best meet the challenges of COVID and how NDI with its global partners are meeting the moment.
KS: Thank you, Derek.
DM: I'd also like to say thank you to our listeners. To learn more about NDI or to listen to other DemWorks podcasts, please visit our website at www.ndi.org. Thanks very much.


World map of Coronavirus (Covid-19)



19. Governance is Key During COVID-19? (w/ Kristen Sample) Posted 6 days ago

Democracy (General), COVID-19 Podcast NDI Listen democracy

Droughts are phenomena that occur worldwide, in humid and arid environments as well as in the Global North and the Global South. They are considered as slow onset hazards that affect more people than any other natural process with an estimated economic damage of USD 135 Billion and 12 Million casualties globally between 1900 and 2013 (Masih et al., 2014, p. 3636). Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) is a major drought hot-spot due to vulnerable livelihoods (e.g. dominance of rain-fed agriculture), limited capacities (e.g. financial, institutional), weak infrastructure (e.g. water, mobility) and political instability (e.g. conflicts, corruption). When droughts occur, as recently triggered by El Niño (2015/2016), vulnerability conditions of the affected societies determine, if drought risk manifests as a disaster. As a critical, recent example, the drought in Somalia resulted in a serious humanitarian disaster primarily as the precarious vulnerability situation was further deteriorated by political and violent conflicts (Maxwell et al., 2016). Overall, SSA faces severe challenges to manage drought risk, primarily due to two reasons: First, despite progress, the living conditions remain difficult with prevailing poverty, limited health services and ongoing political unrest in many regions (UNECA et al., 2015). This is alarming, especially against the projected population growth of about 1.3 Billion people in Africa until 2050 (UN-DESA, 2015, p. 3). Second, achieving good living conditions for all, as envisioned by the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), is a challenge, as climate projections indicate a likely increase of drought frequency and severity in SSA. Higher rainfall variability paired with a strong increase in average temperatures (Niang et al., 2014) will render today's exceptional droughts as the new normal in the near future. These urgent problems require sustainable solutions to improve short- and long-term adaptation. Transdisciplinary science that conflates the strengths of academic disciplines and stakeholders from politics and society is needed to develop risk reduction strategies. Under the umbrella of the Southern African Science Service Centre for Climate Change and Adaptive Land Management (SASSCAL), this thesis makes a contribution to integrated drought risk management schemes by assessing the drought hazard conditions and the societal vulnerability settings in a case study region: the Cuvelai-Basin. This transnational region across Namibia and Angola regularly experiences droughts as recently during 2012 – 2015 with hundreds of thousands of people being water and food insecure (DDRM, 2013; UN-OCHA, 2012). Environmentally, it covers a gradient from humid in the north to semi-arid conditions in the south with associated vegetation patterns. The population practices subsistence agriculture and livestock herding with tendencies of urbanization and lifestyle changes. The societal pre-conditions in both countries are heterogeneous with Angola having experienced decades of civil war until 2002 while Namibia saw continuous institutional and infrastructural development particularly after independence in 1990. To capture the multi-layered impacts of droughts on people's livelihoods, the thesis follows an interdisciplinary approach in the sense of integrating methodologies from physical and human geography. Key questions to be answered are (i) how droughts impact on local livelihoods, (ii) how the environmental drought hazard manifests, (iii) which societal groups are most vulnerable and (iv) what are risk mitigation strategies. Based on the theory of societal relations to nature, a guideline for a social-ecological drought risk assessment is proposed and exemplarily carried out in this thesis. First, a qualitative research phase was conducted to gain system knowledge, followed by quantitative analyses of environmental parameters on the drought hazard and socio-economic variables for drought vulnerability. Finally, this data was conflated in the Household Drought Risk Index (HDRI) to gain orientation knowledge and quantify risk levels among the households in the basin. This provided transformation knowledge to develop and identify risk mitigation strategies. The initial qualitative survey (n = 26) explored the drought impact on local livelihoods. It revealed structural insights into people's utilization of water resources and the negative impacts of drought on physical and mental health, family/community life and livelihood maintenance. Coping mechanisms were identified on multiple levels from the household level (e.g. selling of agricultural products) via the community (e.g. neighbourly support) to the governmental level (e.g. drought relief). As critical entry point for droughts, the water and food consumption patterns were identified that shape a household either more or less sensitive. The internal capital endowment (human, social, financial, physical and natural) and the infrastructural and institutional endowment of an area determine a household's ability to cope with drought. These qualitative insights culminated in the construction of the HDRI indicator that was populated with data in the subsequent research phases. To capture the drought hazard, three common drought indicators were combined in the Blended Drought Index (BDI). This integrated drought indicator incorporates meteorological and agricultural drought characteristics that impair the population's ability to ensure food and water security. The BDI uses a copula function to combine common standardized drought indicators that describe precipitation, evapotranspiration, soil moisture and vegetation conditions. Remote sensing products were processed to analyse drought frequency, severity and duration. In this regard, the uncertainty among a range of rainfall products was evaluated to identify the product that corresponds best to local rain gauge measurements. The integrated drought hazard map indicates the north of the Etosha pan and the area along the Kunene River to be most threatened by droughts. Temporally, the BDI correlates well with millet/sorghum yield (r = 0.51) and local water consumption (r = -0.45) and outperforms conventional indicators. The vulnerability perspective was captured using primary socio-economic data from a household survey (n = 461). The consumption patterns reveal a statistically significant switch from critical sources (e.g. wells, subsistence products) during the rainy season to more reliable sources (e.g. tap water, markets) during the dry period. Households with a high dependence on critical sources are particularly sensitive to drought. The capital endowment of households is heterogeneous, especially on a rural-urban gradient and between Namibia and Angola. Human and financial capital turned out to be important control variables in addition to the infrastructural and institutional endowment of an area. Overall, the HDRI results show that the Angolan population shows higher levels of risk, particularly caused by less developed infrastructural systems, weaker institutional capabilities and less coping capacities. Urban inhabitants follow less drought-sensitive livelihood strategies, but are still connected to drought conditions in rural areas due to family relations with obligations and benefits. Furthermore, the spatial HDRI estimates point to areas in Angola and Namibia that are both drought-threatened and vulnerable. The thesis results indicate the following recommendations for policy and science: First, the continuous monitoring of drought patterns in the basin should consider drought indicators that go beyond precipitation metrics and incorporate people's vulnerability to develop integrated Drought Information Systems. Second, reducing the sensitivities of the population requires enhanced local water buffers via better water use efficiencies. This is true for both blue and green water flows. Water-saving irrigation schemes in combination with decentral rain- and floodwater harvesting are promising opportunities. Furthermore, centralized backup infrastructures of water supply and market systems need to be expanded. Third, local community solidarity is an important institutional backbone for the population to cope with drought and adapt to future changes. In particular rural development efforts should go beyond technological interventions and support community-building, collective-action and capacity development in water management and agricultural production to decouple livelihoods from local rainfall. ; Dürren sind Phänomene, die weltweit sowohl in humiden als auch ariden Räumen sowie im Globalen Norden und im Globalen Süden auftreten. Sie gelten als langsam einsetzende Gefahren, die mehr Menschen betreffen als jeder andere natürliche Prozess mit einem geschätzten wirtschaftlichen Schaden von 135 Mrd. US-Dollar und 12 Mio. Toten weltweit zwischen 1900 und 2013 (Masih et al., 2014, p. 3636). Sub-Sahara Afrika gilt als Krisenherd aufgrund vulnerabler Lebensgrundlagen (z.B. Dominanz des Regenfeldbaus), begrenzter Kapazitäten (z.B. finanzielle, institutionelle), schwacher Infrastruktur (z.B. Trinkwasser, Mobilität) und politischer Instabilität (z.B. Konflikte, Korruption). Treten Dürren auf, wie kürzlich verstärkt durch El Niño (2015/2016), bestimmt die Vulnerabilität der Gesellschaft, ob sich das Dürrerisiko als Katastrophe manifestiert. Ein kritisches Beispiel ist die Dürre in Somalia, die v.a. zu einer humanitären Katastrophe wurde, da die prekären Vulnerabilitäts-bedingungen durch gewaltsame, politische Konflikte weiter verschlechtert wurden (Maxwell et al., 2016). Insgesamt steht Afrika aus zwei Gründen vor großen Heraus-forderungen bei der Bewältigung des Dürrerisikos: Erstens, sind die Lebensbedingungen u.a. aufgrund anhaltender Armut, begrenzter Gesundheitsversorgung und politischer Unruhen weiterhin schwierig (UNECA et al., 2015). Dies ist alarmierend, v.a. vor dem Hintergrund eines prognostizierten Bevölkerungswachstums von 1,3 Mrd. bis 2050 (UN-DESA, 2015, p. 3). Zweitens, ist die Schaffung guter Lebensbedingungen nach den Zielen für nachhaltige Entwicklung (SDG) eine Herausforderung, da mit dem Klimawandel eine Zunahme von Dürrehäufigkeit und -stärke zu erwarten ist. Höhere Niederschlags-variabilität gepaart mit einem starken Anstieg der Durchschnittstemperatur (Niang et al., 2014) werden die heutigen extremen Dürren in Zukunft zur neuen Normalität machen. Diese Probleme erfordern nachhaltige Lösungen, um kurz- und langfristige Anpassungen zu ermöglichen. Transdisziplinäre Forschung ist gefordert, welche die Stärken wissenschaftlicher Disziplinen und Akteure aus Politik und Gesellschaft bündelt, um geeignete Strategien zur Risikominderung zu erarbeiten. Unter dem Dach des Southern African Science Service Centre for Climate Change and Adaptive Land Management (SASSCAL) leistet diese Dissertation einen Beitrag zu integrierten Managementansätzen von Dürrerisiken, indem sie die naturräumliche Gefährdung kombiniert mit der gesellschaftlichen Vulnerabilität anhand einer Fallstudie untersucht: dem Cuvelai-Becken. Diese transnationale Region in Namibia und Angola ist regelmäßig Dürren ausgesetzt, wie zuletzt in den Jahren 2012 – 2015 mit Wasser- und Ernährungsunsicherheit für Hunderttausende von Menschen (DDRM, 2013; UN-OCHA, 2012). Naturräumlich erstreckt sich die Region von einem humiden Norden in einen semi-ariden Süden mit entsprechenden Vegetationsverhältnissen. Die Bevölkerung betreibt Subsistenzland-wirtschaft und Viehzucht, wobei Urbanisierungstendenzen und Lebensstiländerungen an Dynamik gewinnen. Die gesellschaftlichen Voraussetzungen sind heterogen: Während Angola bis 2002 Jahrzehnte des Bürgerkriegs erlebte, erfuhr Namibia v.a. nach der Unabhängigkeit 1990 eine kontinuierliche institutionelle und infrastrukturelle Entwicklung. Um die vielschichtigen Auswirkungen von Dürren auf die Lebensgrundlagen zu erfassen, verfolgt diese Dissertation einen interdisziplinären Ansatz im Sinne der Integration von Methoden aus der Physischen- und Humangeographie. Kernfragen darin sind (i) wie sich Dürren auf die Lebensgrundlagen auswirken, (ii) wie sich die naturräumliche Dürregefährdung manifestiert, (iii) welche gesellschaftlichen Gruppen vulnerabel sind und (iv) welche Strategien zur Risikominderung geeignet sind. Dabei entwickelt die Dissertation auf Basis der Theorie gesellschaftlicher Naturverhältnisse einen Leitfaden für eine sozial-ökologische Risikoabschätzung und wendet diesen in der vorliegenden Fallstudie an. Zunächst wurde eine qualitative Forschungsphase durchgeführt, um Systemwissen zu gewinnen, gefolgt von einer quantitativen Analyse von Umweltparametern zur Abschätzung der Dürregefahr sowie sozioökonomischer Variablen für die Abschätzung der Vulnerabilität. Schließlich wurden diese Daten im Household Drought Risk Index (HDRI) zusammengeführt, um Orientierungswissen zu generieren und das Dürrerisiko der Haushalte zu bestimmen. Daraus abgeleitetes Transformationswissen ermöglichte dann die Identifizierung geeigneter Risikominderungsstrategien. Die qualitative Erhebung (n = 26) explorierte die Wirkung von Dürren auf die lokalen Lebensbedingungen. Sie eröffnete Einblicke in die Nutzung von Wasserressourcen und die negativen Auswirkungen von Dürren auf die körperliche/geistige Gesundheit, das Familien-/Gemeinschaftslebens sowie den Lebensunterhalts. Bewältigungsmechanismen konnten auf mehreren Ebenen identifiziert werden, vom Haushalt (z.B. Verkauf landwirtschaftlicher Produkte) über die Gemeinde (z.B. Nachbarschaftshilfe) bis hin zur staatlichen Ebene (z.B. Dürrehilfe). Als kritische Wirkpunkte für Dürren wurden Nutzungsmuster von Wasser- und Nahrungsmitteln identifiziert, die einen Haushalt mehr oder weniger anfällig machen. Die interne Kapitalausstattung (Humanes, Soziales, Finanzielles, Physisches und Natürliches) und die infrastrukturelle und institutionelle Ausstattung eines Gebiets bestimmen weiterhin die Fähigkeit eines Haushalts, mit der Dürregefahr umzugehen. Diese Erkenntnisse ermöglichten die Konstruktion des HDRI Indikators, der in den Folgephasen mit entsprechenden Daten bestückt wurde. Zur Erfassung der Dürregefahr wurden drei Dürreindikatoren im Blended Drought Index (BDI) zusammengefasst. Dieser integrierte Dürreindikator berücksichtigt meteorologische und landwirtschaftliche Merkmale, die die Ernährungs- und Wassersicherheit der Bevölkerung beeinträchtigen. Der BDI verwendet eine Copula-Funktion, um gängige Dürreindikatoren zu kombinieren, die auf Niederschlag, Evapotranspiration, Bodenfeuchte und Vegetation zurückgreifen. Fernerkundungsprodukte wurden verarbeitet, um Häufigkeit, Stärke und Dauer der Dürren zu analysieren. Dabei wurden verschiedene Niederschlagsprodukte einer Unsicherheitsanalyse unterzogen, um jenes Produkt zu identifizieren, das am besten mit lokal gemessenen Stationsdaten korrespondiert. Die resultierende, integrierte Dürregefahrenkarte zeigt den Norden der Etosha-Pfanne und das Gebiet entlang des Kunene-Flusses als am stärksten von Dürren bedroht an. Zeitlich korreliert der BDI gut mit den Daten des Hirseertrages (r = 0,51) und dem lokalen Wasserverbrauch (r = -0,45) und übertrifft dabei konventionelle Indikatoren. Die Vulnerabilität wurde anhand von sozioökonomischen Daten aus einer Haushalts-befragung (n = 461) erfasst. Die Nutzungsmuster zeigen einen statistisch signifikanten Schwenk von kritischen Wasser- und Nahrungsquellen (z.B. Brunnen, Subsistenz-produkte) hin zu verlässlichen Quellen (z.B. Leitungswasser, Märkte) während der Trockenzeit. Haushalte mit einer starken Abhängigkeit von kritischen Quellen sind besonders sensitiv gegenüber Dürren. Die Kapitalausstattung der Haushalte variiert v.a. zwischen Land und Stadt sowie zwischen Namibia und Angola. Dabei treten Human- und Finanzkapital gemeinsam mit der infrastrukturellen und institutionellen Raumausstattung als wichtige Kontrollvariablen hervor. Die HDRI Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die angolanische Bevölkerung ein höheres Risiko aufweist, was v.a. durch weniger entwickelte Infrastruktursysteme, schwächere institutionelle- und geringere Bewältigungskapazitäten verursacht wird. Insgesamt gehen Stadtbewohner weniger dürresensitiven Nutzungsmustern nach, sind aber aufgrund familiärer Beziehungen weiterhin mit den ländlichen Gebieten verbunden. Die integrierte, räumliche Risikoabschätzung zeigt Gebiete in Angola und Namibia die sowohl dürregefährdet als auch vulnerabel sind. Die Ergebnisse erlauben zentrale Empfehlungen für Politik und Wissenschaft: Erstens sollte die Dürrebeobachtung im Cuvelai-Becken ein breiteres Spektrum von Indikatoren berücksichtigen und zusätzlich die Verwundbarkeit der Bevölkerung einbeziehen. Dies ermöglicht die Entwicklung von integrierten Dürreinformationssystemen. Zweitens, zur Verringerung der Sensitivität der Bevölkerung müssen lokale Wasserspeicher durch eine verbesserte Wassernutzungseffizienz erhöht werden. Dies gilt sowohl für blaues als auch grünes Wasser. Wassersparende Bewässerungssysteme in Kombination mit dezentralen Regen- und Flutwasserspeichern sind vielversprechende Möglichkeiten. Darüber hinaus müssen zentrale Infrastrukturen der Wasserversorgung und der Marktsysteme ausgebaut werden. Drittens, ist der Zusammenhalt der lokalen Gemeinschaften ein wichtiges institutionelles Rückgrat zur Bewältigung von Dürren und zur Anpassung an künftige Veränderungen. Anstrengungen zur Entwicklung des ländlichen Raums sind erforderlich, die über technische Interventionen hinausgehen und Gemeinschaften durch kollektive Maßnahmen und Ausbildung sowohl in der Wasserwirtschaft als auch der Landwirtschaft unterstützen und so die Lebensgrundlagen von den Niederschlägen entkoppeln.

Statement To The Security Council On Syria ; UNDER-SECRETARY-GENERAL FOR HUMANITARIAN AFFAIRS AND EMERGENCY RELIEF COORDINATOR, STEPHEN O'BRIEN Statement to the Security Council on Syria New York, 24 February 2016 As delivered Mr. President, Next month, we will mark a grim anniversary: the brutal conflict will have torn Syria apart for five long years. It has been a relentless period of violence and destruction. The Syrian people have seen their country reduced to rubble, loved ones killed or injured, and millions of people displaced, either inside the country or in the region and beyond. They have suffered far too much and for far too long. The international community watched on as Syria became one of the largest and most destructive crises of our times, with the majority of the population – some 13.5 million people – in dire need of protection and humanitarian assistance. The announcement by the chairs of the International Syria Support Group, the United States and the Russian Federation, of a nationwide cessation of hostilities scheduled to come into effect this weekend is a welcome development and a long-awaited signal of hope to the Syrian people. I echo the call of the Secretary-General for the parties to abide by the terms of the agreement to bring about an immediate reduction in violence as a first step towards a more durable ceasefire and to create the conditions necessary for an increase in humanitarian aid. Mr. President, I would like to take this opportunity to update the Council in detail on the most up to date information on humanitarian access. As of 17 February, United Nations and Syrian Arab Red Crescent convoys have reached the following towns as part of the Four Towns agreement: o Madaya: 62 trucks reaching 40,000 beneficiaries o Zabadani: three trucks reaching 1,000 beneficiaries o Foah and Kefraya: 18 trucks reaching 20,000 beneficiaries The convoys have proceeded without any major security incident. Although there have been delays in delivery as parties disagree over the terms of the agreement. The second and last part of the deliveries is tentatively planned for 28th of February. The United Nations have supplies ready to be loaded and delivered. Facilitation by all parties – including the relevant letters from the Government of Syria – must be provided. As part of the agreements facilitated through discussions in Munich earlier this month, we have been able to deliver 62 trucks in Madimayet reaching 40,000 people. There is another convoy planned to Madimayet – this must happen this week. Again this requires facilitation by all parties, including the relevant letters from the Government. Despite these achievements, the process of delivery has not been straightforward. For example, the second Madimayet convoy left the warehouse on Sunday 21st February at 8pm local time. By Tuesday at 1am local time, we still had trucks waiting outside the checkpoint to enter the town. Brave and dedicated humanitarian workers slept in trucks, in adverse weather, waiting patiently to get help to the people that needed it. Eventually, supplies were delivered and the team worked through the night to unload the supplies. Their bravery and commitment is humbling and I salute them all. I would like to remind the Council that Madimayet is a mere 15-20 minute drive from central Damascus. There is no reason why this mission should take over 48 hours to reach the people that need help. It is a clear violation of the safe, unhindered, unimpeded access that this Council has continually called for through its resolutions and other statements. Finally, in Kafr Batna in Eastern Ghouta, 15 trucks delivered assistance to 10,000 people. Again, this was not without complications: My team received approval from the Government at 5.30pm on 21st February to deliver assistance to over 44,000 people in several towns in Eastern Ghouta. After extensive negotiations, the UN team finally departed in the afternoon on the 23 February. And was only actually able to deliver to one town: Kafr Batna. The date of the next convoy is yet to be approved. Again, I insist on immediate approval to allow these convoys to deliver. We need immediate approval to the next round of convoys which will deliver to Eastern Ghouta, Homs, Aleppo and southern Syria. Mr President, Health supplies for some 30,000 people have been denied for the convoys by the Ministry of Health. The Resident Coordinator will submit an official request to the Government for all medical items that were removed to be included in future convoys. The Resident Coordinator is also putting together a proposal to the Government of Syria to reduce the number of procedures and the length of time needed to have inter-agency convoys move. Humanitarian operations cannot continue to be bogged down by unnecessary and unacceptable restrictions, obstructions and deliberate delays that are costing people their lives. The number, scope and complexity of bureaucratic and other obstacles that are placed in the path of simple aid deliveries are staggering. To move a single truck, United Nations teams on the ground need to acquire multiple layers of approvals from officials at various different levels, necessitating repeated rounds of negotiations over everything from the target location, amount and type of aid supplies, date, time and the route to take. When approvals are forthcoming, they are often not respected or adequately implemented. In order for people in dire need to receive the assistance they so desperately require, the system must be urgently simplified. Mr President, The United Nations has also begun to use airdrops as a means of humanitarian delivery in Syria. Although there are a number of operational risks associated with airdrops, we recognise that there are benefits to this approach in some areas of Syria as a last resort. Earlier this morning, a WFP plane dropped the first cargo of 21 tonnes of items into Deir Ezzor. We have received initial reports from the SARC team on the ground that pallets have landed in the target area as planned. In summary, the United Nations and its partners have reached 110,000 people in besieged areas. We have approval to reach a further 230,000 people, including through the airdrops in Deir Ezzor. But we are still waiting for approval an additional 170,000. We expect those approvals to happen immediately. More broadly, the use of siege and starvation as a method of war must cease immediately. The main responsibility for doing so rests with parties maintaining the sieges, but it is shared by those that put civilians in harm's way by using them as shields for military activities in besieged areas. Mr President, I cannot emphasize enough how high the stakes are at this moment in the conflict. The Syrian people – who are rightly sceptical of the international community's desire and ability to bring about an end to this hideous war after years of inaction – need to see an immediate difference in their daily lives on the ground because, up till this point, it is they who continue to bear the brunt of this crisis as violence has become more widespread, systematic and extreme. Since the start of the year, thousands of civilians have been killed, injured or displaced as a result of airstrikes, barrel bombs, shelling, mortars, rockets, car bombs, improvised explosive devices, and suicide attacks day after day right across the country. This month alone, it is estimated that several hundred people have been killed and over 70,000 displaced due to intense aerial bombardment in Aleppo Governorate. Heavy fighting and aerial bombardment also continued in other parts of the country, including parts of Idlib, Homs, Rural Damascus and Dar'a. All too often this included attacks on civilian infrastructure and basic services – including medical facilities, schools, bakeries, places of worship and IDP camps, with a devastating impact on hundreds of thousands of civilians. On 15 February, on one single day, seven health care facilities were attacked in Idlib, Aleppo and Dar'a, reportedly by Government and allied forces. Numerous civilians, including medical staff, were killed and injured and the facilities largely destroyed. In Idlib alone, it is estimated that some 40,000 people will be left without access to medical services as a result. Designated terrorist groups have similarly continued their indiscriminate attacks on civilian-populated areas. A few days ago, car bomb attacks claimed by ISIL reportedly killed over 155 people in Damascus and Homs city. In January, similar attacks in the same locations killed dozens more. Meanwhile, non-state armed groups continued their shelling on populated-areas of Damascus, killing and injuring many civilians over the last weeks. Mr. President, It is hard to believe that this conflict can be resolved as long as there continues to be a complete absence of protection for civilians. The agreement on cessation of hostilities must finally and unequivocally produce what this Council's resolutions and the basic tenets and obligations under international law could not achieve so far: an immediate end to all targeted or indiscriminate attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure, and enhanced protection of civilians. Enough is enough. This brutality must be brought to an end. Mr. President, Despite the intensified fighting, the United Nations and its partners have continued to scale up assistance to people in need, albeit at great personal risk. Last month, the United Nations and its partners reached millions of people in need with assistance through all available routes. The World Food Programme, for example, delivered food for 3.6 million people; UNICEF provided water, sanitation and hygiene supplies for over 2 million people, and WHO delivered nearly 660,000 treatments. This month, significant amount of supplies were delivered through cross-border operations authorized by this Council. During the first three weeks of February, food assistance reached some 960,000 people, representing a 48 per cent increase compared to the same period in January. Health supplies were also delivered for some 300,000 people in February. Large multi-truck convoys are crossing the three border crossings of Bab al-Salam, Bab al- Hawa and Ar Ramtha on a nearly daily basis. We will continue to stay and deliver, but we do remain concerned about the impact of fighting and insecurity on humanitarian access and operational space, in particular to eastern Aleppo city. This fragile access to people in need must be safeguarded at all cost. Mr. President, Let me be frank. While the United Nations and its partners are ready to take advantage of any opportunity to reach people in need, granting access should never be dependent on political negotiations or ad hoc deals on the ground. Protecting civilians and facilitating humanitarian assistance are legal obligations that are incumbent on all parties to the conflict at all times and for all types of assistance. It is a fundamental and irrefutable tenet of international humanitarian law and it must be respected. In that regard, I once again call upon the Government of Syria to urgently approve the over 40 outstanding requests for inter-agency convoys to deliver assistance to hard-to-reach and besieged areas. I also call upon non-State armed groups and listed terrorist groups to fulfil their obligations. Mr. President, In the Syrian conflict, there are no winners; everyone is losing. But the highest price is paid by Syrian men, women and children who are witnessing their country, their homes and their families being torn apart. This war has to end. Much as we try, the delivery of humanitarian assistance can only address the symptoms, not the root causes. The international community and the parties to the conflict must seize the momentum created around the nationwide cessation of hostilities to bring a political solution to the crisis. I cannot stress enough that we must not let this opportunity pass. We cannot take away this glimmer of hope from the people that need it the most. Thank you.

Mäen tutkimuksen pääkohde on se, kuinka vesiongelma ratkaistiin ja vesihallinto luotiin neljässä eteläafrikkalaisessa kaupungissa: Kapkaupungissa, Grahamstownissa, Durbanissa ja Johannesburgissa. Mäki selvittää vesihuollon sekä veden hankinnan ja viemäröinnin kehitystä, hallintotapoja sekä valittuja teknologisia ratkaisuja ja niiden vaikutusta kehitykseen. Vesihuollon ja kaupungistumisen muodostamaa ongelmakenttää tutkitaan ympäristöhistorian näkökulmasta pyrkien synteesiin siitä, miten veden ja terveyden ongelmat on ratkaistu tutkimuskohteissa. Tutkimuksen pääkysymys on, kuinka vesihuolto ja -hallinto ratkaistiin neljässä eri aikoina ja erilaisiin ympäristöihin perustetussa kaupungissa. Entä mitkä olivat tehtyjen ratkaisujen vaikutukset kaupunkikehitykseen ja ympäristöön? Valitut kaupungit edustavat erilaisia maantieteellisiä alueita, väestörakenteita, ja vielä 1800-luvun lopulla kolmea erillistä poliittista yksikköä. Mäen tutkimus valaisee omasta näkökulmastaan paikallishallinnon toimintaa ja sen kykyä vastata väestön tarpeisiin taistelussa kaupungistumisen ongelmia vastaan. Monissa Aasian ja Afrikan kaupungeissa kamppaillaan edelleen näiden samojen ongelmien kanssa. Rotukysymyksen ja sen vaikutusten pohtiminen muodostaa oman osa-alueensa Mäen tutkimuksessa. Erityisesti rotukysymys näkyy terveysongelmien kohdalla. Kaupungeissa esiintyi säännöllisesti vakavia epidemioita. Afrikkalaisten asuinalueita pidettiin tautipesäkkeinä, ja tätä käytettiin lääketieteellisenä perusteluna rotuerottelulle. Taudit eivät kuitenkaan suostuneet noudattamaan rotu- tai luokkarajoja, ja tämän vuoksi päädyttiin siihen, että afrikkalaisten terveydestä piti huolehtia valkoisten suojelemiseksi. Tämä tarkoitti useimmiten puhtaan juomaveden toimittamista afrikkalaisille. Tätä ongelmaa ei alueella ole vieläkään saatu ratkaistua; edellisestä vakavasta koleraepidemiasta Etelä-Afrikassa ei ole kovin monta vuotta. Mäen tutkimus pohjautuu laajaan ja monipuoliseen lähdeaineistoon, jonka rungon muodostavat arkistoaineiston rinnalla viranomaisten tuottamat erilaiset raportit ja suunnitelmat. Aikalaisnäkökulmaa oloihin ja ongelmiin on haettu paikallisista sanomalehdistä ja aikalaiskirjallisuudesta. Tutkimuksessa esitetään kokonaiskuva niistä eri tekijöistä, jotka vaikuttivat vesihuollon muotoutumiseen neljässä esimerkkikaupungissa ja merkitsee uutta avausta vähän käsitellyssä aiheessa Etelä-Afrikan urbanisoitumisen historian tutkimuksessa. Tutkimuksen perusteella merkittävimmiksi vesihuollon kehitystä määrittäviksi tekijöiksi nousevat väestönkasvu, kuntatalouden rajoitukset, rotuasenteet sekä alan ammattilaisten eli kaupungininsinöörien ja kaupunginlääkärien rooli. Voimakkaan väestönkasvun aiheuttamat paineet näkyivät kolmessa neljästä esimerkkitapauksesta jatkuvana tarpeena lisätä tarjolla olevan veden määrää sekä myöhemmin tarpeena saada näin lisääntyneet jätevedet kuljetettua pois. Kuntatalous aiheutti rajoituksia siihen, mitä suunnitelmia pystyttiin toteuttamaan ja milloin. Selkeimmin tämä näkyi Grahamstownissa, jossa vesiviemäröinti kyettiin toteuttamaan vasta 1930-luvulla. Myös rotuasenteet vaikuttivat vesi- ja jätevesihuollon infrastruktuurin kehittymiseen kaupungeissa. Infrastruktuuri levisi ensiksi valkoisten asuttamille alueille ja vasta sen jälkeen, jos sittenkään, muille alueille. Vaikka varsinkin mustien katsottiin levittävän erilaisia tautiepidemioita, niin heidän asuinolojensa parantamista ei katsottu tarpeelliseksi. Varsin yleisesti oli vallalla käsitys, etteivät mustat käsittäneet nykyaikaisen hygienian vaatimuksia. Tämän vuoksi pidettiin oleellisena siirtää heidät pois valkoisten asuinalueiden läheltä, jotta kaupunkikuva parantuisi. Myös kaupungininsinöörien ja kaupunginlääkärien asemalla oli tutkimuksen perusteella merkittävä vaikutus vesihuollon kehitykseen. Grahamstownissa näiden kunnallisten virkamiesten vaikutusvalta oli varsin olematon verrattuna kaupunginhallitukseen, kun taas vastaavasti Durbanissa kaupungininsinööri sai läpi lähes kaikki esityksensä. Samoin oli tilanne Johannesburgissa 1900-luvun alussa: kaupunginlääkärin asema oli niin vahva, ettei hänen näkemyksiään sivuutettu. Kaiken kaikkiaan Etelä-Afrikan tilannetta 1800-luvun lopulla voidaan verrata nykyiseen tilanteeseen. Alueelle saapui siirtolaisia Euroopasta ja Aasiasta sekä mustia työn perässä maaseudulta kaupunkeihin. Tämä kaupungistuminen aiheutti paineita infrastruktuurista vastaaville viranomaisille. Taloja ja teitä piti rakentaa sekä tuottaa palveluita, joista tärkeimpiä olivat vesi- ja jätevesipalvelut. Samoin nykyisessä Etelä-Afrikassa kaupungit kasvavat muualta Afrikasta tulevista siirtolaisista ja köyhistä maalaisista, jotka muuttavat paremman elämän toivossa kaupunkeihin. Viranomaisten ongelmat ovat edelleen samat kuin sata vuotta sitten, eli toimivan infrastruktuurin rakentaminen ja tarvittavien palveluiden takaaminen. Ajat ovat muuttuneet, mutta nykyään vesi- ja jätevesipalvelut nähdään yleisesti ihmisen perustarpeina. Historia ei välttämättä toista itseään, mutta silti on mahdollista oppia siitä mitä on tapahtunut aiemmin, varsinkin tehdyistä virheistä. Johannesburgin vesihuollosta vuoteen 1905 vastanneen yhtiön pitäisi olla varoittava esimerkki niille, jotka vaativat yksityistämistä ratkaisuksi vesihuollon ongelmiin. Etelä-Afrikan kaltaisessa maassa, jossa vettä ei ole tuhlattavaksi asti, on erityisen tärkeää ymmärtää miten nykyiseen tilanteeseen on tultu. ; As society has developed the importance of the clean water and the removal of the wastewater has increased. At the same time it has become a point of dispute between various actors. In a more general level, water has also a civilising role; both running water and water closet has been already long considered as an indispensable condition for modern society. Water is perhaps the most important natural substance in our daily life. It is a fundamental prerequisite for working of a human body, without it we would dry up and perish. Without it the surrounding world would loose its vitality. Water, however, is a commodity that is scantily available, only 0,644 per cent of the water in Earth s surface layer is in liquid form and from this 99 per cent is under the surface. Water is difficult to obtain, especially in drier parts of Africa. In case of South Africa consciousness of the lack of water and its general scarcity are forcing the government to pay increasingly attention to more careful water consumption and distribution. United Nations had said that the lack of clean drinking water and shortages in sanitation are the biggest problem in the world at the moment. The main objective of this research is how the water related problems and the creation of the water management was solved in four South African towns, Cape Town, Grahamstown, Durban, and Johannesburg. In this research the development of the water supply and acquisition and sewerage, the patterns of governance, and the technological choices made and their impacts are studied. The field of the water supply and urbanization is studied from the viewpoint of the environmental history at the same time aiming to the synthesis of how the problems of the water and the health were solved. The main question of this study is: How was the water supply and governance solved in these four cities, which were established in different time periods and in different environments? What were the effects of the decisions made for the city development and the environment? In the section on water management, I examine the question that is still today critical in many developing countries, namely: Should water supply and management be a private or public enterprise? There are examples of both approaches in the four cities that form the focus of this study. Why, for example, did Johannesburg end up with a partially private company? The examination of the race question and its effects would be a sub-field of its own. The issue of race is the most visible in health questions. There were serious epidemics in the towns regularly. During the 19th and early 20th centuries, the Africans were considered the carriers of disease. This perception was then used as a major reason to justify the policy of segregation. Diseases, however, did not follow racial or class divisions. Because of this, the conclusion was that to protect Whites they also had to take, at least minimal, care of the health of the Africans. This required delivery of clean drinking water to all the inhabitants. This problem is still partly unsolved. There still are cholera outbreaks in South Africa; for instance 2000 2001 in Kwazulu-Natal and 2003 2004 in Mpumalanga. These case cities were selected because they are situated in different spatial localities. They also have diverse local ethnic compositions. Moreover, in historical terms they were subject to different systems of political governance in local, colonial and national contexts. Cape Town is the oldest European-style urban node in South Africa. The first iron water pipes and taps were installed as early as 1811. Grahamstown was founded in 1812 as a military camp. Being situated inland, its problems with water management differed from those in the Cape Town. Durban was established in 1824 as Port Natal in the eastern coast of South Africa, where the acquisition of water was not a problem. Johannesburg is the youngest of the case cities. It suddenly sprung up in the South African Republic after the first gold discoveries in the early 1880s. Its multi-cultural inhabitants and location, 70 kilometres, from the nearest major river, posed a unique challenge to water supply services. This comparative study of how these cities solved their water supply and related environmental and health problems illustrates the working of municipal administrations and their abilities to respond to the needs of citizens in the battle against the problems of urbanization. In many Asian and African towns, they are still facing the same problems that the cities selected for this research experienced when they were building their water supply. Obviously today, South Africa is an advanced country when considering the effectiveness of water supply and the quality of water; you can drink tap water, which is not the case in most other countries. The research is based on wide and many-sided source material, the core of which is based on archival material and different plans and reports of officials. There is also contemporary viewpoint based on local newspapers and contemporary literature. The research presents an over-all picture of the various factors that influenced the development of water supply in four case cities in South Africa. It is, also, a new opening in a little research area of South African urban history. Based on the research, population growth, the limitations of municipal financing, racial attitudes, and the role of local professionals, town engineers and medical officers of health, are the most important factors in the development of water supply. The pressures of strong population growth can be seen in three cases as a constant need to augment the amount of delivered water, and later as a need to get rid of increasing amounts of waste water. Municipal financing put limitations to what plans could be realised and when. This can be seen most clearly in Grahamstown. For instance, waterborne sewerage system could be built there only in 1830s. Racial attitudes influenced the development of the water supply and sewerage infrastructure in the citi! es. At first the infrastructure was built in the areas inhabited by the whites, and only later, if even then, in the other areas. Although it was a common assumption that the black were spreading various diseases, it was not thought necessary to improve their housing conditions. It was a quite common assumption that the blacks could not understand the necessities of a modern hygiene. Because of this the essential method for improving the city view was the removal of the blacks from the neighbourhood of the white areas. Also the status of town engineers and medical officers of health had an important impact on the development of the water supply according to this research. In Grahamstown their influence was quite nonexistent compared to the influence of the city council. In Durban the town engineer got nearly all his plans approved. In Johannesburg in the early 20th century the position of the local medical officer of health was so strong that his opinions could not be bypassed. All-in-all, the situation in South Africa in the late 19th century can be compared to the current situation. Cities in South Africa were growing with immigrants coming from Europe and Asia and with Africans moving into cities for work. This urbanization process put many pressures on the municipal officials responsible for the city infrastructure. More houses and roads had to be built, different kinds of services had to be offered amongst which water and sanitary services were of vital importance. In South Africa today cities are growing with immigrants coming from neighbouring countries and with poor people seeking a better life than can be achieved from the countryside. The problems the city officials are still facing are identical, the building of a working infrastructure and the guarantee to provide the needed services. The times had been changing but nowadays water and proper sanitary services are recognized universally as basic human necessities. History does not necessarily repeat itself but at least it is possible to learn from what has happened earlier and learn from these mistakes. The example of the Johannesburg Waterworks Company, for example, should be a warning to those demanding privatization as a solution for problems related to water supply. In a water scarce country such as South Africa, it is particularly important to understand the history of their water supply.

Riječ uredništvaPrije nekoliko godina u jednom dvobroju Šumarskog lista pojasnili smo zadaću ove rubrike. Naglasili smo da ona nije zamišljena da podučava šumarske stručnjake o šumarstvu (struku su učili na Fakultetu), nego da podsjetimo na aktualnosti koje se događaju u šumi i šumarskoj struci. Navodeći činjenice, nastojimo pomoći da šumarska praksa, pa i znanost, lakše zauzme stav o pojedinom aktualnom stručnom problemu ili događanjima kako bi štitila šumu i struku. Stoga, osvrnimo se na prošlogodišnje rubrike koje nam ukazuju na probleme koji nas očekuju.U dvobroju 1-2/2021. najavili smo cjelogodišnje obilježavanje 175-e obljetnice osnivanja Hrvatskoga šumarskog društva (1846. g.) i 145-e obljetnice (1877. g) tiskanja znanstveno-stručnog i staleškog glasila Šumarskog lista. Naveli smo kako je Hrvatsko šumarsko društvo, uz ostalo, ostvarilo svoja dva glavna cilja: uvođenje više šumarske nastave u Hrvatskoj osnivanjem Gospodarsko-šumarskog učilišta u Križevcima 1860. godine, a potom Šumarske akademije (danas Šumarski fakultet) 1898. godine kao četvrte visokoškolske ustanove Zagrebačkog sveučilišta. Tiskanjem prvoga broja svojega glasila, Šumarskog lista 1. siječnja 1877. godine, ostvaren je i drugi cilj. Posebno smo istaknuli kako je već tada usvojeno mišljenje da je za gospodarenje šumskim ekosustavima potrebno visokoškolsko obrazovanje. Upitali smo se kakva je danas situacija sa šumarskom strukom? Zaključili smo: nikakva – svi znaju sve o šumi, a nisu niti "primirisali" šumarsko obrazovanje bilo kojega ranga. Skrenuli smo pozornost na netržišno gospodarenje šumskim resursima, posebice najvrjednijima, kada izvozom drvne sirovine, a ne drvoprerađivačkih proizvoda izvozimo radna mjesta i obezvrjeđujemo dugogodišnji trud šumarskih stručnjaka.U dvobroju 3-4/2021. raspravljali smo na temu teksta Thomasa Waitza, zastupnika Zelenih u EU, objavljenog pod bombastičnim naslovom "Novo izvješće o krčenju šuma u Hrvatskoj", na kojega su se odmah "zalijepili" naši Zeleni. Nakon više od 250 godina gospodarenja našim šumama po načelu potrajnog gospodarenja, ovaj naslov je uvreda hrvatskim stručnjacima. Osim toga, ovo je poistovjećivanje pojmova krčenja i kontrolirane sječe šuma, što je očiti primjer neznanja, bolje rečeno amaterizma koji danas preplavljuje ne samo šumarsku nego i druge struke. Svakako preporučamo opetovano pročitati ovu Riječ Uredništva, kako bi imali jaču podlogu za eventualnu raspravu o odnosnoj temi.U dvobroju 5-6/2021. rubriku smo posvetili "Odlasku čovjeka koji je život posvetio šumi i šumarstvu". Bez obzira na njegov životni put opširno prikazan u rubrici In memoriam, osvrnuli smo se kratko na najvažnije dijelove toga životnog puta, zaključujući: "Odlaskom profesora Matića završilo je jedno razdoblje, koje će nama suvremenicima ostati u sjećanju kao nezaboravno iskustvo, plemenitog, šumarskog načina života i zajedništva, a koje je rezultiralo njegovanim i očuvanim šumama. Hoće li novi trendovi koji su sve izraženiji u današnjem šumarstvu, a prema kojima su šumarski stručnjaci sve manje povezani sa šumom, ali i međusobno, uspjeti odgovoriti na nove izazove, posebice u okolnostima sve izraženijih klimatskih promjena, tek je za vidjeti."U dvobroju 7-8/2021. uz temu: Tko je kriv za loše poslovanje drvoprerađivača? navodimo tekst Europskoga šumarskog instituta i Svjetske banke pod naslovom "Pregled i preporuka za sustav prodaje drvne sirovine Hrvatskih šuma". Čitamo da se kod nas 93 % drvnih proizvoda prodaje administrativno na temelju dugoročnih ugovora, a tržišno samo 5 % (Poljska 89-90 %, Češka 96 %, a Estonija i Francuska približno 100 % tržišno). Hrvatska prodaje drvnu sirovinu po 20-30 % nižoj cijeni u usporedbi s europskim cijenama i cijenama u susjednim zemljama, što čini gubitak od oko 316 milijuna kuna godišnje (hrast 163 milijuna kn, bukva 105 milijuna kn, smreka i jela 48 milijuna kn). S obzirom na gospodarenje po načelu potrajnosti te na kvalitetu i prirodnost naših šuma (čime je osiguran i FSC certifikat – od čega najveći benefit ubiru upravo drvoprerađivači), mišljenja smo da je gubitak i veći.Što donosi nova EU strategija za šume do 2030. tema je dvobroja 9-10/2021. Smatra se ključnim za ostvarivanje ciljeva Europskoga zelenog plana, smanjenje emisija stakleničkih plinova za najmanje 55 % do 2030. i klimatske neutralnosti do 2050. godine. Pomaže i ispunjavanje ciljeva EU-a za povećanje uklanjanja CO2 prirodnim ponorima prema Zakonu o klimi. Strategijom se šumi, šumarima i sektoru koji se temelji na šumi daje središnja uloga u ostvarivanju tih ciljeva. Uz njihovu pomoć očekuje se europski prelazak na moderno, klimatski neutralno, resursno učinkovito i konkurentno gospodarstvo.U dvobroju 11-12/2021. pokušali smo sažeti nazovimo prognoze "Što nam donosi Glazgovska klimatska konferencija". U sklopu potpisane Deklaracije o korištenju šuma i zemljišta, koju je do sada podržalo preko 140 država u kojima se nalazi više od 90% svjetskih šuma, čelnici zemalja obvezali su se zajednički raditi na zaustavljanju i preokretanju gubitka šuma i degradacije zemljišta do 2030. godine. Glavni cilj konferencije odnosio se na ograničavanje povišenja globalne prosječne temperature na razinu koja je znatno niža od 2°C iznad razine u predindustrijskom razdoblju. Ovdje nas zabrinjava činjenica da mnogi neupućeni, a mjerodavni, poistovjećuju krčenje šuma i kontroliranu sječu šuma koja je uzgojni zahvat u održavanju, a posebice u obnovi šumskih sastojina. Usprkos našoj visokoj šumovitosti, to bi nam u budućnosti moglo bitno utjecati na dosadašnji dokazano uspješni način gospodarenja našim šumama.Uredništvo ; EditorialWe explained the mission of this column in a double issue of Forestry Journal several years ago. We pointed out that the intention of the column was not to teach forestry experts about forestry (the profession which they study at the faculty), but to point to some current events taking place in the forest and the forestry profession. By stating the facts, we try to help the forestry practice and science to take a stand on a particular professional problem or event, all with the view of protecting the forest and the profession. Therefore, let us remind ourselves of last year's columns, which point to the problems that await us in the future.In the double issue 1-2/2021 we announced the year-round celebration of the 175th anniversary of the founding of the Croatian Forestry Society (1846) and the 145th anniversary (1877) of the publication of the scientific-professional paper Forestry Journal. Among other things, we pointed out that the Croatian Forestry Society achieved its two main goals. The first was the introduction of higher forestry education in Croatia by founding the College of Agriculture and Forestry in Križevci in 1860 and the Academy of Forestry (the present Faculty of Forestry) in 1898 as the fourth higher education institution of the University of Zagreb. The second goal was achieved by publishing the first issue of Forestry Journal on January 1st, 1877. We especially emphasised that the awareness of the need for higher education to manage forest ecosystems was keenly felt even then. We asked ourselves what the current situation was regarding the forestry profession. We concluded it was dire: everybody knows everything about the forest without having the slightest idea of the forestry profession. We also drew attention to the non-market management of forest resources, particularly the most valuable ones, when by exporting wood raw material instead of wood processing products, we export jobs and devalue the long-lasting hard work of forestry experts. In the double issue 3-4/2021, we discussed the text by Thomas Waitz, representative of the Green Party in the EU, published under the bombastic title "New Report on Deforestation in Croatia", which our Greens immediately "embraced". In view of over 250 years of managing our forests according to the principle of sustainable management, this title is an insult to Croatian experts. In addition, this mixing up of the concepts of deforestation and controlled felling of forests is a blatant example of ignorance, or rather amateurism, which today permeates not only forestry but also other professions. We warmly recommend rereading this Editorial in order to gain a stronger basis for a possible debate of this subject.The Editorial in the double issue 5-6/2021, was entitled "The demise of a man who has devoted his life to forests and forestry". Although his life path was extensively presented in the column "In memoriam", we briefly described the most important points of his life path, concluding: "The demise of Professor Matić ends a period which we, his contemporaries, will always look upon as an unforgettable experience of living a noble foresters' life in togetherness, the result of which are well-tended and preserved forests. Will the new trends, increasingly visible in present day forestry, in which foresters have less and less contact with forests and with their colleagues, be able to respond to all the challenges, particularly in the light of distinct climate changes, remains to be seen." The topic of the double issue 7-8/2021 "Who is to blame for poor business results of wood processors?" is accompanied by the text of the European Forestry Institute and the World Bank, entitled "A survey and recommendations for the wood raw material sale system in the company Croatian Forests Ltd." According to the text, 93 % of wood products in Croatia are sold administratively on the basis of long-term contracts, and only 5 % are sold on the market (Poland 89 - 90 %, Czechia 96 %, and Estonia and France about 100 % on the market). Compared to European prices and prices in neighbouring countries, Croatia sells wood raw material at prices which are 30 – 30 % lower, which incurs a loss of about 316 million kuna annually (oak 163 million kuna, beech 105 million kuna, spruce and fir 48 million kuna). Taking into consideration the principles of sustainable management, as well as the quality and naturalness of Croatian forests (which has earned them the FSC certificate – of which it is the wood processors who reap the highest benefits), we suspect that the losses are even higher than the ones mentioned above. The topic of the double issue 9-10/2021 was "What does the new EU forest strategy for 2030 bring?" A core part of the European Green Deal, this strategy anticipates a reduction of greenhouse gas emissions by at least 55 % by 2030 and a climate-neutral continent by 2050. It also helps meet EU targets to increase CO2 removal through natural sinks under the Climate Act. The strategy gives forests, foresters and the forest-based sector a central role in meeting these targets. With their help, a European transition to a modern, climate-neutral, resource-efficient and competitive economy is expected. The double issue 11-12/2021 was concerned with predictions contained in the text "What does the Glasgow Conference bring us?" As part of the signed Declaration on Forests and Land Use, which has so far been supported by over 140 countries in which more than 90 % of world's forests are located, the leaders pledged to work together to "halt and reverse forest loss and land degradation" by 2030. The main objective of the conference was to limit the increase in global average temperature to a level significantly lower than 2°C above the level in the pre-industrial period. Here, we are concerned about the fact that those who are uninformed, but in position of authority, equate deforestation and controlled felling, which is a silvicultural operation performed in order to maintain and regenerate forest stands. Despite the fact that Croatia is highly forested, this could significantly affect our proven success in the management of our forests.Editorial Board

[spa] La presente tesis doctoral se presenta como una investigación de Historia Contemporánea con raíces en la Ciencia Política. Su finalidad es comprender la identidad insular característica de las Illes Balears y de manera particular de Eivissa, ya que el tema identitario, además de cobrar relevancia en los tiempos presentes, es un concepto que ayuda a comprender la cultura política de las sociedades contemporáneas así como un elemento principal en el desarrollo del capital social de las mismas. En este sentido, el insularismo sería el concepto clave para comprender la identidad insular. Por ello se procederá a desarrollar diferentes consideraciones en torno a este concepto con el fin de hacer comprensible a cualquier residente del continente la carga simbólica de los ciudadanos de las Illes Balears. En el primer capítulo introductorio se expondrán los objetivos e hipótesis de la investigación, y en segundo capítulo se desarrollará la metodología empleada y se detallarán las fuentes estudiadas para explorar la identidad insular como característica propia del archipiélago balear. El tercer capítulo se dedicará a exponer el marco teórico y a reflexionar sobre las diferentes nociones que influyen en la conformación del concepto principal de este estudio. Le seguirá un desarrollo teórico necesario para comprender la identidad insular y todas las cargas simbólicas que se construyen en torno a dicho concepto y para abordar la relación existente entre la identidad insular y la cultura política. Esta relación explica en gran medida las relaciones existentes entre todos los elementos estudiados en esta investigación. Diferentes elementos que ayudan a explicar tanto la identidad insular predominante así como los efectos de esta identidad insular en el desarrollo político y social insular, dando así una justificación a la conexión entre todos los capítulos siguientes. El capítulo IV ofrecerá una visión macro a través del ejercicio comparado entre dos territorios insulares, el archipiélago canario y el balear, que puede ayudar a visualizar el desarrollo identitario y sus consecuencias. Servirá como referencia el estudio realizado por Eve Hepburn en el que analiza comparativamente distintas regiones insulares y sus demandas de autonomía, de soberanía o de independencia. Se utilizarán las variables que propone la autora y se estudiará el sistema de partidos balear 8 que, a diferencia del canario, carece de un partido de índole autonómico o archipielágico, lo que a posteriori se traduce en unas demandas insulares satisfechas o insatisfechas. Otra variable a destacar es el análisis de la «Linz-Moreno question», pregunta aplicada en las encuestas del CIS que suele medir el grado de identificación, nacionalismo o regionalismo y, en nuestro caso, de insularismo. Otras variables que se contemplarán en esta investigación serán los recursos económicos, las relaciones externas con el Estado y entidades supranacionales, el papel de Balears en la administración del Estado y factores asociados con el «islandness», destacando como aportación propia de este estudio la incorporación del índice del malapportionment como factor asociado al «islandness». En el capítulo V se realizará un análisis del Diario de Ibiza a partir de la teoría del nacionalismo banal de Michael Billig y del concepto de insularismo banal desarrollado teóricamente en el capítulo III. Concluirá la investigación con un análisis diacrónico del sistema político de Eivissa durante la II República aplicando una fórmula propia para poder determinar la participación absoluta en dicho periodo. En este sentido, el apartado se centra en el estudio del comportamiento electoral como un elemento clave en la cultura política. Se llevarán a cabo análisis comparados de la participación electoral a nivel estatal, autonómico e insular en los periodos mencionados, conjugando así una dimensión diacrónica y sincrónica. En el conjunto del trabajo se aprecian las conexiones entre uno y otro capítulo como fenómenos explicativos el uno del otro. ; [cat] La present tesi doctoral es presenta com una recerca d'Història Contemporània amb arrels en la Ciència Política. La seva finalitat és comprendre la identitat insular característica de les Illes Balears i de manera particular d'Eivissa, ja que el tema identitari, a més de cobrar rellevància en els temps presents, és un concepte que ajuda a comprendre la cultura política de les societats contemporànies així com un element principal en el desenvolupament del capital social d'aquestes. En aquest sentit, l'insularisme seria el concepte clau per a comprendre la identitat insular. Per això es procedirà a desenvolupar diferents consideracions entorn d'aquest concepte amb la finalitat de fer comprensible a qualsevol resident del continent la càrrega simbòlica dels ciutadans de les Illes Balears. En el primer capítol introductori s'exposaran els objectius i hipòtesis de la recerca, al segon capítol es desenvoluparà la metodologia emprada i es detallaran les fonts estudiades per a explorar la identitat insular com a característica pròpia de l'arxipèlag balear. El tercer capítol es dedicarà a exposar el marc teòric i a reflexionar sobre les diferents nocions que influeixen en la conformació del concepte principal d'aquest estudi. Li seguirà un desenvolupament teòric necessari per a comprendre la identitat insular i totes les càrregues simbòliques que es construeixen entorn d'aquest concepte i per a abordar la relació existent entre la identitat insular i la cultura política. Aquesta relació explica en gran manera les relacions existents entre tots els elements estudiats en aquesta recerca. Diferents elements que ajuden a explicar tant la identitat insular predominant així com els efectes d'aquesta identitat insular en el desenvolupament polític i social insular, donant així una justificació a la connexió entre tots els capítols següents. El capítol IV oferirà una visió macro a través de l'exercici comparat entre dos territoris insulars, l'arxipèlag canari i el balear, que pot ajudar a visualitzar el desenvolupament identitari i les seves conseqüències. Servirà com a referència l'estudi realitzat per Eve Hepburn en el qual analitza comparativament diferents regions insulars i les seves demandes d'autonomia, de sobirania o d'independència. S'utilitzaran les variables que proposa l'autora i s'estudiarà el sistema de partits balear que, a diferència 10 del canari, manca d'un partit de tipus autonòmic o arxipielàgic, la qual cosa a posteriori es tradueix en unes demandes insulars satisfetes o insatisfetes. Una altra variable a destacar és l'anàlisi de la «Linz-Moreno question», pregunta aplicada en les enquestes del CIS que sol mesurar el grau d'identificació, nacionalisme o regionalisme i, en el nostre cas, d'insularisme. Altres variables que es contemplaran en aquesta recerca seran els recursos econòmics, les relacions externes amb l'Estat i entitats supranacionals, el paper de Balears en l'administració de l'Estat i factors associats amb l'«islandness», destacant com a aportació pròpia d'aquest estudi la incorporació de l'índex del malapportionment com a factor associat a l'«islandness». En el capítol V es realitzarà una anàlisi del Diario de Ibiza a partir de la teoria del nacionalisme banal de Michael Billig i del concepte d'insularisme banal desenvolupat teòricament en el capítol II. Conclourà la recerca amb una anàlisi diacrònica del sistema polític d'Eivissa durant la II República aplicant una fórmula pròpia per a poder determinar la participació absoluta en aquest període. En aquest sentit, l'apartat se centra en l'estudi del comportament electoral com un element clau en la cultura política. Es duran a terme anàlisis comparades de la participació electoral a nivell estatal, autonòmic i insular en els períodes esmentats, conjugant així una dimensió diacrònica i sincrònica. En el conjunt del treball s'aprecien les connexions entre un i un altre capítol com a fenòmens explicatius l'un de l'altre. ; [eng] This thesis investigates contemporary history using political science as a frame of reference. Its purpose is to understand the insular identity of the Balearic Islands, with a focus on the Island of Eivissa. This issue has gained relevance in present times since it helps understand the current political culture and the development of social capital in the Island. The thesis builds its theoretical backbone on the concept of insularism since this is a key concept in the understanding of the symbolic burden of the Balearic Islands citizenship. The first chapter introduces the objectives and hypotheses of the research project, and the second chapter shows the methodology and the sources utilized to explore the insular identity as an idiosyncratic characteristic of the Balearic Islands. The third chapter focuses on the theoretical framework and on the description and analysis of important notions that influence insular identity. This is followed by a description of the theoretical framework that is required to understand the concept of insular identity, its symbolic loading and on addressing the relationship between insular identity and political culture. This relationship largely explains the relationships between all the elements studied in this research. Different elements that help to explain both the predominant insular identity as well as the effects of this insular identity in the insular political and social development, thus giving a justification to the connection between all the following chapters. The fourth chapter offers a macro view through the comparative analysis of two island territories: The Canary Islands and the Balearic Islands. This exercise helps us visualize the development of identity and its consequences. The main reference for this analysis is the study carried out by Eve Hepburn in which she comparatively analyzes different island regions and their demands for autonomy and sovereignty. Our study utilizes the same variables as Hepburn, but in addition, it also studies the impact of an autonomous archipelago party, which the Balearic Islands have but the Canary Islands do not. We also analyze the «Linz-Moreno question», which is often included in CIS surveys, that usually measures the degree of identification, nationalism or regionalism and, in our case, insularism. Other variables that will be considered in this research will 12 be economic resources, external relations with the State and supranational entities, the role of the Balearic Islands in the administration of the State and factors associated with «islandness». As an important contribution, we link this latter factor to the «malapportionment» index. In chapter V, we use Michael Billing's theory of banal nationalism and concept of banal insularism to analyze the content of Diario de Ibiza, a local newspaper. We also perform a diachronic analysis of the political system of Eivissa during the Second Republic, focusing on the study of electoral behavior as a key element in political culture. We then conclude with a comparative analyzes of electoral participation at the state, regional and island levels in the aforementioned period, thus combining a diachronic and synchronic dimension. The thesis can be seen a collection of highly interlinked phenomena that both affect and get affected by each other.

The TransAID project defines, develops and evaluates traffic management measures based on V2X equipped road infrastructure, primarily via simulations,to eliminate or mitigate the negative effects of Transition of Control (ToC) along Transition Areas in future mixed traffic scenarios where automated, cooperative, and conventional vehicles will coexist.This document aggregates, integrates, and analyses the results of the TransAID work packages. For each aspect of TransAID the major findings are presented and discussed.As a basis for the simulation studies several vehicle models were implemented successfully to create the right behaviour for lane changing(including cooperative versions), car following (including (C)ACC)and ToC/MRM algorithms. These models were created using a solid theoretical background, however, the availability of real-world data for input and calibration was very limited. From the baseline simulation runs we found that ToCs do not significantly disrupt traffic flow performance unless CAVs establish increased car-following headways during the ToC preparation phase. Disruptions escalate in case of CACC driving, increased share of CAVs in the fleet mix, and the occurrence of multiple ToCs within a narrow temporal window and spatial domain. Furthermore, in the case that a ToC is unsuccessful or not possible, unmanaged MRMs (taking place in lane and not being guided towards safe spots) can induce significant traffic disruption as well. On the other hand, simulation results indicated that cooperative lane changes minimize the frequency of ToC/MRM and their consequent adverse impacts on trafficflow operations. The benefits of cooperative lane changing are amplified with increasing share of CAVs and especially upstream of lanedrop locations.Building upon the vehicle models, simulations and the defined use cases, specific traffic measureswere developed to mitigate the effects of ToC events in transition areas. The traffic measures were implemented to study their effectiveness. Specifically, for each of the selected use cases the effects of the TransAID measures are evaluated regarding emissions, safety and efficiency. There is a trade-off between traffic safety versus traffic efficiency (as measured via throughput and travel times). It is often inherently difficult or even impossible to optimise both in the same context. Hence, typically a policy choice needs to be made, as to which of the two will have to be prioritised. Otherwise, results either improved or remained similar for all use cases and KPIs, with the exception of use case 3.1 (see Section 2.2.2 for details and Table 1at the end of Chapter 6). All use cases have in common that a reduction of MRMs is possible by providing infrastructure advice. Such advice, and the availability of safe spots, clearly reduces the number of stopped vehicles blocking the road.There is also a heavy dependence of the results on the mixture of vehicle types, in addition to the observation that less efficient traffic management performance is obtained for a higher LOS. The latter is in part logical, as for higher LOS there is more prominent congestion and the physical limits of the infrastructure remain a hard obstacle. By itself this is not a problem for TransAID, as the focus of the traffic management schemes is to prevent/postpone traffic breakdowns before they occur. While implementing and testing the traffic measures TransAIDalso identified or created the needed message sets and protocols to implement the measures using V2X communications. To that end, no new message sets wereneeded, but (minor) extensions to CAM, DENM, MCM and MAPEM were necessary. Especially MCM from the Manoeuvre Coordination Service (MCS) is key to multiple types of use case. Therefore, it is necessary to define a MCS that is valid for all types of scenarios. Aligned with the work of ETSI and by actively contributing, TransAID has proposed a MCS where the infrastructure takes an active role to facilitate the manoeuvres of vehicles and to increase the overall traffic flow and safety. The traffic management measures designed in TransAID also require that CAVs and road infrastructure units have an accurate perception of the environment. In addition to the MCS, TransAID has contributed to the evaluation and evolution of ETSI's Collective Perception Service (CPS) for cooperative perception. We have demonstrated that cooperative perception can improve CAVs perception capabilities when the trade-off between the perception capabilities and communications performance is balanced. Furthermore, the reliability of V2X communications has been addressed in TransAID using different and complementary techniques: compression, congestion control and acknowledgements.Besides the V2X communication, the communication to unequipped vehicles was of importanceand consisted of two parts. On the one hand, infrastructure needs to inform unequipped vehicles about issues on the road. On the other, automated vehicles themselves should provide information about their actual state to their surroundings, to avoid negative impacts.With regards to the infrastructure information, it needs to be mentioned that visual information on signs, variable or static, will never be as precise as V2X communication could be, esp. when looking to individual advices. Nevertheless, infrastructure can provide valuable information also to unequipped vehicles by signage, e.g., in terms of speed limits, distance (gap) advice or dynamic lane assignments.It will be required to create additional road signs dealing with automated vehicles, at least showing that, e.g.,an area is prohibited for automated vehicles or an area where only automated vehicles are allowed.Regarding signals from automated vehicles, TransAID's solution of having LED light strips at the back of AVswill be beneficial in any case, but the exact content of such lights needs to be defined by performing more detailed analyses of such components. This goes to all external and dynamic HMI components of automated vehicles. In this light, it will be crucial to have an intuitive way of understanding the automation related additional information. One key question in this area is if driving with enabled automation should be indicated by an additional external light, and if so, where should this light be and whatcolour?Combining the work on the traffic measures and communications, the iTETRIS framework was used to evaluate the selected use cases while deploying the traffic measures using V2X. The goal was to see if the V2X communications impacted the effectiveness of the measures in any way.After adding V2X, the simulation results forthe project's first and second iteration use cases showed very similar results to the previous evaluation. All traffic measures were found robust enough to show the same results as with idealV2X, even in light of increased traffic demand and thus more V2X enabled vehicles.There were some minor differences between the realistic V2X and ideal V2X implementations, but those could be traced back to easily fixed technical aspects (see Section 2.4 for details). As a final step in our use case assessment,the feasibility of measures and communications introduced were implemented in real-world demonstrators. The real-world implementation was done by performing three different feasibility assessments. Two of them have been performed on test tracks in Germany, and one on public roads in The Netherlands. On the test tracks, several detailed tests of all scenarios have been performed, revealing that all traffic management measures could be successfully integratedand applied to automated vehicles in all use cases and scenarios. This includes the successful setup of the RSI and the automated vehicles. It has to be mentioned, though, that the implementation was done in a prototypic way.The development of related series products would require much more testing under real world conditions, which will be challenging at the current time since no highly automated vehicles are present on the roads. Nevertheless, it is very important to start the investigations at present times. As already described in Section 3.3, standardisation of messages is happening already now, and it was very important to include the role of the infrastructure at this stage. The detailed results of the real-world implementations per use case can be found in Section 2.5.In addition to the design and technical implementation of traffic measures in simulation and the real-world, TransAID gained some insights on issues of a less technical nature. For example, it was determined a close collaboration between OEMs and (N)RAs would be beneficial in the identification and managing of TAs. To facilitate such a collaboration TransAID proposes a traffic management frameworkin the form of an intermediary service provider, acting as a trusted (and possibly mandated) third party. The framework allows TransAID to be scaled up and generalised. We approached this from both a technical and a business-oriented perspective. For TransAID to become part of a complete traffic management system, we focused on the technical side on how to detect transition areas, select (and possibly combine) services, and then detect when they are most appropriately timed for deployment. To this end, detection can be done via the infrastructure (e.g. road sensors or even digital communication infrastructure), via the OEMs, or by comparing an infrastructure's newly-defined ISAD level (Infrastructure Support levels for Automated Driving; see Section 1.4.2) to theoperational design domain (ODD, see Section 1.4.1) of the vehicle.Considering the mentioned technical challenges (detecting TAs, selecting services, and timing their deployment), the intermediary service bridges all these parties in such a way that the detection of TAs is performed in a centralised way, and OEMs and (national) road authorities ((N)RAs) have a single point of contact for providing and receiving information about TAs.Another point where OEMs and (national) authorities could collaborate,is the legislation related to automated driving since an important gap in current modelling and legalisation is how (C)AVs would/should react when (given) advice and/or actions conflict with traffic laws. With the real-time coordinated instructions of a TMC, (C)AVs should drive adequately during their journeys. However, it is necessary to concern to what extent such instructions should/can be made, especially when considering legal issues.In addition, legal aspects like the definition of special signage for automated vehicles and their handlingalso need to be considered, as those aspects will take time. This also means signage at the roadside, including VMS content, and signage from automated vehicles to surrounding traffic.Collaboration is also required regarding the definition and standardisation of V2X messages and protocols. The mechanisms proposed in TransAID to improve the reliability of V2X messages can be key in the near future. In general, V2X communications solutions require to be incorporated into standards to be effectively deployed. That is the case for, for example, collective perception solutions, message generation rules for manoeuvre coordination, V2X message compression or broadcast acknowledgement mechanisms. In TransAID we have been intensively working to promote and disseminate all the proposed solutions in top-tier journals and international conferences, as well as in organisations like ETSI and C2C-CC. The above shows a broad range of aspects studied by TransAID in the very dynamic and rapidly evolving field of automated driving.To provide links to additional information and to place the work of TransAID into context, Chapter 5 provides an overview or close related initiatives.

A la dècada dels setanta assistirem a la majoria dels països europeus a un creixement del sector públic com a conseqüència del desenvolupament de l'Estat de benestar. En els anys vuitanta es començà a qüestionar la dimensió i l'activitat del sector públic, com a conseqüència de la necessitat d'acomodar-se a les profundes transformacions de la societat. Això va dur a redefinir la prestació del conjunt dels serveis públics, entre ells l'activitat física i l'esport. El sistema esportiu espanyol ha evolucionat enormement en els últims anys. Des dels inicis de la transició democràtica espanyola l'esport va passar a ser atès pels poders públics. Després d'una primera fase basada en un fort desplegament d'equipaments esportius públics, es va arribar a la fi de la dècada dels noranta a una preocupació per l'eficàcia i l'eficiència de les organitzacions gestores. S'iniciava el procés de modernització a l'administració pública espanyola. La transformació de l'esport en un producte de consum, la diversificació de les pràctiques esportives, els canvis en els gustos i la evolució de la demanda d'activitat física han tingut un paper primordial en l'expansió d'una de les modalitats de privatització del sector públic: la gestió indirecta de serveis esportius. En el present treball es compara l'oferta (preus i programes) de les piscines cobertes municipals a Catalunya, segons es gestionin de manera directa o indirecta, així com la regulació de l'accés a la pràctica esportiva quan es subcontrata la gestió. S'han utilitzat instruments de recollida i d'anàlisi de dades quantitatives (anàlisi de la publicitat i qüestionari amb tractament estadístic a una mostra de 75 piscines) i qualitatius (anàlisi de contingut de 26 plecs de condicions). Els resultats obtinguts mostren que les piscines de gestió indirecta ofereixen preus significativament més cars i orienten l'oferta a un tipus de públic concret. Es fomenten aquelles modalitats d'accés que generen majors ingressos, entre les quals destaca la figura de l'abonat, les activitats gimnàstiques i els serveis complementaris orientats a la salut. L'oferta de les piscines cobertes municipals reprodueix les desigualtats en quan a edat i a classe social, i la gestió indirecta accentua aquestes diferències. Encara així, existeix una gran dispersió i variabilitat en el grup de piscines gestionades de manera indirecta. També s'observa que els Ajuntaments defineixen vagament les condicions que els adjudicataris han de seguir pel que fa a l'oferta de serveis. Es prioritza la regulació d'aspectes econòmics i d'eficiència del servei abans que l'exigència d'una oferta que atengui a la diversitat de la població. Les conclusions obtingudes poden ajudar a reflexionar als Ajuntaments sobre el paper a desenvolupar en la promoció l'esport quan és un tercer qui gestiona el servei públic; la responsabilitat municipal va més enllà de la titularitat del servei. ; En la década de los setenta asistimos en la mayoría de los países europeos a un crecimiento del sector público como consecuencia del desarrollo del Estado de bienestar. En los años ochenta se empieza a cuestionar la dimensión y la actividad del sector público, derivado de una necesidad de acomodarse a las profundas transformaciones de la sociedad. Ello llevó a redefinir la prestación del conjunto de los servicios públicos, entre ellos la actividad física y el deporte. El sistema deportivo español ha evolucionado enormemente en los últimos años. Desde los inicios de la transición democrática española el deporte pasó a ser atendido por los poderes públicos. Tras una primera fase basada en un fuerte despliegue de equipamientos deportivos públicos, se llegó a finales de la década de los noventa a una preocupación por la eficacia y la eficiencia de las organizaciones gestoras. Se iniciaba el proceso de modernización en la Administración pública española. La transformación del deporte en un producto de consumo, la diversificación de las prácticas deportivas, los cambios en los gustos y la evolución de la demanda de actividad física han tenido un papel primordial en la expansión de una de las modalidades de privatización del sector público: la gestión indirecta de servicios deportivos. En el presente trabajo se compara la oferta (precios y programas) de las piscinas cubiertas municipales en Cataluña, según se gestionen de manera directa o indirecta, así como la regulación del acceso a la práctica deportiva cuando se subcontrata la gestión. Para ello, se han utilizado instrumentos de recogida y de análisis de datos cuantitativos (análisis de la publicidad y cuestionario con tratamiento estadístico en una muestra de 75 piscinas) y cualitativos (análisis de contenido de 26 pliegos de condiciones). Los resultados obtenidos muestran que las piscinas de gestión indirecta ofrecen precios significativamente más caros y orientan la oferta a un tipo de público concreto. Se fomentan aquellas modalidades de acceso que generan mayores ingresos, entre las que destaca la figura del abonado, las actividades gimnásticas y los servicios complementarios orientados a la salud. La oferta de las piscinas cubiertas municipales reproduce la desigualdad en cuanto a edad y a clase social, y la gestión indirecta acentúa estas diferencias. Aún así, señalamos que existe una gran dispersión y variabilidad en el grupo de piscinas gestionadas de manera indirecta. También se observa que los Ayuntamientos definen vagamente las condiciones que los adjudicatarios deben seguir con respecto a la oferta de servicios. Se prioriza la regulación de aspectos económicos y de eficiencia del servicio antes que la exigencia de una oferta que atienda a la diversidad de la población. Las conclusiones obtenidas pueden ayudar a reflexionar a los Ayuntamientos sobre el papel a desarrollar en la promoción el deporte cuando es un tercero el que gestiona el servicio público; la responsabilidad municipal va más allá de la titularidad del servicio. ; During the 70s, the public sector rose sharply in most European countries as a consequence of the development of the welfare state. During the 80s, due to the significant changes in society, the dimension and activity of the public sector was questioned and the whole public services supplied, such as physical activity and sport, had to be redefined. The Spanish sport system has developed tremendously in recent years. At the beginning of the Spanish democratic transition, public authorities started to take charge of sport. The first stage, based on a large expansion of sport public facilities, led to constant worries about the efficiency and effectiveness of their managing organizations in the late 90s. The Spanish public administration was undergoing a process of modernization. Sport has become a consumer good, sport practices have diversified, taste in relation with it have changed and the demand of the physical activity has evolved. All these factors have played a key role in the spread of the indirect management of sport services, one of the methods of privatization of the public sector. I n this research, we have compared the supply (prices and programmes) of the local indoor swimming pools in Catalonia according to the way they are managed: direct or indirectly, and also the regulation to access the sport practices when management is subcontracted. For these, I have used different instruments of collection and testing of both quantitative data (analysis and surveys of the publicity and questionnaires of 75 swimming pools) and qualitative (analysis of the contents of 26 legal specifications). The results show that the swimming pools managed indirectly are significantly more expensive, and point their supply at a particular target. Moreover, they also boost the modalities of access which generate more revenue: membership, gymnastic activities and complementary health-related services stand out among others. The supply of the municipal indoor swimming pools reproduces the inequality as for age and to social class, and the indirect management accentuates these differences. Even though, we can state there is great dispersion and variability in the group of swimming pools managed indirectly. We have also noticed that local councils hardly define the conditions related to the supply of services for the bidders to be followed. They give priority to the control of economic aspects and the efficiency of the service itself rather than control the fact that supply takes into consideration the diversity of the population. The conclusions reached may help local councils to reflect on the role they should play when promoting sport in the case that a third party manages the public services. The responsibility of the local government is not limited to the holder of the service, but it has to go much further ; Aux années soixante-dix on assiste dans la plupart des pays européens à une croissance du secteur public conséquence du développement de l'Etat du bien-être. Vers les années 80 on commence à questionner la dimension et l'activité du secteur public, dérivées du besoin de s'accommoder aux profondes transformations de la société. Cela comporta à redéfinir la prestation de l'ensemble des services publics, parmi lesquels l'activité physique et le sport. Le système sportif espagnol a évolué énormément aux dernières années. Dès le début de la transition démocratique espagnole le sport a passé à être assuré par les pouvoirs publics. Après une première phase basé en un fort déploiement d'équipements sportifs publics, on arrive à la fin de la décade des années quatre-vingt dix à une préoccupation par l'efficacité et l'efficience des démarcheurs. C'est ainsi que le procès de modernisation dans l'administration publique espagnole a commencé. La transformation du sport dans un produit de consommation, la diversification des pratiques sportives, les changements des goûts et l'évolution de la demande d'activité physique a eu un rôle essentiel dans l'expansion d'une des modalités de privatisation du secteur publique: la gestion indirecte des services sportifs. Dans ce travail on compare l'offre (prix et programmes) des piscines couvertes municipales en Catalogne, selon on traite de façon directe ou indirecte, ainsi comme la régulation de l'accès à la pratique sportive quand on sous-traite la gestion. Pour ceci, on a utilisé des instruments de ramassage et d'analyse de donnés quantitatifs (analyse de la publicité et questionnaire avec traitement statistique parmi une montre de 75 piscines) et qualitatifs (analyse du contenu de 26 plies de conditions). Les résultats obtenus nous montrent que les piscines de gestion indirecte offrent des prix significativement plus chers et elles orientent l'offre à un type de public concret. On fomente les modalités d'accès qui génèrent les plus grands revenus, parmi lesquelles on détache la figure de l'abonné, les activités gymnastiques et les services complémentaires orientés a la santé. L'offre des piscines couvertes municipales reproduit l'inégalité quant à l'âge et à la classe sociale, et la gestion indirecte accentue ces différences. Malgré tout, on signale qu'il existe une grande dispersion et variabilité dans le groupe de piscines démarchées de façon indirecte. On observe aussi que les Mairies définissent vaguement les conditions que les adjudicataires doivent suivre par rapport à l'offre de services. On priorise la régulation des aspects économiques et d'efficience du service avant que l'exigence d'une offre qui s'occupe de la diversité de la population. Les conclusions obtenues peuvent aider à réfléchir aux mairies sur le rôle à développer dans la promotion du sport quand c'est un troisième qui traite le service public; la responsabilité municipale va plus loin de la titularisation du service.

Studies of entrepreneurship focus on one of three areas: entrepreneurship as an engine to drive national economic growth, CE as an instrument to facilitate corporate performance, and individual EI as the source of entrepreneurial behavior. There has been rapid development and corporate catching-up in emerging economies, such as BRIC, but there are few studies of entrepreneurship in this environment. In the context of China, the largest emerging country in the world, this dissertation addresses the research question: How does entrepreneurship develop in China at the national, corporate, and individual levels? Entrepreneurship has played a significant role in China's rapid growth; Huang (2010) presented evidence for this. However, China's entrepreneurship development cannot be isolated from its transitional environment, which has involved political and economic reforms. To explore entrepreneurship development in the recent economic transition stage, in chapter 2, I first asked: what stage has entrepreneurship in China reached? To answer this question, one must select the transitional pillars that are important in the context of Chinese reform. As explained in Chapter 2, I chose four: GDP per capita to reflect the standard of living and poverty reduction, educational resources to reflect reform in the national institutional system (the heavy investment in higher education), FDI to reflect the open economy, and the unemployment rate to reflect the consequences of reform in state-owned sectors. Before evaluating the impact of these four factors on entrepreneurial activities in China, I discussed the Chinese entrepreneurship environment, beginning at the start of the economic reform at the end of the 1970s. I then showed the evolution of entrepreneurial development, with its lower-case-v shape. GDP per capita increased from 1996 (the year that private entrepreneurship was formally acknowledged) to 2008. This corresponds to China's economic transition: from the factor-driven phase to a transitional stage between the factor-driven and efficiency-driven phases, and then to the efficiency-driven stage. Taking this into account, I focused on the most recent transition stage (the efficiency-driven stage) and analyzed the impact of economic transition (in terms of the four pillars) on entrepreneurship development. The results reveal the positive impact of China's economic transition on entrepreneurship development. Typically, GDP per capita has a significant inverted-U-shaped impact on entrepreneurship, which reflects the government's focus on state sectors and urban infrastructure since 2007 (to reduce the marginal rate of increase in self-employment). Educational resources and economic openness are positively related to entrepreneurship (and have a positive interactive impact economic growth), corresponding to GEM's report (GEM Global Report, 2008), which states that Chinese entrepreneurs are likely to be highly educated. Unemployment has a positive push effect and a negative interactive effect on GDP per capita, demonstrating that China's entrepreneurship had developed (by 2008) into a transitional phase between necessity-based and opportunity-based. Unemployed people are likely to prefer wage employment to self-employment, which is consistent with the efficiency-driven development stage of that time. This study contributes to empirical studies on the relationship between the economic-development stage and entrepreneurship development. It provides another view of entrepreneurship development in a transitional economy. Moreover, this study contributes to the debate on the Beijing consensus versus the Washington consensus. In terms of the former, this study indicates that entrepreneurship development in China is government-led and owes much to the governmental initiation of institutional transition. However, the results suggest that the ex ante dimensions of entrepreneurship development correspond to the requirements of the Washington consensus (at least in terms of economic openness). Hence, I take a middle position in this lively debate: I believe that China's development is driven by both scenarios. At the political level, which I argue is the framework level, China follows the Beijing consensus, because it has long-term political decision-making (by a single political party) and experimentation-based policy development (defined by Deng Xiaoping). At the micro level however, economic development is driven by the Washington consensus. China is trying to build up a formal institutional framework that supports private property rights, economic openness, financial reforms, macroeconomic stability, and political liberalization. There is a contradiction between the political liberalization defined by the Washington consensus and the current situation in China. However, I still argue that, as a result of the government's proactive behavior, quiet progress is being made on every disputed issue (including liberalization). Chapter 2 investigated Chinese entrepreneurship development at the macro level. I explored corporate entrepreneurial development and its impact on corporate catching-up. The catching-up concept originated in the economics field at the national level. The investigation of corporate catching-up, especially for emerging countries, is challenging because there is a theoretical deficit. National catching-up theory indicates that innovation is essential for catching-up and social advance is a necessary precondition for catching-up (Abramovitz, 1986). I assumed that similar arguments would apply to corporate catching-up, and I wanted to explore the underlying mechanism. I used CE theory, resource-based theory, dynamic-capability theory, and network theory to explain my corporate catching-up framework. I tested the framework in chapter 3 with a case study of Huawei Technologies Co., Ltd. The results show that social capability helps a firm to acquire social capital, diffuse technology and knowledge, improve its social status, address resource gaps, and explore opportunities. Moreover, the results indicate that catching-up firms are similar to entrepreneurial firms in terms of growth-orientation, innovation, and alertness. CE strategies, particularly collaboration-based networks, facilitate corporate catching-up. Huawei's growth indicates that networking improves social capability and allows a company to exploit and explore new technologies and new opportunities. I also made peripheral findings. For instance, the integration of the three network layers is an overall approach for corporate catching-up. This is because of the structural, relational, and cognitive social capital gained from networks for knowledge acquisition, transfer, sharing, and creation internally and externally. Structurally, a sparse interfirm network with increased network composition and strong ties can coexist with a cohesive intrafirm network. This facilitates external opportunity exploration and internal opportunity exploitation. Moreover, the industrial-district network provides a snapshot of intrafirm and interfirm networks in a particular location. Theoretically, this work supports corporate catching-up theory, enriches social network theory, and provides support for the aggregation of strategic alliances, M&As and corporate venturing in an open-innovation paradigm. This study provides empirical evidence for the process by which people exploit opportunities within existing organizations (Shane, 2012). Practically, this work has many strategic implications for latecomer catching-up firms. Chapters 2 and 3 presented a partial picture of China's entrepreneurship development. Chapter 2 indicated that China's entrepreneurship is moving from necessity-based to opportunity-based, and higher education now plays a role. Chapter 3 showed that corporate catching-up is closely associated with individual EI and behavior. Any entrepreneurial behavior can be traced down to the individual level. Krueger (1993) indicates that intentionality is a predictor of entrepreneurial behavior. Therefore, it is important to understand the determinants of EI endogenously and exogenously. Given the results of chapters 2 and 3 and the observation that the emerging generation of entrepreneurs has more education, I predicted that there would be several influential factors. These are the perceived desirability, the perceived feasibility, and the entrepreneurship cognition developed through education or exposure to entrepreneurial activity. Therefore, chapter 4 aimed to identify the role of education in shaping individual entrepreneurial intention. It indirectly contributes to the discussion about whether entrepreneurs are born or made. I used a conceptual framework (Fig. 4.1) based on Ajzen's TPB and Shapero's EEM. The data were collected via a survey of ten Chinese universities. The results show that education is the major source of entrepreneurship knowledge and has a significant positive impact on EI. However, exposure to entrepreneurial activity has a negative impact on EI in China. More interestingly, the results show that males and students with technological backgrounds have higher EI than females and those without this background. These results are strengthened by the moderate impact of entrepreneurship education, which indicates that such education is more likely to have positive consequences for technological universities and majors than for other universities and majors. This work makes contributions in two areas. (1) By adapting the TPB (Ajzen, 1991) and the EEM (Shapero & Sokol, 1982), this study contributes theoretically by integrating the two streams of theory. I have shown the role of entrepreneurial knowledge in the EI model and compared the impact of different variables on EI. (2) This study contributes to empirical knowledge by providing supporting evidence. Entrepreneurship research should focus (Mitchell et al., 2007) on person, situation, cognition, and motivation. This study provides evidence for the source of individual entrepreneurial cognition in the Chinese context. Shane and Venkataraman (2000) argue that entrepreneurship should be seen as a process and not as the embodiment of a type of person. Following this, I argue that in terms of opportunity identification, evaluation, and exploitation this process is important not only at the individual level but also at the corporate and national levels. Recently, Shane (2012) has claimed that existing studies of entrepreneurship do not provide a sufficient understanding of how the context influences the identification and exploitation of opportunities. However, we do have a better understanding of the process by which people exploit opportunities within existing organizations. I have provided evidence for and insight into this topic in the context of emerging and transitional economies. Regarding the process perspective of entrepreneurship (Shane, 2012), the three core chapters of this dissertation loop as a reciprocal process between (1) the EI-formation process, which can be the ex ante step of identifying and exploiting high-potential opportunities (Chapter 4), (2) the process of identifying and exploiting catching-up opportunities in existing organizations (Chapter 3), and (3) the process of understanding the impact of institutions and corporate characteristics on entrepreneurship (Chapter 2). This loop can be explained as follows: first, process (2) cannot work without process (1), because corporate identification and exploration are carried out by individuals. Secondly, process (1) depends on process (2), because process (2) involves actors in process (1). The relationship between process (3) and process (2) is similar, meaning that if process (3) at the national level is entrepreneur-friendly, the development of process (2) is facilitated, and this leads to more efficient entrepreneurial progress. Meanwhile, process (2) helps to drive process (3) at an aggregate level.

1. IntroductionOver the last decade, increased attention has been paid to terrorism, particularly to the new wave of terrorist groups, fundamentalist movements, and extremist organisations such as Al‐Qaeda. September 11 marked the beginning of a turbulent phase in which states face a new kind of threat made up of a complex network of insidious revolutionary and nationalist forces. Such transformations have given rise to an unprecedented number of publications. However, both political violence and terrorism remain sources of endless disputes and controversies because of their political implications. At the same time, in the scientific community, terrorism studies lack conceptual and methodological uniformity. In his article, Domenico Tosini synthesises and discusses some major findings from this research. Courses using such a review will be confronted with the four major topics that any analysis of terrorism, to be comprehensive, should take into account: the definition of terrorism; its history and classification; its explanations; and an assessment of the consequences of counterterrorism policies.2. Literature recommendations Bjørgo, Tore (ed.) 2005. Root Causes of Terrorism: Myths, Realities and Ways Forward. London, UK: Routledge.In this book, based on the analysis of numerous case studies (e.g. Palestinian armed groups, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, right‐wing extremists, state terrorism and state‐sponsored terrorism), experts in political violence examine the preconditions for the emergence of different types of terrorist organisations and the main factors that sustain terrorist campaigns. Cole, David 2003. Enemy Aliens: Double Standard and Constitutional Freedoms in the War on Terrorism. New York, NY: The New Press.Thanks to its analysis and evaluation of the consequences of counter‐terrorism measures, David Cole's Enemy Aliens is one of the most rigorous discussions of how states (like the United States since 2001) often combat terrorism by adopting emergency powers (such as the special detention at Guantanamo Bay), which, in turn, risk undermining civil liberties. della Porta, Donatella 1995. Social Movements, Political Violence, and the State. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.Based on empirical research that compares the origins and development of left‐wing terrorism in Italy and Germany between the 1960s and the 1990s, della Porta offers a middle‐range theory of political violence that combines an analysis of the political opportunities and ideological frames exploited by armed groups, a profile of their organisational structures, and an investigation of the typical patterns underlying their recruitment processes. Gambetta, Diego (ed.) 2006. Making Sense of Suicide Missions. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.In this book, a number of distinguished social scientists, while examining the use of suicide missions by political and religious groups (such as the Japanese Kamikaze, the Tamil Tigers, Palestinian organisations, and Al‐Qaeda), specify and discuss the most important methodological questions associated with definitions, data collection, and explanations concerning this form of political struggle. Hoffman, Bruce 2006. Inside Terrorism. New York, NY: Colombia University Press.The book introduces the most important issues of terrorism studies: the controversial problem of the definition of terrorism; a history of terrorism, from anti‐colonial struggles to international terrorism; an examination and explanation of the most recent waves of religious extremists and suicide terrorism; an analysis of the ways terrorist groups exploit old and new media such as the Internet; and, finally, an overview of the strategies, tactics, and organisational aspects of modern and contemporary terrorism. Horgan, John 2005. The Psychology of Terrorism. London, UK: Routledge.Horgan presents a critical analysis of our understanding of terrorist psychology; many shortcomings emerge, particularly the limitations of personality theories in attempting to explain militancy. Based on interviews with terrorists, the book considers the most relevant psychological and social factors underlying involvement and engagement in political violence, and the process of leaving terrorist organisations. Kalyvas, Stathis 2006. The Logic of Violence in Civil War. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.Scholars generally distinguish between terrorism and other forms of violence against civilians – tactics of guerrilla warfare or insurgency in civil wars, for example. However, this work makes a relevant contribution to terrorism studies. Kalyvas clarifies the rationality and micro‐processes of interactions during armed conflicts that account for indiscriminate and selective uses of violence against civilian populations by political actors. Kushner, Harvey W. 2003. Encyclopedia of Terrorism. London, UK: Sage.One of the most accurate and exhaustive dictionaries focusing on terrorism, with more than 300 entries concerning terrorist groups, key events, people, terms, and statistics, as well as biographical, historical, and geographical information. Free access is available at the Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism (MIPT) (http://www.terrorisminfo.mipt.org/eBooks.asp). Laqueur, Walter 2002. A History of Terrorism. London, UK: Transaction Publishers.Along with Laqueur's Guerrilla Warfare: A Historical and Critical Study (London: Transaction Publishers, 1998), this constitutes a pioneering history of armed organisations, from nineteenth century Europe, to the anarchists of the 1880s and 1890s, to the left‐wing clashes during the 20th century, and up to the most recent terrorist groups. Pape, Robert A. 2005. Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism. New York, NY: Random House.Over the last decade, suicide terrorism has become an alarming political threat and a crucial challenge for social scientists. In his work, which compares a number of organisations responsible for suicide attacks, Pape rejects the explanation of suicide terrorism based on religious fundamentalism. He argues for a correlation between the use of this tactic and specific kinds of groups engaged in separatist campaigns or in struggles for liberation from foreign occupiers. Ranstorp, Magnus (ed.) 2007. Mapping Terrorism Research: State of the Art, Gaps and Future Directions. London, UK: Routledge.In this book, distinguished scholars of terrorism studies discuss state‐of‐the‐art field research. In exploring new trends in this area – the most important questions about the explanation of recent terrorist organisations such as Al‐Qaeda, and about counterterrorism – these essays shed light on the strengths and weaknesses of our current knowledge of political violence. Reich, Walter (ed.) 1998. Origins of Terrorism: Psychologies, Ideologies, Theologies, States of Mind. Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press.This is another seminal work on terrorism, bringing together some of the most well known experts in political violence. The variety of approaches used in the explanations of terrorist organisations and in the analysis of counterterrorism paves the way for a real interdisciplinary setting, which is absolutely crucial once the multi‐faceted nature of terrorism is clear. Sageman, Marc 2004. Understanding Terror Networks. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press.Based on the analysis of biographical data for nearly 200 members of global Islamist extremism (of which Al‐Qaeda is a part), Sageman accounts for the origins and developments of this movement and specifies the crucial role played by social networks in the recruitment of individuals as Islamist militants. Wilkinson, Paul 2006. Terrorism versus Democracy: The Liberal State Response. London, UK: Routledge.Wilkinson examines major trends in international terrorism and liberal democratic responses. On the one hand, the book introduces the specificity of terrorism and offers a classification and explanation of the most important types of armed groups. On the other, in approaching how states deal with terrorist threats, this work discusses forms of counterterrorism, by taking into account their impact on the rule of law and on the protection of civil liberties.3. Online materials Agenzia Informazioni e Sicurezza Interna (AISI) (Agency for Internal Information and Security)(http://www.aisi.gov.it)The Agenzia Informazioni e Sicurezza Interna (AISI) is the branch of Italian Intelligence tasked with collecting and analysing information about any criminal and terrorist threat to security. Among other activities, the AISI distributes its own periodical, Gnosis, online, where a chronology of international as well as domestic terrorist attacks since 2004 (currently updated through 2007) is available.
Counterterrorism Blog
(http://counterterrorismblog.org)The Counterterrorism Blog is a multi‐expert blog devoted to providing a one‐stop gateway to the counterterrorism community. It offers, among other things, overnight and breaking news, with real time commentary by experts; reports on terrorist organisations; discussions of long‐term trends in counterterrorism; and summaries of and discussions about US and international law.
Center for Constitutional Rights

(CCR) (http://ccrjustice.org)Founded in 1966 by attorneys who represented civil rights organisations, the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) is a non‐profit legal and educational organisation dedicated to protecting the rights guaranteed by the United States Constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It also offers information about important issues related to counterterrorism (e.g., the prolonged battle in defence of civil liberties associated with the special detention at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba).
Global Terrorism Database
(GTD)(http://www.start.umd.edu/data/gtd)The Global Terrorism Database (GTD) is an open‐source database on terrorist incidents around the world since 1970 (currently updated through 2004). It includes systematic data on international as well as domestic terrorist attacks. For each GTD incident, information is available on the date and location of the attack, the weapons used and nature of the target, the number of casualties, and (when possible) the identity of the perpetrator. Another important database, the Terrorism Knowledge Base (TKB) at the Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism (MIPT) (http://www.mipt.org/TKB.asp), has recently ceased operations and elements of the system have been merged with the GTD. Information on terrorist groups is now available at the Terrorist Organization Profiles (http://www.start.umd.edu/data/tops).
Human Security Report Project

(HSRP) (http://www.hsrgroup.org)The HSRP conducts research on global and regional trends in political violence, exploring their causes and consequences, and then making this research accessible to the policy and research communities, the media, educators, and the interested public. The HSRP's publications include the Human Security Report, the Human Security Brief series, and the Human Security Gateway. The recent Human Security Brief 2007, online, makes a relevant contribution in discussing the methodological issues associated with collecting data on terrorism and offers a comprehensive overview of terrorist incidents in the last decade.
Middle East Media Research Institute

(MEMRI) (http://www.memri.org)The Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI) explores the Middle East through the region's media with respect to a variety of topics including terrorism. MEMRI provides translations of Arabic, Persian, and Turkish media, as well as analysis of political, ideological, intellectual, social, cultural, and religious tendencies in the Middle East. A new section, the MEMRI's Islamist Websites Monitor Project, was launched in 2006 as part of the Jihad & Terrorism Studies project. Its aim is to keep Western audiences informed about the phenomenon of jihadist sites on the Internet, which are used by terrorist groups and their sympathisers to spread their extremist messages, to raise funds, and to recruit activists.
Uppsala Conflict Data Project

(UCDP) (http://www.pcr.uu.se/research/UCDP)The Uppsala Conflict Data Project (UCDP) collects data on armed conflicts around the world. A global conflict database is now available online. Data are useful for systematic studies of conflict origins, dynamics, and resolution.
Worldwide Incidents Tracking System
(WITS)(http://wits.nctc.gov)The Worldwide Incidents Tracking System (WITS) is the National Counterterrorism Center's (NCTC) database of terrorist incidents. NCTC serves as the primary organisation in the United States government for integrating and analysing all intelligence pertaining to terrorism and, at the same time, as the central and shared knowledge bank on terrorism information. Based on WITS, the NCTC provides an annual report and statistical information about terrorist incidents.
Additional Online Resources
Scores of additional organisations and centres (too many to list) conduct and disseminate research on issues related to armed conflicts, terrorism, terrorist groups, security, and counterterrorism. What follows is a list of some other key organisations and centres, with links to their websites:Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI)(http://www.aspi.org.au)Centre for Asymmetric Threat Studies (CATS)(http://www.fhs.se/en/Research/Centers‐and‐Research‐Programmes/CATS)Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS)(http://www.csis.org)Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence (CSTPV)(http://www.st‐andrews.ac.uk/~wwwir/research/cstpv)IntelCenter(http://intelcenter.com)International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research (ICPVTR)(http://www.pvtr.org)International Crisis Group (ICG)(http://www.crisisgroup.org)International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS)(http://www.iiss.org)International Policy Institute for Counter‐Terrorism (ICT)(http://www.ict.org.il)Memorial Institute for the Prevention of Terrorism (MIPT)(http://www.mipt.org)Saban Center at the Brookings Institution(http://www.brookings.edu/saban.aspx)Senlis Council(http://www.senliscouncil.net)Southern Poverty Law Center(http://www.splcenter.org)Terrorism and Homeland Security at RAND Corporation(http://www.rand.org/research_areas/terrorism)Terrorism Research Center (TRC)(http://www.terrorism.org)Transnational Radical Islamism Project at the Norwegian Defence Research Establishment(http://www.mil.no/felles/ffi/english/start/research/Analysis_Division/_TERRA)United States Institute of Peace(http://www.usip.org/index.html)4. Sample syllabus Course Title: A Sociological Analysis of Terrorism and Counterterrorism Course Description In this course, we will explore the most relevant issues around terrorism and counterterrorism policies. Although we will largely approach this topic from a sociological perspective, this study is quite interdisciplinary. Consequently, we will be reading works from other academic disciplines, including history, psychology, political science, and economics. There are four major areas that any analysis of terrorism, to be comprehensive, should take into account: the definition of terrorism; its history and classification; its explanations; and an assessment of consequences related to counterterrorism. After an introduction to terrorism research (part 1), we will discuss the controversies related to the definition of terrorism (part 2) and to data collection (part 3), both necessary for an understanding of tendencies concerning terrorist incidents. A historical overview (part 4) will give us some preliminary information about the variety of terrorist campaigns – information that prepares us for the next exercise (part 5): grouping terrorist organisations by different types. Looking in more depth at the evolution of terrorism in the last decade, we will examine the case of Al‐Qaeda (part 6), and how this and other organisations exploit old and new media, especially the Internet (part 7). The next chapter will be the explanation of terrorism, that is, the specification of the main psychological, political, cultural, and religious factors underlying the emergence of a terrorist organisation and the unfolding of a terrorist campaign. Suicide terrorism will be used as a case study. More specifically, we will approach terrorism by examining the motivations and rationality of terrorist organisations (part 8), of the communities that support them (part 9), and of those who join them (part 10). We end the course by focusing on both the legal (part 11) and strategic (part 12) implications of counterterrorism measures adopted since 2001. Course outline and reading assignments Part 1. Terrorism Research An overview of the most important approaches to the study of terrorism and of the strengths and weaknesses of available analyses. Bjørgo, Tore 2005. 'Introduction' (pp. 1–15) and 'Conclusions' (pp. 256–264) in Root Causes of Terrorism: Myths, Realities and Ways Forward, edited by Tore Bjørgo. London, UK: Routledge. Crenshaw, Martha 2000. 'The Psychology of Terrorism: An Agenda for the 21st Century.'Political Psychology 21 (2): 405–420 (Doi: 10.1111/0162-895X.00195). Ranstorp, Magnus 2007. 'Introduction: Mapping Terrorism Research – Challenges and Priorities.' Pp. 1–28 in Mapping Terrorism Research, edited by Magnus Ranstorp. London, UK: Routledge. Silke, Andrew 2004. 'An Introduction to Terrorism Research.' Pp. 1–29 in Research on Terrorism: Trends, Achievements and Failures, edited by Andrew Silke. London, UK: Frank Cass. Sinai, Joshua 2007. 'New Trends in Terrorism Studies: Strengths and Weaknesses.' Pp. 31–50 in Mapping Terrorism Research, edited by Magnus Ranstorp. London, UK: Routledge. Turk, Austin T. 2004. 'Sociology of Terrorism.'Annual Review of Sociology 30: 271–286 (Doi: 10.1146/annurev.soc.30.012703.110510). Wilkinson, Paul 2007. 'Research into Terrorism Studies: Achievements and Failures.' Pp. 316–328 in Mapping Terrorism Research, edited by Magnus Ranstorp. London, UK: Routledge. Part 2. What is Terrorism? A discussion of one of the most controversial issues, the definition of terrorism, focusing on its political and methodological implications. Aly, Waleed 2008. 'The Axiom of Evil.'The Guardian, 8 July, http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2008/jul/08/nelsonmandela.terrorism (last accessed: 8 July 2008). Hoffman, Bruce 2006. Chapter 1 (pp. 1–42). Inside Terrorism. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. della Porta, Donatella 2004. 'Terror Against the State.' Pp. 208–16 in The Blackwell Companion to Political Sociology, edited by Kate Nash and Alan Scott. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing. Schmid, Alexander P. 2004. 'Frameworks for Conceptualising Terrorism.'Terrorism and Political Violence 16 (2): 197–221 (Doi: 10.1080/09546550490483134). Tilly, Charles 2004. 'Terror, Terrorism, Terrorist.'Sociological Theory 22 (1): 5–16 (Doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9558.2004.00200.x). Tosini, Domenico 2007. 'Sociology of Terrorism and Counterterrorism: A Social Science Understanding of Terrorist Threat', Sociology Compass 1 (2), 664–681 (Doi: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00035.x). Wilkinson, Paul 2006. Chapter 1 (pp. 1–19). Terrorism versus Democracy: The Liberal State Response. London, UK: Routledge. Part 3. Collecting Data on Terrorism Incidents An introduction to the challenges and solutions to the collection of terrorism data, a preliminary and crucial aspect of any scientific analysis. Buchalter, Alice R. and Glenn E. Curtis 2003. Inventory and Assessment of Databases Relevant for Social Science Research on Terrorism. Washington, DC: Federal Research Division Library of Congress, http://lcweb.loc.gov/rr/frd (last accessed 10 June 2008). Enders, Walter and Todd Sandler 2006. Chapter 3 (pp. 52–83). The Political Economy of Terrorism. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Lafree, Gary 2007. 'Introducing the Global Terrorism Database.'Terrorism and Political Violence 19 (2): 181–204 (Doi: 10.1080/09546550701246817). HSP 2008. Human Security Brief 2007. Dying to Lose: Explaining the Decline in Global Terrorism. Simon Fraser University, Canada: Human Security Report Project, http://www.humansecuritybrief.info/HSRP_Brief_2007.pdf (last accessed 15 June 2008). Part 4. Waves of Terror: The Evolution of Terrorism A look at terrorism from a historical perspective in an attempt to identify continuities and discontinuities in the use of political violence. Abrahms, Max 2006. 'Why Terrorism Does Not Work.'International Security 31 (2): 42–78 (Doi: 10.1162/isec.2006.31.2.42). Duyvesteyn, Isabelle 2004. 'How New Is the New Terrorism?'Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 27 (5): 439–454 (Doi: 10.1080/10576100490483750). Hoffman, Bruce 2006. Chapters 2–4 (pp. 43–130). Inside Terrorism. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. Jenkins, Brian 1975. International Terrorism: A New Mode of Conflict. Research Paper n. 48, California Seminar on Arms Control and Foreign Policy. Kaplan, Jeffrey 2007. 'The Fifth Wave: The New Tribalism?'Terrorism and Political Violence 19 (4): 545–570 (Doi: 10.1080/09546550701606564). Laqueur, Walter 2002. Chapters 1–2 (pp. 3–78). A History of Terrorism. London, UK: Transaction Publishers. Münkler, Herfried 2005. Chapter 5 (pp. 99–116). The New Wars. Cambridge, UK: Polity. Rapoport, David C. 2004. 'Modern Terror: The Four Waves.' Pp. 46–73 in Attacking Terrorism: Elements of a Great Strategy, edited by Audrey Cronin and J. Ludes. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press. Reed, Donald J. 2008. 'Beyond the War on Terror: Into the Fifth Generation of War and Conflict.'Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 31 (8): 684–722 (Doi: 10.1080/10576100802206533). Part 5. Typologies of Terrorist Movements An overview of the complex task of classifying terrorist organisations on the basis of characteristics such as political objectives, ideological frames, and the cleavages between them and their enemies. Goodwin, Jeff 2006. 'A Theory of the Categorical Terrorism.'Social Forces 84 (4): 2027–2046. Gunaratna, Rohan and Graeme C. S. Steven 2004. Chapter 1 (pp. 1–98). Counterterrorism. Santa Barbara, CA: Abc Clio. Schmid, Alexander P. and Albert J. Jongman 1988. Chapter 2 (in collaboration with M. Stohl and P. A. Fleming, pp. 39–60). Political Terrorism. London, UK: Transaction Publishers. Tosini, Domenico 2007. 'Sociology of Terrorism and Counterterrorism: A Social Science Understanding of Terrorist Threat.'Sociology Compass 1 (2), 664–681 (Doi: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00035.x). Wilkinson, Paul 2006. Chapter 2 (pp. 20–38). Terrorism versus Democracy: The Liberal State Response. London, UK: Routledge. Part 6. Al‐Qaeda and its Affiliates: Ideologies, Strategies, Structures A sociological look at the ideological, strategic, and organisational aspects of Al‐Qaeda's terrorism from the 1980s to its most recent campaign in Iraq. Al‐Zayyat, Montasser 2004. The Road to Al‐Qaeda. London, UK: Pluto Press. Gunaratna, Rohan 2002. Chapters 1–2 (pp. 21–126). Inside Al‐Qaeda. New York, NY: Berkley Books. Pape, Robert A. 2005. Chapter 7 (pp. 102–125). Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism. New York, NY: Random House. Sageman, Marc 2004. Chapters 1‐2 (pp. 1‐60). Understanding Terror Networks. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press. Hafez, Mohammed M. 2007. Chapters 1–5 (pp. 35–162). Suicide Bombers in Iraq. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press. Part 7. Terrorism and the Media An exploration of the ways that terrorist organisations exploit old and new media, especially the Internet, as communicative channels (for staging their attacks, threats, demands, and propaganda) and as instrumental tools (for fund raising, coordination, and recruitment). Hoffman, Bruce 2006. Chapters 6–7 (pp. 173–228). Inside Terrorism. New York, NY: Columbia University Press. ICG 2006. In Their Own Words: Reading the Iraqi Insurgency. International Crisis Group: Middle East Report No 50, 15 February, http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=3953&l=1 (last accessed 5 February 2008). Rogan, Hanna 2006. Jihadism Online: A Study of How Al‐Qaeda and Radical Islamist Groups Use Internet for Terrorist Purposes. Norwegian Defence Research Establishment: FFI/RAPPORT‐2006/00915, http://rapporter.ffi.no/rapporter/2006/00915.pdf (last accessed 5 June 2008). Sageman, Marc 2008. Chapter 6 (pp. 109–123). Leaderless Jihad. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press. Weimann, Gabriel 2006. Chapters 3–4 (pp. 49–145). Terror on the Internet. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press. Part 8. Terrorist Organisations and Their Logic An examination of the political objectives and ideologies of terrorist organisations and an overview of the rationality and strategies underlying their decision‐making in relation to the political opportunities and military events shaping their environment. Boyns, David and James David Ballard 2004. 'Developing a Sociological Theory for the Empirical Understanding of Terrorism.'American Sociologist 35 (2): 5–26 (Doi: 10.1007/BF02692394). Crenshaw, Martha 1998. 'The Logic of Terrorism: Terrorist Behaviour as a Product of Strategic Choice.' Pp. 7–24 in Origins of Terrorism, edited by Walter Reich. Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press. Gambetta, Diego 2006. 'Can We Make Sense of Suicide Missions?' Pp. 259–299 in Making Sense of Suicide Missions, edited by Diego Gambetta. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Hafez, Mohammed and Quintan Wiktorowicz 2004. 'Violence as Contention in the Egyptian Islamic Movement.' Pp. 61–88 in Islamic Activism: A Social Movement Theory Approach, edited Quintan Wiktorowicz. Indianapolis, IN: Indiana University Press. Kalyvas, Stathis 2006. Chapters 6–7 (pp. 147–208). The Logic of Violence in Civil War. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Kramer, Martin 1998. 'The Moral Logic of Hezbollah.' Pp. 131–157 in Origins of Terrorism, edited by Walter Reich. Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press. Pape, Robert A. 2005. Chapters 3–5 (pp. 27–60). Dying to Win. New York, NY: Random House. Tosini, Domenico 2009. 'A Sociological Understanding of Suicide Attacks.'Theory, Culture & Society (Forthcoming). Part 9. Mechanisms of Social Support A discussion of the economic, cultural, and political conditions which make possible the support for, and collaboration with, terrorist organisations by members of certain communities. Cook, David and Olivia Allison 2007. Chapters 1–5 (pp. 1–85). Understanding and Addressing Suicide Attacks: The Faith and Politics of Martyrdom Operations. Westport, CT: Praeger Security International. Chernick, Marc 2007. 'FARC‐EP: From Liberal Guerrillas to Marxist Rebels to Post‐Cold War Insurgency.' Pp. 51–120 in Terror, Insurgency, and the State, edited by Marianne Heiberg et al. Philadelphia, PA: University Pennsylvania Press. Hashim, Ahmed S. 2006. Chapter 2 (pp. 59–124). Insurgency and Counter‐Insurgency in Iraq. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Kalyvas, Stathis 2006. Chapter 4 (pp. 87–110). The Logic of Violence in Civil War. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Merari, Ariel 2005. 'Social, Organizational and Psychological Factors in Suicide Terrorism.' Pp. 70–86 in Root Causes of Terrorism: Myths, Realities and Ways Forward, edited by Tore Bjørgo. London, UK: Routledge. Pape, Robert A. 2005. Chapters 6–8 (pp. 79–167). Dying to Win. New York, NY: Random House. Part 10. Social Networks and Recruitment An analysis of the motivations behind the process of joining terrorist organisations and of the role played by group dynamics and social networks. della Porta, Donatella 1995. Chapter 7 (pp. 165–186). Social Movements, Political Violence, and the State. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Sageman, Marc 2004. Chapters 4–5 (pp. 99–173). Understanding Terror Networks. Philadelphia, PA: University Pennsylvania Press. Horgan, John 2005. Chapter 3 (pp. 47–79). The Psychology of Terrorism. London, UK: Routledge. Khosrokhavar, Fahad 2005. Chapter 3 (pp. 149–224). Suicide Bombers. London, UK: Pluto Press. Pedahzur, Ami 2005. Chapters 6–7 (pp. 118–181). Suicide Terrorism. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Stern, Jessica 2003. Chapter 9 (pp. 237–280). Terror in the Name of God. New York, NY: Harper Collins Publisher. Wintrobe, Ronald 2006. Chapters 5–6 (pp. 108–157). Rational Extremism: The Political Economy of Radicalism. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Part 11. Counterterrorism I: Legal Implications An overview of the emergency powers of antiterrorism legislations and 'special measures', and an analysis of their legal impact on the protection of human rights. Cole, David 2003. Chapters 1–5 (pp. 17–82). Enemy Aliens. New York, NY: The Free Press. Haubrich, Dirk 2003. 'September 11, Anti‐Terror Laws and Civil Liberties: Britain, France and Germany Compared.'Government and Opposition 38 (1): 3–29 (Doi: 10.1111/1477-7053.00002). Parker, Tom 2005. 'Counterterrorism Policies in the United Kingdom.' Pp. 119–148 in Protecting Liberty in an Age of Terror, edited by Philip B. Heymann and Juliette N. Kayyem. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Tosini, Domenico 2007. 'Sociology of Terrorism and Counterterrorism: A Social Science Understanding of Terrorist Threat', Sociology Compass 1 (2): 664–681 (Doi: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00035.x). Part 12. Counterterrorism II: Strategic Limitations An examination of the most important counterterrorism policies adopted since 2001, with special reference to the occupation of Iraq, and an assessment of their advantages and risks for combating and preventing terrorism. Nesser, Peter 2006. 'Jihadism in Western Europe After the Invasion of Iraq: Tracing Motivational Influences from the Iraq War on Jihadist Terrorism in Western Europe.'Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 29 (4): 323–342 (Doi: 10.1080/10576100600641899). Pape, Robert A. 2005. Chapter 12 (pp. 237–250). Dying to Win. New York, NY: Random House. Silke, Andrew 2005. 'Fire of Iolaus: The Role of State Countermeasures in Causing Terrorism and What Needs to Be Done.' Pp. 241–255 in Root Causes of Terrorism: Myths, Realities and Ways Forward, edited by Tore Bjørgo. London, UK: Routledge. Smelser, Neil J. 2007. Chapter 6 (pp. 160–199). The Faces of Terrorism: Social and Psychological Dimensions. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Tosini, Domenico 2007. 'Sociology of Terrorism and Counterterrorism: A Social Science Understanding of Terrorist Threat', Sociology Compass 1 (2): 664–681 (Doi: 10.1111/j.1751-9020.2007.00035.x). Wilkinson, Paul 2006. Chapters 5–6 (pp. 61–102). Terrorism versus Democracy: The Liberal State Response. London, UK: Routledge.5. Films and videos Al‐Qaeda Film on the First Anniversary of the London Bombings. 2006 (17 min)(http://www.memritv.org/clip/en/0/0/0/0/0/215/1186.htm)Excerpts from a message from 2005 London bomber Shehzad Tanweer and statements by Al‐Qaeda leaders Ayman Al‐Zawahiri and Adam Gadahn, posted on http://www.tajdeed.net.tc on 8 July 2006. A typical example of the communicative use of the Internet by Islamists in their attempt to frame terrorist attacks as legitimate acts of martyrdom, committed by courageous Muslims in defence of their brothers and sisters in occupied Muslim lands (e.g. Afghanistan, Iraq, Palestine). Al‐Qaeda Leader in Iraq Abu Musab Al‐Zarqawi's First Televised Interview. 2006 (17 min)(http://www.memritv.org/clip/en/0/0/0/0/0/344/1118.htm)A video posted by the Islamist web forum http://www.alsaha.com on 25 April 2006, in which the Al‐Qaeda commander in Iraq Abu Musab Al‐Zarqawi (killed by an airstrike on 7 June 2006) outlines all the typical condemnations (by Islamist extremists) of the Iraq occupation by the US‐led coalition, and calls for a jihad against its forces and allies. Propagandising the military capabilities of Al‐Qaeda, the video culminates in footage of Al‐Zarqawi with masked fighters, firing an automatic weapon, and 'new missiles' developed by 'the brothers'. Al‐Arabiya TV Special on the Culture of Martyrdom and Suicide Bombers. 2005 (7 min)(http://www.memritv.org/clip/en/0/0/0/0/0/215/807.htm)Excerpts from a show about the culture of martyrdom, aired on Al‐Arabiya TV on 22 July 2005. The documentary investigates some of the most relevant religious and political justifications and symbolic representations among Islamist extremists in favour of suicide attacks. In particular, it looks at the Palestinian organisations Hamas and Islamic Jihad, and at the Lebanese Hezbollah. The film includes an interview with Maha Ghandour, the wife of Salah Ghandour, who was responsible for a suicide attack carried out in 1995 on behalf of Hezbollah against an Israeli military convoy. Battle For Haditha. 2007 (93 min)(http://www.nickbroomfield.com/haditha.html)In this film, the director Nick Broomfield looks at the dramatic events surrounding an incident that occurred in Haditha, Iraq, when 24 Iraqis were allegedly massacred by US Marines, following the death of a Marine in a bombing perpetrated by Iraqi insurgents. The harsh reality of the war is viewed from three perspectives: that of the US troops, the insurgents who committed the attacks, and a civilian Iraqi family. Iranian Animated Film for Children Promotes Suicide Bombings. 2005 (10 min)(http://www.memritv.org/clip/en/0/0/0/0/0/215/906.htm)Including excerpts from an Iranian animated movie for children, aired on IRIB 3 TV on 28 October 2005, this film is an example of the mechanisms of de‐humanization of the enemy (the Israelis), based on a tale of the ferocious murder of innocent people by Israeli soldiers. This incident is followed by a bomb attack framed as an act of martyrdom by young militants in revenge of the previous assassination. Paradise Now. 2005 (91 min)In his film, the director Hany Abu‐Assad focuses on the final days of two Palestinian militants as they prepare to carry out a suicide attack in Tel Aviv. Once childhood friends Said (Kais Nashef) and Khaled (Ali Suliman) are offered such an attack, they feel a sense of purpose in serving their people's cause, whereas a young Palestinian woman, after learning of their plan, tries to dissuade them from carrying out their missions. Paradise Now has been viewed as a controversial attempt to examine the motivations of suicide bombers. The Reach of War: Sectarian War in Iraq. 2006 (7 min)(http://www.nytimes.com/packages/khtml/2006/12/28/world/20061228_SECTARIAN_FEATURE.html)The New York Times journalist Marc Santora reports on some of the most violent and bloody effects of the sectarian violence perpetrated in Iraq during the civil war between Sunnis and Shiites, which has followed the occupation by the US‐led coalition. The Road to Guantanamo. 2006 (92 min)(http://www.roadtoguantanamomovie.com)Directed by Michael Winterbottom, the film tells the story of four friends beginning a holiday in Pakistan. Through a series of interviews and news footage, the film shows how they end up in Afghanistan, where are then captured by American forces and kept in harsh conditions at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, for over 2 years. The Role of Foreign Fighters in the Iraqi Jihad. 2006 (9 min)(http://www1.nefafoundation.org/multimedia‐original.html)In this video, NEFA Foundation expert Evan Kohlmann documents the phenomenon of foreign fighters in Iraq and their role within the Sunni insurgency. The video includes footage of senior figures from Abu Musab al‐Zarqawi's terrorist group (including Lebanese, Saudi, and Kuwaiti nationals) and scenes from Al‐Qaida training camps in Iraq. The Suicide Bomber. 2005 (12 min)(http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/terrorism/july‐dec05/bombers_11‐14.html)In this debate aired on PBS on 14 November 2005, three experts (Mia Bloom, Mohammed M. Hafez, and Robert A. Pape) discuss what motivates suicide bombers and their terrorist organisations, with special reference to the 2005 hotel bombings in Amman, Jordan, where a female militant joining these attacks was found alive after her bomb failed to detonate. The Terrorist Propaganda (three videos):
Indexing Al‐Qaeda Online.
2005 (6 min)(http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp‐dyn/content/custom/2005/08/05/CU2005080501141.html?whichDay=1)
Without the Video, It's Just an Attack.
2007 (5 min)(http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp‐dyn/content/video/2007/09/28/VI2007092800608.html)
Al‐Qaeda's Growing Online Offensive.
2008 (14 min)(http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp‐dyn/content/article/2008/06/23/AR2008062302135.html)Over the last decade, terrorist propaganda on the Internet has increased dramatically. In these videos, experts discuss how insurgent groups, in particular Islamist extremists in Iraq and Afghanistan, are using new media to spread their messages worldwide, to chronicle their operations (including the assembly and emplacement of roadside bombs targeting US forces), to recruit, and to raise money.6. Focus questions

What challenges do researchers interested in terrorism studies face and why? What are the most important theoretical and methodological weaknesses in current terrorism research?
How can we define terrorism? What political controversies affect the definition of terrorism? When comparing different terrorism data sets, what kinds of diagnoses can we make on the tendencies of terrorist incidents in the last decade?
How has terrorism changed in history? Based on the literature concerning Al‐Qaeda's ideology, strategies, and structures, what continuities and discontinuities can we identify with respect to previous forms of terrorism?
When dealing with the explanation of terrorism, what are the most significant factors to be taken into account? How can we learn from the current literature on suicide terrorism in order to build a comprehensive model for its explanation?
Given the legislative and military responses to September 11 and subsequent attacks (e.g. the 2005 London bombings), what have been the legal consequences affecting our societies and the strategic implications for combating and preventing terrorist violence?

7. SeminarsParticipants will be divided into small groups of about three persons. Each group will be asked to make a contribution to a sociological analysis (either written or presented) of a specific armed organisation, such as:Al‐Gama'a Al‐IslamiyyaAl‐QaedaAl‐Qaeda in IraqAl‐Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (formerly Salafist Group for Call and Combat)Ansar Al‐SunnahAnsar Al‐IslamArmed Islamic Groups (GIA)Army of GodAum ShinrikyoChechen separatistsEgyptian Islamic JihadEuskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA)HamasHezbollahIrgun Zvai LeumiIrish Republican Army (IRA)Islamic Movement of UzbekistanJemaah IslamiyahKashmiri separatistsKu Klux Klan (KKK)Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK)Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)Lashkar‐e‐JhangviLibyan Islamic Fighting GroupPalestinian Islamic JihadPalestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO)Red Army Faction (RAF)Red Brigades (BR)Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC)Taliban.For each armed organisation, each group will examine the following aspects:

data on its attacks – including information that justifies the label of 'terrorist organisation';
a historical account of its origins and developments;
an analysis of the strategy underlying its terrorist campaigns;
a clarification of its social support and collaboration (if any);
a profile of its militants and patterns of recruitment;
a discussion of the counterterrorism policies adopted by states and their impact on the terrorist organisation.

Note
* Correspondence address: Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology and Social Research, Piazza Venezia 41 – 38100 Trento, Italy, +39 0461 881324; +39 0461 881348 (fax); +39 347 2329219 (mobile); Email: domenico.tosini@soc.unitn.it http://portale.unitn.it/dpt/dsrs/docenti/tosini.htm

International audience ; Pour le sens commun, entretenu par un lectorat très typé, Joseph de Maistre représente bien évidemment l'apôtre de la Contre-Révolution la plus intransigeante. Au risque du poncif puisqu'avec lui peut être plus nettement encore qu'avec tout autre polémiste de pareille envergure, se pose le problème de la réception d'une œuvre paradoxale, à travers laquelle d'aucuns s'emploient depuis près de deux siècles avec une belle obstination à reconnaître l'une des sources homogène, flagrante, de théories politiques ou d'idéologies totalitaires parmi les moins recommandables.Parmi d'autres, ces dernières années, le politiste Jean Zaganiaris s'est fort heureusement astreint à l'exercice de dénonciation de telles lectures systématiquement partiales ou biaisées du corpus maistrien. Dans essai publié en 2005 il s'efforce même de rappeler comment le Maistre apparemment figé à jamais dans cette sombre posture a cependant pu être étonnamment associé à de tout autres courants de pensée, jadis, y compris de manière incidente et fugace. Il s'y attache notamment à reconstituer l'argumentaire de nos jours totalement tombé dans l'oubli visant, par exemple, à reconnaître en Joseph de Maistre non seulement un précurseur de certaines idées libérales mais aussi, avec des arguments discutables et de ce fait assez peu convaincants, de certaines propositions politiques revendiquées avec constance depuis près de deux siècles par la tradition républicaine accommodée à la mode française et parlementaire.Maistre libéral ? Vraie fausse révélation pour celui que nombre de biographes ont souvent surnommé le Montesquieu savoyard afin de rendre compte avec justesse de la posture intellectuelle, au cours d'une morne première partie d'existence de notable provincial, selon ses propres dires. Il convient pourtant d'être clair : Maistre n'est pas et n'a jamais été libéral au sens aujourd'hui parlementaire et connoté du terme. Pas plus avant 1789 qu'après ! Quand bien même il incarne sa vie durant une espèce de prototype de penseur des Lumières en magistrat éclairé dédaigneux de cet amas d'institutions d'un autre âge, issues de « lois gothiques » parasitant le fonctionnement idoine des monarchies d'Ancien Régime. Si Joseph de Maistre devient un temps la fugace égérie de militants libéraux, ce n'est donc que très indirectement, ainsi que l'a fort bien compris Jean Zaganiaris. Au surplus dans le contexte très particulier de la dissolution dans l'acide corrosif du Risorgimento, au milieu du XIXe siècle, de ce Royaume de Sardaigne dont il fut au-delà du raisonnable un serviteur fidèle et loyal, aux heures pénibles de l'exil. Curieusement, celui qui a entretenu sa vie durant des rapports particulièrement complexes — pour ne pas dire ambigus — avec son prince, voire avec sa contrée natale d'un duché de Savoie plus excentré que jamais à l'Ouest des Alpes au sein des possessions sardes dites de « Terre ferme », le cœur d'Etats de Savoie en sursis depuis 1815 et de plus en plus déroutants dans leur facture ou, tout au moins, leur logique géopolitique révélatrice de l'Ancien Régime, devient en effet sur le tard la soudaine coqueluche des courtisans ou affidés de la figure incontournable du personnel gouvernemental turinois, au cours de la décennie 1850-1860, en la personne haute en couleur du Comte Benso Camillo di Cavour. Se fondant sur la correspondance de nature diplomatique officielle, de très loin la part la plus méconnue de l'œuvre maistrienne, cette poignée de jeunes gens proposent ainsi une lecture iconoclaste de « vieux papiers » de prime abord sans grands liens, il faut le reconnaître, avec la somme devenue classique de la production spéculative légitimement passée à la postérité. C'est sur cet épisode oublié, longtemps oblitéré par la confiscation anhistorique d'un Joseph de Maistre désincarné, presque éthéré par la vénération partiale de ses dévots lecteurs de la droite légitimiste du XIXe siècle puis par son héritière nationaliste d'Entre-deux-Guerres, principalement en France, qu'il convient cependant de revenir à l'heure où, à la célébration du cent cinquantième anniversaire en Savoie de la disparition des Etats éponymes répond, sur l'autre versant des Alpes occidentales, celle de l'Unità italiana. Sans prétendre évidemment concurrencer la globalité d'une analyse éclairante à plus d'un titre, puisse ainsi le cadre monographique limité de cette étude parvenir à enrichir le propos imprécis de Jean Zaganiaris sur ce point, en dépit de son mérite d'avoir exhumé, loin de ces considérations anniversaires transalpines, le débat suscité il y a cent cinquante ans par l'interprétation polémique d'un pan toujours aussi sous-estimé de la prose maistrienne.

International audience ; Pour le sens commun, entretenu par un lectorat très typé, Joseph de Maistre représente bien évidemment l'apôtre de la Contre-Révolution la plus intransigeante. Au risque du poncif puisqu'avec lui peut être plus nettement encore qu'avec tout autre polémiste de pareille envergure, se pose le problème de la réception d'une œuvre paradoxale, à travers laquelle d'aucuns s'emploient depuis près de deux siècles avec une belle obstination à reconnaître l'une des sources homogène, flagrante, de théories politiques ou d'idéologies totalitaires parmi les moins recommandables.Parmi d'autres, ces dernières années, le politiste Jean Zaganiaris s'est fort heureusement astreint à l'exercice de dénonciation de telles lectures systématiquement partiales ou biaisées du corpus maistrien. Dans essai publié en 2005 il s'efforce même de rappeler comment le Maistre apparemment figé à jamais dans cette sombre posture a cependant pu être étonnamment associé à de tout autres courants de pensée, jadis, y compris de manière incidente et fugace. Il s'y attache notamment à reconstituer l'argumentaire de nos jours totalement tombé dans l'oubli visant, par exemple, à reconnaître en Joseph de Maistre non seulement un précurseur de certaines idées libérales mais aussi, avec des arguments discutables et de ce fait assez peu convaincants, de certaines propositions politiques revendiquées avec constance depuis près de deux siècles par la tradition républicaine accommodée à la mode française et parlementaire.Maistre libéral ? Vraie fausse révélation pour celui que nombre de biographes ont souvent surnommé le Montesquieu savoyard afin de rendre compte avec justesse de la posture intellectuelle, au cours d'une morne première partie d'existence de notable provincial, selon ses propres dires. Il convient pourtant d'être clair : Maistre n'est pas et n'a jamais été libéral au sens aujourd'hui parlementaire et connoté du terme. Pas plus avant 1789 qu'après ! Quand bien même il incarne sa vie durant une espèce de prototype de penseur des Lumières en magistrat éclairé dédaigneux de cet amas d'institutions d'un autre âge, issues de « lois gothiques » parasitant le fonctionnement idoine des monarchies d'Ancien Régime. Si Joseph de Maistre devient un temps la fugace égérie de militants libéraux, ce n'est donc que très indirectement, ainsi que l'a fort bien compris Jean Zaganiaris. Au surplus dans le contexte très particulier de la dissolution dans l'acide corrosif du Risorgimento, au milieu du XIXe siècle, de ce Royaume de Sardaigne dont il fut au-delà du raisonnable un serviteur fidèle et loyal, aux heures pénibles de l'exil. Curieusement, celui qui a entretenu sa vie durant des rapports particulièrement complexes — pour ne pas dire ambigus — avec son prince, voire avec sa contrée natale d'un duché de Savoie plus excentré que jamais à l'Ouest des Alpes au sein des possessions sardes dites de « Terre ferme », le cœur d'Etats de Savoie en sursis depuis 1815 et de plus en plus déroutants dans leur facture ou, tout au moins, leur logique géopolitique révélatrice de l'Ancien Régime, devient en effet sur le tard la soudaine coqueluche des courtisans ou affidés de la figure incontournable du personnel gouvernemental turinois, au cours de la décennie 1850-1860, en la personne haute en couleur du Comte Benso Camillo di Cavour. Se fondant sur la correspondance de nature diplomatique officielle, de très loin la part la plus méconnue de l'œuvre maistrienne, cette poignée de jeunes gens proposent ainsi une lecture iconoclaste de « vieux papiers » de prime abord sans grands liens, il faut le reconnaître, avec la somme devenue classique de la production spéculative légitimement passée à la postérité. C'est sur cet épisode oublié, longtemps oblitéré par la confiscation anhistorique d'un Joseph de Maistre désincarné, presque éthéré par la vénération partiale de ses dévots lecteurs de la droite légitimiste du XIXe siècle puis par son héritière nationaliste d'Entre-deux-Guerres, principalement en France, qu'il convient cependant de revenir à l'heure où, à la célébration du cent cinquantième anniversaire en Savoie de la disparition des Etats éponymes répond, sur l'autre versant des Alpes occidentales, celle de l'Unità italiana. Sans prétendre évidemment concurrencer la globalité d'une analyse éclairante à plus d'un titre, puisse ainsi le cadre monographique limité de cette étude parvenir à enrichir le propos imprécis de Jean Zaganiaris sur ce point, en dépit de son mérite d'avoir exhumé, loin de ces considérations anniversaires transalpines, le débat suscité il y a cent cinquante ans par l'interprétation polémique d'un pan toujours aussi sous-estimé de la prose maistrienne.

This essay discusses the relation between urban spaces and street festival as an example of a creative industry. To begin with, several terms are presented as part of a theoretical approach to fully understand the concept of street festivals, then two cases studies of street festivals will be presented and analysed: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and Rock al Parque Festival both from Bogotá, Colombia. The essay has a chapter dedicated to the relationship between festivals and economic development. ; Cultura y desarrollo; Esfera pública; Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro; Festivales callejeros; Habermas; Rock al Parque ; 1 An Act of Faith: Two Cases Studies Of Street Festivals As Examples Of Development. ANDRÉS GUILLERMO CHAUR1 Course Title: Theories of the Culture Industry: work, creativity and precariousness Course Code: CU71015A Date: 13 January 2014 1 Beneficiario COLFUTURO 2013 2 3 «Culture is the be all and end all of development» L.S. Senghor, poet (Senegal, 1906-2001) Introduction This essay discusses the relation between urban spaces and street festival as an example of a creative industry. To begin with, several terms are presented as part of a theoretical approach to fully understand the concept of street festivals, then two cases studies of street festivals will be presented and analysed: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and Rock al Parque Festival both from Bogotá, Colombia. The essay has a chapter dedicated to the relationship between festivals and economic development. It is important to mention that the starter point of this essay was precisely to give an introductory background of the importance that has have those two case studies in the development of the city. It is not a secret that Colombia has suffered a period of violence and instability since the second part of the XX century so at first glance it is curious to study and research about an almost contradictory topic such as Culture in a "war country". But at the same time, the "beauty" of this study relies precisely in its contradictory nature: How a country with those characteristics can hold two of the most important and respected free theatre festivals and music festivals in all Latin America? This essay will try to explain that culture when it's conceived with some specific characteristics will bring democracy and peace. A series of deep and abstract concepts will be discussed. This essay was thought just as an introduction and approximation to the topic of public and private, public sphere, culture and development just to mention some examples. Same with authors and thinkers used to elaborate the structure of this study. Once again it should be taken as an approximation rather than a full and elaborated research. The aim is to structure a series of ideas and concepts around one thesis: Those festivals have helped to make Bogotá a better city thus that is the main point of the relation between urban spaces and creativity: It fosters a better understanding of a society overall. At the end of the essay, in the appendix section, some photos are presented to visually recreate the two festivals, its dimensions and its importance. Although, like every 4 transcendental event, in order to understand the magnitude of The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and the Rock al Parque Festival one have to experience in person. Cities as spaces for the public To fully understand the concept of "Public Realm" and "Public Sphere", one has to address the theory of the city and its relation with the concept of public and private. The concept of "city" has had many meanings through time. There are different ways to approach the concept; however, for the nature of this essay an urban sociological perspective will be approached. Mumford (1937) states the city as a space undoubtedly bonded with the development of human potential: "a city is an expression of the human spirits, and they exist to nurture human personality"2. Weber (1921), one of the founders of modern sociology sees a city in terms of connectivity and settlement between commuters, in that way, the concept of a city, according to Weber, is about the networking, the political and economic participation and the organization among communities. Landry (2013) defines the city as "a complex organism and in constant movement with perspectives, opinions and priorities about what is right often clashing"3. Simmel (1950) explained the correlation of man and the scenarios created by the capitalism and modern society called "The Metropolis". There is always a struggle between the man (individual) and his society (public): "The deepest problem of modern life arises out of the attempt by the individual to preserve his autonomy and individuality in the face of the overwhelming social forces of a historical heritage, external culture and technique of life"4. Simmel's concept of a city as a place where modern man struggle to find his individuality within "overwhelming social forces" is key to understand the theory of the city, specifically one attached with the words: Public -Private. Sennett (1996) in his book "The Fall of the 2 Mumford, L., 1937. What is a city?. In: Scoutt, S and Stoutt, F. ed. 2011. The city reader. Taylor and Francis. pp.91-96. 3 Landry,C. 2013. Civic Urbanity: Looking at the city afresh (PDF). Hangzhou International Congress, "Culture: Key to Sustainable Development", 15-17 May 2013, Hangzhou, China. Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/CLT/images/Charles_Landry_Hangzhou_Congress.pdf (Accessed 12 January 2013). 4 Simmel,G. 1950. The Metropolis and Mental Life. In Miles, M; Hall, T and Borden, I. The City Cultures Reader. Ed. 2000. pp. 12-19. 5 public man" gives an account of the city as the scenario where those 2 concepts are correlated. He starts explaining the meaning of public and private. Although its historical background, coming from the Greeks and the idea of Oikos and Polis as the Private and Public respectively, Sennett comments that "the public" in modern times, started to develop in the eighteen century that is as a direct consequence of the industrial revolution and the liberalism ideas coming from The Enlightenment. "Public came to mean a life passed outside the life of family and close friends. In the public region diverse, complex social groups were to be brought into ineluctable contact the focus of this public life was the city"5 The public life is also the ground to understand modern democracy and public political institution. Sennett, citing Hanna Arendt's book The Human Condition shows how the public life in cities can be a scenario where ideas and opinions are discussed and debated. "Private circumstances have no place in the public realm". 6 Arendt even manifests that cities are "democracy's homes"7 This notion of public started to be more evident when places to meet strangers (people from outside the private sphere) within the city started to grow up. Examples of those "places" are the coffee houses and salons (Habermas will mention those examples to explain his theory of public sphere). Those spaces are called "Public Realm" by Sennett. Public Realm, in other words, are spaces where strangers meet. This encounter is characterized by "anonymity". In "The Conscience of The Eye" Sennett (1992) also says that anonymity is the power of modern cities: "The power of the city lies in its diversity; in the presence of difference people have at least the possibility to step outside themselves (.) The city can give them experiences of otherness"8 The concept of Teatro Mundi is an interesting way to look at the public sphere. According to Sennett, "Teatro Mundi" are spaces full of vitality, differences and disorder. Places where the differences connect and all citizens participate: "Society is a theatre and people are actors". This essay will discuss Teatro Mundi in detail in the chapter related to street festivals. . 5 Sennett, R. 2003. The Fall of Public Man. Penguin, New Edition. 6 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. 7 Sennett, R. 2008. The Public Realm. (online) Richard Sennet Website. Available at: http://www.richardsennett.com/site/SENN/Templates/General2.aspx?pageid=16 (Accessed 13 January 2014) 8 Sennett, R. 1992. The Conscience of the Eye: The Design and Social Life of Cities. W.W Norton & Company. 6 In the next chapter, this essay will discuss in-depth different theories about the public realm specially the ideas of Habermas about the public sphere and his theory of action communicative. Habermas and the Public Sphere Even though the previous chapter gave an account of the concepts of private-public, it is important to highlight them according to the theory of Habermas. Recognized as one of the most influential sociologist and philosopher of our times, Habermas theories of the public sphere (phrase from the German Öffentlichkeit), and modern democracy as well as his theory of action communicative have been enormously influential for modern sociology9. Firstly Habermas' thought is marked in the tradition of the Frankfurt School. His first mayor publication "The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere" argues that instrumental rationality is implicit in the Public Sphere. However, Habermas took distance from the classical notion of the critical theory when argues that participation in the public sphere (he exemplified the coffee shops and the salons in Paris and London in the XVIII century) is free and autonomous in order to shape a common good: "The public sphere consisted in voluntary associations of private citizens united in a common aim, to make use of their own reason in unconstrained discussion between equals"10(Later on, Habermas is going to present how mass media eroded individuality and declined the public sphere). It is important to mention the dichotomy of the words public-private for Habermas. Although different, both are dependents to each other. In that way the private sphere and the public sphere instead of being exclusive are inclusive. Susen (2011) defines the public sphere, taking into account Habermas' theory, as: "The socialized expression of individuals' reciprocally constituted autonomy: individuals are autonomous not in isolation from but in relation to one another, that is, in relation to a public of autonomous beings".11 9Finlayson, J .2005. "Habermas, a very short introduction". Oxford University Press. 10 Habermas,J. 1991. The Structural Transformation Of The Public Sphere. MIT Press. 11 Susen, S. 2001. Critical Notes on Habermas's theory of the public sphere. (online). City University of London. Available at: http://tinyurl.com/lhy4j4z. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 7 Several questions came to mind: How this socialization is constructed? What does an autonomous individual mean? And how can individual reach autonomy? For Habermas, the answer relies on a rational communicative action. The aim of the public sphere is to create a consensus through the active participation of all individuals involved. This consensus is created by a rational approach of the language: "The public sphere is a collective realm in which individuals' cognitive ability to take on the role of critical and responsible actors is indicative of society's coordinative capacity to transform itself into an emancipatory project shaped by the normative force of communicative rationality"12. Rationality in terms of Habermas does not consist in knowledge per se but "how speaking and acting subjects acquire and use knowledge"13. This type of rationality is different from the instrumental rationality from the Enlightenment, widely criticized by the Frankfurt School, since it is "practical, epistemological and more important, intersubjective"14. The public sphere, considering the above, not only describes the space where the encounter occurs but moreover, the public sphere has within itself an emancipator and a transformative component. Some critics find Habermas ideas "too utopian and idealistic"15. The next chapter the link between Habermas and Sennett notion of Public Realm in the city will be tracked. The Open City Sennett takes Habermas as a mayor inspiration for constructing his idea of the Public Realm in the city. According to Sennett (2008), Habermas does not tie the public sphere to any particular place, such as a town centre for instance. Even new technological media as the 12 Ibid. 13 Hahn, L. 2000. Perspective On Habermas. Open Court Publishing. 14 Susen, S. 2001. Critical Notes on Habermas's theory of the public sphere. (online). City University of London. Available at: http://tinyurl.com/lhy4j4z. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 15 Ibid. 8 Internet could be seen as an example of public sphere: "In today's cities, an internet cafe would be more likely to excite him than Trafalgar Square" 16 The place where strangers meet, as Sennett defines Public Realm, could be anywhere: An event, a medium, etc. that encourages communication between strangers. Eventually, Sennett argues, cities that promote those types of encounters are called cities with open systems and on the contrary, cities that lack a real public realm or just promote the privatization of spaces are called cities with closed systems. Based on sociologist Jane Jacobs(1961) and her book "The death and life of great American cities"17, Sennett(2006) imagines a city with a closed system with two attributes: Equilibrium and Integration18. Equilibrium is related with balance, with harmony and with a static idea of conceiving a city. Public Spaces as spaces full of differences, dissents and disorders are not part or are reduced in a closed system. By integration, Sennett means that everything is connected and is part of a greater and unique vision. Thus, everything that is not part of that unique vision is expelled and rejected: "The logic of integration is to diminish in value things that don't fit in (.) Closed system cities refuse to evolve and has paralysed urbanism", concludes Sennett. Opposing a closed system, the open system is all about diversity and finding a place for differences, dissents and disorders. It is about complexity, about how a place adapts itself to the always changing community and its processes. Sennett lists three elements of an open city: Passage territories, incomplete form and development narratives. Passages territories means to diffuse boundaries and different territories within the cities; incomplete form is regarding "empty spaces" so the public can interact in it. Development narratives means to allow dissident voices to express and to fully participate. Wirth (1938) summarize the above by saying: "The juxtaposition of divergent personalities and modes of life tends to produce a relativistic perspective and a sense of toleration of differences"19 Taking into consideration the above characteristics of an open city, one can say that an open city is a place for democracy, "not in the legal sense but in the physical experience" says 16 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. 17 Jacobs, J .1961. The death and life of great American cities. Random House, New York. 18 Sennett, R 2006. The Open City. (online). Urban Age- LSE. Available at: http://esteticartografias07.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/berlin_richard_sennett_2006-the_open_city1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 19 Wirth, L .1938. Urbanism as a Way of Life. (online) Chicago Journals. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2768119 (Accessed 13 January 2014). 9 Sennett 20. This thesis is important to understand the importance of public spaces in construction of a fully democratic society and thus is connected to the idea of development and equality. ¿What are examples of an open system? Can one give an account of a public sphere? The next chapter will give an account of the relationship between the street festivals and the public sphere, understanding them as a significance example of public realm. Street Festivals and the Public Sphere To begin with, Street Festivals or Urban Festivals as any other cultural event placed in the public sphere are related of what Durkheim called "collective effervescence". As Durkheim pointed out when a group gathers to perform a "religious ritual" experiences a sense of encounter and unity, "leading participants to a high degree of collective emotional excitement or delirium"21. However as Sassatelli(2011) adds, although Festivals are also part of a collective delirium, taking all participant apart from the everyday life, they are also places where the social encounter is made of "polyvalent performances, rather than unified signifiers of a consensual collective conscience"22 Sassatelli complements that street festivals contrasted with museums: By its living dimension as well as its unrestrained sensory experience. Sennett (1992) also talks about spaces "full of live" as narrative spaces where every dweller constructs a disorder and kaleidoscope meaning of the public. This could lead to the erosion of the boundaries of high and low culture in the sense of the Frankfurt School understood the "cultural industries". namely they turn into instances of communication and instances of production of collective meanings and desires. 20 Sennett, R 2006. The Open City. (online). Urban Age- LSE. Available at: http://esteticartografias07.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/berlin_richard_sennett_2006-the_open_city1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 21 Durkheim, E .2008. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. Oxford Paperbacks. 22 Sassatelli, M. 2011. Urban Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere: Cosmopolitanism between Ethics and Aesthetics in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 12-19 10 If Habermas, the notion of the "Public Sphere" is related as the area where rational individuals communicate to each other to discuss their social problems; nowadays as McGuian(2011) argues, there are different ways to look at the public sphere, not only inside a rational communicative system as Habermas states, but from other types of communication that also create a sense of public sphere. One of those "public spheres" is the cultural public sphere, namely a sphere within the public where different modes of communications, for instance "affective-aesthetics and emotional are articulated with the public and the private"23 "The public sphere nowadays operates though various channels and circuits of mass popular culture and entertainment facilitated the routinely mediated aesthetic and emotional reflections on how we live and imagine the good life (.) festivals are the aestheticization of politics as the ground for festivals is the democratization of an independent thought by the spectators transformed into active actors". . Although McGuian theorized the cultural public sphere for the mass media and populism culture, undoubtedly street festivals share that conception in an emotional and aesthetic way of "come together as a public" and to transcend the private sphere into a societal integration as Habermas explained. Fabiani (2011) explained as well: 24 Street Festivals are also part of the Sennett's idea of "Teatro Mundi". Spaces operated in an open system, where strangers meet through a "rhetorical way, acting in order to be 23Mc Guian, J. 2011. The Cultural Public Sphere- a critical measure of public culture? in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 79-92. 24 Fabiani, J. 2011. Festivals, local and global: Critical interventions and the cultural public sphere. in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 92-108 Involvement rather than contemplation Instances of communication and community building Erosion of the boundaries between high and low culture Construction of Identity Produce meanings and desires Box 1. Characteristics of Street Festivals according to Sassatelli(2011). 11 credible" 25 In the next chapter, this essay will discuss the implications of street festivals in the sustainable development of a city. Different approaches coming from the research of the UNESCO on the relationship between culture and development as well as the studies of the creative class by Michael Florida and the Creative cities by Michael Landry. . People act as in they were in a "role playing" to create a sense of "equality", even if they do not share their same social class, race, sexual orientation, etc. Street Festivals have this "communicative power" of involve everyone together. Street Festivals as mechanism for sustainable development How could we connect street festivals as examples of the cultural public sphere with the idea of development? In other words, is there any connection between street festivals, understood as a cultural manifestation, and sustainable development? This chapter will introduce the concept of "Culture for Development"26 In the last few decades, UNESCO programs have been focused in how culture should be at the centre of economic development in developed and especially in developing countries. One of the last attempts to foster that was the Hangzou Congress in 2013 in China. The final conclusion was: "Placing Culture at the Heart of Sustainable Development Policies"; a term coined by UNESCO in a variety of its programs wide world specially for developing nations and will give an account of the link between that term and street festivals as examples of a cultural industry. 27 25 Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. and described 9 main ideas to do so: Integrate culture within all development policies and Programmes; Mobilize culture and mutual understanding to foster peace and reconciliation; Ensure cultural rights for all to promote inclusive social development; Leverage culture for poverty reduction and inclusive economic development; Build on culture to promote environmental sustainability; Strengthen resilience to disasters and combat climate change through culture value; safeguard and transmit culture to future generations; Harness culture 26 Culture and Development. 2013. UNESCO- Culture. (Online) Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development (Accessed 13 January 2014) 27 UNESCO. 2013. The Hangzhou Declaration. UNESCO- Culture. (Online). Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development/hangzhou-congress/ (Accessed 13 January 2014). 12 as a resource for achieving sustainable urban development and management; Capitalize on culture to foster innovative and sustainable models of cooperation. 28 Landry (2008) also talks about the benefits of cultural industries in a city and how the creativity of those industries will foster economic development and social cohesion: "Culture can also strengthen social cohesion, increase personal confidence and improve life skills, improve people's mental and physical well-being, strengthen people's ability to act as democratic citizens and develop new training and employment routes".29 Florida (2003) shows the relationship between creativeness and development. His theory of human capital, called creative capital theory, shows how by fostering tolerance, high education levels and social adaptation to changes, a social class can help to develop their communities. This creative class and its idea of create "new forms of meanings"30 The bond between the cultural public sphere with democracy and the idea of an Open City, explained before, is also a seminal part of how through cultural manifestations, a society can develop and tackle social problems. are attached to the idea of UNESCO's Culture for development program. Case Studies: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá and the "Rock al Parque" Festival This essay will present two cases studies of street festivals and its relation with the city and its sustainable development: The Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogota (Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro de Bogotá) and The Rock al Parque Festival. Both represent two major fields in the cultural industries in Bogotá such as the performative arts and the music. 28 Ibid 29 Landry, C. 2008. The Creative City: A toolkit for Urban Innovators. Earthscan Editions. 30 Florida, M (2003). Cities and the creative class. (Online). Available at: http://uv.vuchorsens.dk/r/KAZ/Undervisning%202012-2013/GEOLOGI/B%C3%A6redygtighed/Befolkning%20og%20b%C3%A6redygtighed/GetFile.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). 13 Firstly the chapter will introduce a context of each festival and then discuss around 5 main axes how the two festivals help to development in specific ways. Iberoamerican Theatre Festival of Bogotá Declared in December 2013 as "cultural heritage of Colombia"31, The Ibero-American Theatre Festival of Bogotá is a biannual cultural event held in Bogotá and organized by the Fundación Teatro Nacional (National Theatre Foundation) an NGO dedicated to theatre with private and public funding. It is considered as one of the most important theatre festival in Latin America and the most significant cultural event in Colombia32 The history of the festival is in every sense "quixotic": Launched in 1988 when the country was immersed in drug-related violence and when the public institutions and the general idea of democracy were at crisis, Ramiro Osorio, a renowned cultural entrepreneur and Fanny Mikey, considered one of the icons of theatre and culture in Colombia, created the theatre Festival as a "Act of Faith" in order to promote culture as an answer to defeat the prevailing violence of those years. . It is important to mention somehow the significant role of the National Theatre Foundation in the conformation and development of the theatre in Colombia. Founded in 1981 by Fanny Mikey, an Argentinean émigré, with the play "El Rehén" nowadays has three major venues with a wide programme throughout the year as well as an art college a social programme for deprived communities and an international tours of their plays33 The first Ibero-American theatre festival, held from 25th march to 3th of April 1988, gathered 59 theatres companies from 21 countries with an estimated of no more than 100.000 spectators. In 2012, 26 years later, the festival had more than 3 million spectators and 200 theatres companies from 32 countries and 5 continents. 34 31El Espectador. 2013. Festival de Teatro de Bogotá, declarado patrimonio cultural de la Nación. El Espectador, (Online) (Last updated 11December 2013). Available at: . http://www.elespectador.com/noticias/bogota/festival-de-teatro-de-bogota-declarado-patrimonio-cultu-articulo-463508. (Accessed: 13 January 2014). 32 Cepeda, A .2010. FESTIVAL IBEROAMERICANO DE TEATRO DE BOGOTÁ- IMPACTO Y SUPERVIVENCIA. Instituto Complutense de CC Musicales. 33 Ibid 34 Ibid 14 The conception of the festival as a "carnival of the city" relies on the stress in the use of the public space: There are plays presented in the streets, plazas and parks from all over the city: From slums to rich areas covering all significance area of the city. In 2012, the festival presents 218 street plays in 4 major parks (Simón Bolívar, Tunal, Nacional y Plaza de Bolívar) 7 public spaces for street plays, 4 community centres, 2 big parades starting from the north of Bogota (Calle 80) until the Bolivar's Square, the biggest plaza in Bogotá. The Festival was in 11 out of the 21 districts of Bogota. In average, around 2, 5 millions of spectators participate in the festival. 35 "Rock al Parque" Festival In March 2012, Bogotá was chosen by the UNESCO as Creative City of Music along with European cities such as Bologna (Italy), Ghent (Belgium), Sevilla (Spain) and Glasgow (Scotland).36 This recognition is part of the strategy of the secretary of culture of Bogotá of positioning the city as a major culture hub in Latin-American especially in the music field. In recent years and after the creation of the central roadmaps namely the "Políticas Culturales Distritales 2004-2016"37 The link between urban public spaces and public festivals as cultural policies is more visible in the "Festivales al Parque" (Park Festivals) which consists in five annual free music festivals held in different times of the year and performed in important free venues and public parks. They are managed and executed by the Institute for arts in Bogotá (A sub division of the Secretary of Culture of Bogotá) "IDARTES". and the "Plan Decenal de Cultura 2011-2021" the music field and their relation with public spaces have being an important core of the cultural policies in Bogotá. There are 5 "festivales al parque" dedicated to the 5 most popular rhythms that conformed the music scene in the city: Hip Hop, Jazz, Colombia (traditional music) and Rock. Created in different years, the "Festivales al Parque" conforms a local identity and a cultural highlight of the city. 35 Ibid 36 Cultura y Entretenimiento. 2012. Bogotá fue declarada capital mundial de la música. EL TIEMPO. (Online). Available at: http://www.eltiempo.com/entretenimiento/musica/ARTICULO-WEB-NEW_NOTA_INTERIOR-11842506.html (Accessed 13 January 2014) 37 IDARTES. 2004. Políticas Culturales Distritales (Online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/sites/default/files/politicas_culturales_distritales_2004-2016.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). 15 The pioneer and the biggest in terms of audience of the "Festivales al Parque" is "Rock al Parque" a 3 days rock festival created in 1995 and hosted in the biggest public park of the city, Parque Simón Bolivar; it was organized by musicians Mario Duarte and Julio Correal as a strategy to create a bond between citizens of different socio economic background with the public space during the Antanas Mockus' mayor. The XVIII edition of the festival in 2012 congregated more than 70.000 people per day, making the Festival, the biggest public rock festival in Latin America in terms of audience38. Places for sustainable development: conclusions studies. Although each festival has its own characteristics a study conducted by Obgregón (2007) shows 5 main conclusions that "Rock al Parque" festival has brought to the city. In a similar study done for the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival, Cepeda (2010) also concluded that the festival helped the city in similar ways of the five elements of Obregon. Those five elements also share the same roots of the elements of Culture for Development by the UNESCO. This is an interesting discovery that shows how festivals if they are organized inside the language of Open City -Teatro Mundi (Sennett) and in the Cultural Public Sphere all share similar benefits: 38 Obregon, J. 2007. Desconfianza, civilidad y estética. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Improve the image of the city Create a sense of identity Help to build an audience Visibilization of a minority group Tolerance and social cohesion. Box 2. Five mains benefit of the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and Rock al Parque Festival to Bogotá. 16 1. Improve the image of the city Both festivals improve the image of the city, for both its inhabitants and foreigners audiences. Leguizamón, Moreno and Tibazisco(2013) have argued the relation between the festivals and the local economy especially in the touristic field: "Bogotá is a touristic destiny who takes advantage of its public festivals as an important opportunity to retain tourists interested in performing arts because they visit the city only one time. This advantage depends on quality improvements which tourist perceived around touristic products and services offered like: security, hospitality, environmental practices, mobility and connectivity."39 UNESCO (2001) has also states how cultural tourism has increased in recent years: In 2010, international tourism generated 919 billion dollars in export earnings. Emerging and developing countries accounted for 47 per cent of world international tourism arrivals and 36.9 per cent of world international tourism receipts in 2010. Cultural tourism presently accounts for 40 per cent of world tourism revenues. Taking into account the statistics of the monitoring centre for culture of IDARTES conducted in 2011 the percentage of tourist that visited the city exclusively to assist to "Rock al Parque" Festival were 16,16% compared to 6,03% in 199740. 2. Create a sense of identity Wyss (2012) states that for 17 days, "the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival transformed a chaotic metropolis like Bogotá (more than 8 million inhabitants) into a cultural Mecca", The general director of the Festival, Ana Marta de Pizarro also argues than the festival is "the carnival of the city, crime rates are significantly reduced and the general atmosphere of the dwellers is of great joy and party"41 39 Leguizamon, M; Moreno, E and Tobavizco N. 2013. Impacto turístico del Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro de Bogotá. (online) Available: . http://www.pasosonline.org/Publicados/11113/PS0113_06.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014) 40 IDARTES. 2011. Observatorio de Culturas. (online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/observatorio/medAlparque.html. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 41 Wyss, J. 2010. Bogota theater festival: a bright mask for a once grim city. (Online) Available at: http://carpetbagbrigade.files.wordpress.com/2012/09/miami-herald-dios-callings-english1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014) 17 Similar to Wyss, Obregon citing Cante(2007), says that the idea of Rock al Parque has brought a sense of "social cohesion through the construction of an identity of tolerance and coexistence. It creates a civil culture in the city"42. 3. Help to build an audience Obregon (2007) and Cepeda (2010) states that one of the most important benefits of Rock al Parque and the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival is that those events have helped to build an audience in music and performative arts respectively. In the case of Rock al Parque, the event helped to massify a genre that wasn't part of the mainstream in Colombia as Rock. According to IDARTES (2011), almost 60% of the audience that assisted to the Festival in 2011 has been to a different free rock concert. Almost 80% has already assisted to more than two versions of Rock Al Parque. Cepeda (2010) concludes that the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival has collaborate to "enrich the theatre market in the city and to put it in one of the top in Latin America". 65% of the public, who assisted to the Festival in 2010, has seen a play regularly outside the Festival, according to the study. 4. Visibilization of a minority group This point is connected to the last conclusion. By building an audience, the festivals helped to make visible an audience. In Rock al Parque an "underground culture" as the rock scene, stigmatized before as "antisocial, started to have a better image in the community. IDARTES (2011) indicates that 60% of the audience of Rock al Parque has been to a Rock Concert without any kind of stigmatization43. 5. Tolerance and social cohesion Another important point about the two festivals is regarding the social cohesion and zero violence culture that promotes. Cepeda (2010) is very emphatic describing the impact of the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival with the violence and crime rates in the city: 42 Obregon, J.2007. Desconfianza, civilidad y estética. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. 43 IDARTES. 2011. Observatorio de Culturas. (online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/observatorio/medAlparque.html. (Accessed 13 January 2014). 18 "The festival has contributed since its beginning to the peace process in Colombia. This festival dared to make public performatives acts in the streets when the crimes rates were really high. Those events had an amazing and significative success. One could say that in the 17 days of the festival, crimes and violence stops. Police informs that the crime rates during those two weeks are the lowest of the year."44 93,48% of the spectators of the 2011 "Rock al Parque" felt that the event help to promote a non-violence culture. Still, both festivals shares the unique values of the "Teatro Mundi": Every spectator is equal, no matter his race, gender, social class, etc. The rates of zero violent deaths in the history of both festivals are also an example of how those events are truly places for democracy and peace. Conclusion As it has been seen through the different chapters that conform this essay, the benefits of creating public cultural events in urban spaces bring, undoubtedly a notion of democracy and development. Although Habermas did not specifically discuss street festivals and public festivals in urban spaces as examples of his theory of both public sphere and the theory of communicative action, the essay helped to shape a theoretical background to such events according to Habermas's notions. In the end, the link between Cultural Public Spaces and the UNESCO definition of Culture for Development was an interesting discovery that is worthwhile to keep researching. As mentioned in the introduction, the aim of the essay was to create a structure to understand the Iberoamerican Theatre Festival and the Rock al Parque Festival as examples of cultural public sphere and based on that give an account of the relationship between those spaces and the idea of development. Culture and Cultural manifestations are always moving and changing as society itself. Street Festivals are manifestations that definitely have to be fully addressed. All the rich variety of characteristics that those kinds of events possesses as the essay presented, make them a unique type of cultural products. Could culture transform a society? Definitely. Not only culture transformed society but improves it. Bogota is a better city, with more possibilities with events like the ones studied. In the future, and as part of a cultural policies plan, More events such those, should be created. This is the only recommendation of this essay toward the future, taking into account 44 Cepeda, A .2010. FESTIVAL IBEROAMERICANO DE TEATRO DE BOGOTÁ- IMPACTO Y SUPERVIVENCIA. Instituto Complutense de CC Musicales. 19 that the existing legislation "protect" the two festivals, that in the end, are part of the cultural heritage of the city and the nation. 20 Appendix Photos a. Iberoamerican Theatre Festival45 45 All photos: Humar, Z., 2012. En fotos, Bogotá y su fiesta de las mil caras. [electronic print] Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/video_fotos/2012/04/120405_fotos_galeria_festival_teatro_bogota_aw.shtml [Accessed 12 January 2013]. 21 22 b. Rock al Parque Festival46 46 All photos: Lopez, J., 2013. Bogotá Rock al Parque. [electronic print] Available at: http://tinyurl.com/oabvlmt [Accessed 12 January 2013]. 23 24 Bibliography • Cepeda, A. 2010. FESTIVAL IBEROAMERICANO DE TEATRO DE BOGOTÁ- IMPACTO Y SUPERVIVENCIA. Instituto Complutense de CC Musicales. • Cultura y Entretenimiento. 2012. Bogotá fue declarada capital mundial de la música. EL TIEMPO. (Online). Available at: http://www.eltiempo.com/entretenimiento/musica/ARTICULO-WEB-NEW_NOTA_INTERIOR-11842506.html (Accessed 13 January 2014) • Culture and Development. 2013. UNESCO- Culture. (Online) Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development (Accessed 13 January 2014) • Durkheim, E .2008. The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. Oxford Paperbacks. • El Espectador. 2013. Festival de Teatro de Bogotá, declarado patrimonio cultural de la Nación. El Espectador, (Online) (Last updated 11December 2013). Available at: http://www.elespectador.com/noticias/bogota/festival-de-teatro-de-bogota-declarado-patrimonio-cultu-articulo-463508. (Accessed: 13 January 2014). • Fabiani, J. 2011. Festivals, local and global: Critical interventions and the cultural public sphere. in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 92-108 • Finlayson, J .2005. Habermas, a very short introduction. Oxford University Press. • Florida, M .2003. Cities And The Creative Class. (Online). Available at: http://uv.vuchorsens.dk/r/KAZ/Undervisning%202012-2013/GEOLOGI/B%C3%A6redygtighed/Befolkning%20og%20b%C3%A6redygtighed/GetFile.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). • Habermas,J. 1991. The Structural Transformation Of The Public Sphere. MIT Press. • Hahn, L. 2000. Perspective On Habermas. Open Court Publishing. 25 • IDARTES. 2004. Políticas Culturales Distritales (Online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/sites/default/files/politicas_culturales_distritales_2004-2016.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014). • IDARTES. 2011. Observatorio de Culturas. (online) Available at: http://www.culturarecreacionydeporte.gov.co/observatorio/medAlparque.html. (Accessed 13 January 2014). • Jacobs, J .1961. The Death And Life Of Great American Cities. Random House, New York. • Landry, C. 2008. The Creative City: A toolkit for Urban Innovators. Earthscan Editions. • Landry,C. 2013. Civic Urbanity: Looking at the city afresh (PDF). Hangzhou International Congress, "Culture: Key to Sustainable Development", 15-17 May 2013, Hangzhou, China. Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/CLT/images/Charles_Landry_Hangzhou_Congress.pdf (Accessed 12 January 2013). • Leguizamon, M; Moreno, E and Tobavizco N. 2013. Impacto turístico del Festival Iberoamericano de Teatro de Bogotá. (online) Available: http://www.pasosonline.org/Publicados/11113/PS0113_06.pdf (Accessed 13 January 2014) • Mc Guian, J. 2011. The Cultural Public Sphere- a critical measure of public culture? in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 79-92. • Mumford, L., 1937. What is a city?. In: Scoutt, S and Stoutt, F. ed. 2011. The city reader. Taylor and Francis. pp.91-96. • Obregon, J .2007. Desconfianza, civilidad y estética. Universidad Nacional de Colombia. • Sassatelli, M. 2011. Urban Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere: Cosmopolitanism between Ethics and Aesthetics in Delanty, G; Giorgi L and Sassatelli, M. Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere. Routledge. Pp 12-19 • Sennett, R 2006. The Open City. (online). Urban Age- LSE. Available at: http://esteticartografias07.files.wordpress.com/2008/07/berlin_richard_sennett_2006-the_open_city1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014)26 • Sennett, R. 1992. The Conscience of the Eye: The Design and Social Life of Cities. W.W Norton & Company. • Sennett, R. 2003. The Fall of Public Man. Penguin, New Edition. • Sennett, R. 2008. Reflections on the Public Realm in Bridge, G and Watson, S. A. Companion of the City. Blackwell Publishers. pp. 380-387. • Sennett, R. 2008. The Public Realm. (online) Richard Sennet Website. Available at: http://www.richardsennett.com/site/SENN/Templates/General2.aspx?pageid=16 (Accessed 13 January 2014) . • Simmel, G. 1950. The Metropolis and Mental Life. In Miles, M; Hall, T and Borden, I. The City Cultures Reader. Ed. 2000. pp. 12-19. • Susen, S. 2001. Critical Notes on Habermas's theory of the public sphere. (online). City University of London. Available at: http://tinyurl.com/lhy4j4z. (Accessed 13 January 2014). • UNESCO. 2013. The Hangzhou Declaration. UNESCO- Culture. (Online). Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/culture/themes/culture-and-development/hangzhou-congress/ (Accessed 13 January 2014). • Weber,M. 1966. The City. Free Press. • Wirth, L .1938. Urbanism as a Way of Life. (online) Chicago Journals. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2768119 (Accessed 13 January 2014). • Wyss, J. 2010. Bogota theatre festival: a bright mask for a once grim city. (Online) Available at: http://carpetbagbrigade.files.wordpress.com/2012/09/miami-herald-dios-callings-english1.pdf. (Accessed 13 January 2014)

The thesis is focused on solving an important theoretical and applied problem of substantiating theoretical and methodological grounds for the international economic policy through identifying the patterns and novel forms of protectionism, and substantiating the integral scientific concept of neo-protectionism. The objective of the thesis is to develop theoretical and methodological grounds of protectionism, and to create, on this basis, an integral scientific concept of neo-protectionism in the international economic policy in the context of liberalizing global economic relations, to formulate an integrative conceptual approach to the application of neoprotectionism in the economic development policy of Ukraine.The interdisciplinary multi-criteria approach to defining protectionism from the perspective of ideology, idea, policy and practice is proposed, which allowed for investigating the transformation of its manifestation forms in the process of evolutionary development of the international economic relations. The international economic policy was studied as an unbroken continuum of the economic and political practice of the states by methodological tools of the international political economy. It is found that from the international political economy perspective a choice between protectionism and free trade as the principles for implementation of the economic policy of the state is conditional on the pattern of global economic processes with their immanent contradictions, the specifics of regionalization and integration processes, and the global economy tendencies. The choice between the government's commitment to the policy of minimizing costs and maximizing benefits, and the character of its participation in the international economic cooperation is determined by the pattern of international trade and international movement of production factors, on the one hand, and determine it, on the other hand. It is demonstrated that the choice of protectionist policy, as follows from the international political economy discourse, is conditional on: operation of public and non-public economic entities; effects from the implementation of national economic policies; the coordinating equilibrium between national, regional, interstate and global level of decision making; the existing mechanisms for global control of international economic interests.Interpretation of the international economic policy by the methodological tools of the international political economy allowed to identify the endogenous character of the external economic policy (recognizing thereby the protectionism as a policy that can be potentially demanded by the public (represented by voters), business people (represented by lobbying groups), government (which implements economic interests of the nation), and to reveal the variety of entities involved in the international economic relations, which have exogenous impact on the policy implemented by national governments (by signing trade agreements), limiting thereby the conditions for the protectionist policy implementation.Theoretical modeling of protectionist intentions in the international economic cooperation on the basis of the interdisciplinary economic-political approach laid grounds for rethinking the conclusions made by the classical and neo-classical theories of trade and the theory of correlation of production factors about the unconditional impact of the free trade principle on the population's welfare as a derivative from the function of consumption. The analysis of two groups of protectionism theories – the ones based on studies of the structure of protectionism within the countries, and the ones investigating the level of protectionism between countries in time – demonstrated that the voters' welfare or the so called "win of the majority" are the determinants of protectionist initiatives. The factors underlying the voters' demand for protectionism are highlighted: welfare measured by economic as well as social and ecological effects; social solidarity; social protection; commitment to social values; commitment to national identity; adherence to ideological principles of the policy of economic nationalism; mitigation of effects from the information asymmetry of rational voters. The pressure by lobbying groups on the choice of the principle underlying government's implementation of the external trade policy is explained by: phase of business cycle; hysteresis effects in the economy; the level of competitiveness in export-oriented sectors; the extent of import dependence in the economy; distributive and allocation effects of the economic activities.The author's concept of neo-protectionism in the international economic policy is substantiated, which is defined as a complex hierarchical set of principles, rules and instruments of protective, stimulating, discriminative and restrictive nature, implemented at mega-, meta-, macro- and mesolevel of the international economic policy. A multilevel typology of neo-protectionism is proposed, based on specific features: the level of international economic policy, generating entities, manifestation environment, instruments for the international economic policy with indirect impact. It was used to identify its essential characteristics in all the forms of manifestation of the international economic relations; to define the functions of neo-protectionism by its type (ideological, institutional, integrative, conjuncture-formative, factor-based, infrastructural, monetary, currency-based, financial, debt-based, fiscal) and sub-types (ecological, migrational, sectoral, based on primary commodities, resource-based, energy-based, technological, innovative, informational, digital, investment-based). This allowed to identify the purpose for applications of neo-protectionism at mega-, meta-, macro- and mesolevel of the international economic policy, and to visualize the degree of its functional and structural complexity and dimensionality as a phenomenon and a process, which realization varies depending on the entities applying it, the objects for which it is applying, its coverage and objectives.A theoretical and methodological approach for macro- and meta-level assessment of the international economic policy based on neo-protectionist instruments is developed. Its application enabled for outlining and describing the policy of economic nationalism (which motivation basis is formed by domination, expansion, domestic extended reproduction by creating new comparative advantages), and the policy of economic patriotism (which motivation basis is formed by rehabilitation of economic growth, curbing of the expansionary potentials of partner countries, creating new comparative advantages and achieving sustainable development), with distinguishing its sub-types: supranational, local, liberal, and conservative. The distinctive features of neo-mercantilist policy are defined, and the ways of its implementation are revealed. It is shown that the neo-mercantilist policy generates anti-competitive market distortions affecting not only foreign producers, but domestic ones as well, considering the scales of the latter involvement in global value added chains, and causes market imbalances resulting from the unfair competition. Theoretical and methodological grounds for studies of the international economic policy are improved, which is based on the principles of stability, hierarchy, adaptability, complementarity, subsidiarity, and balance, by including legitimation as a novel principle of the international economic policy implementation, which involves a combination of regulatory, de-regulatory and re-regulatory mechanisms of impact on the international economic relations, and results in the implementation of the institutional norms and rules that directly or indirectly ignore/deny/distort the agreements that exist at international/regional level, lead to anti-competitive market distortions, trade and investment imbalances, and open up opportunities for gaining new comparative advantages. Self-legitimation is defined as an attributive characteristic of the entities involved in the international economic policy at mega-, meta- and macrolevel, which enables for implementation of the neoprotectionist policy.The thesis substantiates multiple combinations in implementation of neoprotectionism through multidirectional manifestations of deregulation-regulation, integration-disintegration, coordination-de-coordination, expansion-fragmentation, balancing-unbalancing, stimulation-restriction, protection-discrimination, and the reasonability of neo-protectionist measures in the economic development policy of Ukraine.The structural components of the global economy as an environment for neoprotectionist manifestations are revealed: production and investment activities, research and development, international monetary relations. The functions of neoprotectionism within the international economic system are revealed: allocative (sectoral neo-protectionism; infrastructural neo-protectionism; factor-based neoprotectionism; integrative neo-protectionism; financial neo-protectionism; investment-based neo-protectionism); distributive (institutional neo-protectionism; fiscal neoprotectionism; financial neo-protectionism; investment-based neo-protectionism); stabilizing (monetary neo-protectionism; currency-based neo-protectionism; debtbased neo-protectionism; financial neo-protectionism; investment-based neoprotectionism). The instruments for the international economic policy with indirect impact, enabling for the implementation of neo-protectionism, are outlined as follows: fiscal, monetary and currency policies.Modeling of clustering processes in the Ukrainian economy by use of Boston matrix and Leontiev model enabled to identify four productive clusters: innovation (manufacturing of computers, electronic and optical devices; telecommunications; computer software design, consulting and information services; professional, R&D activities; information and telecommunications; printing and publishing activities; production of movies and video-films); auxiliary (supply of electricity, gas, steam and conditioned air; wholesale and retail trade; repair of automobiles and motorcycles; hotels and restaurants; financial and insurance activities); traditional (agriculture, forestry and fishing; mining and quarrying; manufacturing industries; construction; transport; storage; postal and courier services; production chemical substances and chemical products; car making and mechanical engineering; light industry), and to define the industries driving the economic growth, generating net income and having direct impact on the rates of GDP growth.A methodological approach to the assessment of the effectiveness of tax preferences and other preferences provided for residents of industrial parks is proposed, which, contrary to the existing approaches, uses applied models of the overall equilibrium for identifying the industries that have to be priority recipients of government assistance through the network of industrial parks, in the context of the intensified and leading development of the country by key macroeconomic indicators, and for quantitative optimization of the preferences considering the stable revenues of the public budget, which enabled to substantiate the nomenclature of efficient stimuli for residents of industrial parks, to achieve the objectives: to make the national industry move up in the value added chains and create a closed-loop innovation cycle in Ukraine.The system of tax and other preferences for residents of industrial parks, intended to recover and further the innovation-driven development of the production and export capacities of the Ukrainian economy, is assessed, which enabled to adapt international experiences of using the mechanism of free economic zones to the domestic practice, to create a favorable investment environment for high tech productions in the national economy for the period required by them to form competitive advantages. ; У дисертації розроблено цілісну наукову концепцію неопротекціонізму у міжнародній економічній політиці в умовах лібералізації світогосподарських зв'язків і на цій основі сформульовано інтегративний концептуальний підхід застосування неопротекціонізму в політиці економічного розвитку України.В роботі запропоновано міждисциплінарний багатокатегоріальний підхід до визначення протекціонізму з позицій ідеології, ідеї, політики і практики, що дозволило дослідити трансформацію форм його прояву в процесі еволюційного розвитку міжнародних економічних відносин. Міжнародна економічна політика досліджувалась в нерозривній єдності економічної й політичної практики держав методологічним інструментарієм міжнародної політичної економії. Встановлено, що з позиції міжнародної політичної економії, на вибір між протекціонізмом чи вільною торгівлею як принципами реалізації економічної політики держави впливають стан світогосподарських процесів з іманентними їм суперечностями, особливості протікання процесів регіоналізації та інтеграції і тенденції розвитку світової економіки. Вибір між сповідуванням державою політики мінімізації втрат чи максимізації вигод, а також характер її участі в міжнародному економічному співробітництві, з одного боку, детермінується станом міжнародної торгівлі і міжнародного переміщення факторів виробництва, а, з іншого боку, визначає його. Виявлено, що на вибір протекціоністської політики, згідно теоретичного дискурсу міжнародної політичної економії, впливають: діяльність державних і недержавних суб'єктів господарювання; ефекти від реалізації національних економічних політик; стан координаційної рівноваги між національним, регіональним, міждержавним і глобальним рівнями прийняття рішень; формування механізмів глобального управління міжнародними економічними процесами.Інтерпретація міжнародної економічної політики методологічним інструментарієм міжнародної політичної економії дозволила виявити ендогенний характер зовнішньоекономічної політики (тим самим визнаючи протекціонізм як політику, на яку потенційно може формувати запит суспільство (в особі виборців), підприємці (в особі лобістських груп), уряд (що реалізує економічні інтереси держави)) й водночас ідентифікувати різноманіття суб'єктів міжнародних економічних відносин, що чинять екзогенний вплив на реалізацію політики національних держав (шляхом підписання торговельних угод), тим самим обмежуючи умови для реалізації протекціоністської політики.Теоретичне моделювання протекціоністських інтенцій в міжнародному економічному співробітництві на основі міждисциплінарного економікополітичного підходу дало підстави до переосмислення висновків класичної, неокласичної теорій торгівлі і теорії співвідношення факторів виробництва про беззастережний вплив принципу вільної торгівлі на «добробут» населення як похідну від функції споживання. Аналіз двох груп теорій протекціонізму – як тих, що базуються на дослідженні структури протекціонізму в межах країн, так і тих, що досліджують рівень протекціонізму між країнами в часі – дозволив встановити, що добробут виборців або т.зв. виграш більшості лежить в основі ініціювання вжиття протекціоністських заходів. Встановлено, що з боку населення затребуваність на протекціонізм може бути продиктована запитом на: добробут, що вимірюється, окрім економічних, ще й соціальними і екологічними ефектами; соціальну солідарність; соціальне забезпечення; відстоювання соціальних цінностей; відстоювання національної ідентичності; сповідування ідеологічних принципів політики економічного націоналізму; нівелювання ефектів інформаційної асиметрії раціональних виборців. З боку лобістських груп тиск на вибір принципу реалізації зовнішньоторговельної політики урядом пояснюється: стадією бізнес-циклу; ефектами гістерезису в економіці; рівнем конкурентоспроможності експортоорієнтованих секторів; ступенем імпортозалежності економіки; дистрибутивними й алокаційними ефектами економічної діяльності.В дисертації обґрунтовано авторську концепцію неопротекціонізму в міжнародній економічній політиці, під яким розуміється складноієрархічна сукупність принципів, правил та інструментів захисного, стимулюючого, дискримінаційного та рестрикційного характеру, що реалізується на мега-, мета-, макро- і мезорівнях міжнародної економічної політики. В дослідженні запропоновано багаторівневу типологізацію неопротекціонізму за конкретними ознаками, до яких віднесено: рівень міжнародної економічної політики, суб'єкти генерування, середовище прояву, інструменти міжнародної економічної політики непрямого впливу, що дало змогу виявити його сутнісні характеристики у всіх формах прояву міжнародних економічних відносин; встановити функції, що виконує неопротекціонізм залежно від його типів (ідеологічний, інституційний, інтеграційний, кон'юнктуро-формуючий/ галузевий, факторний, інфраструктурний, монетарний, валютний, фінансовий, борговий, фіскальний) та підтипів (екологічний, міграційний, сировинний, ресурсний, енергетичний, технологічний, інноваційний, інформаційний, цифровий, інвестиційний). Це дозволило ідентифікувати мету застосування неопротекціонізму на мега-, мета-, макро- і мезорівні міжнародної економічної політики, та візуалізувати ступінь його функціонально-структурної складності та розмірності як явища та процесу, реалізація якого видозмінюється залежно від суб'єктів, які його застосовують, об'єктів, на які розповсюджується його дія, простору застосування, цілей здійснення.В роботі розроблено науково-методичний підхід оцінювання міжнародної економічної політики на макро- і мета- рівнях, зумовленої використанням інструментарію неопротекціонізму, застосування якого дозволило виокремити і охарактеризувати політику економічного націоналізму (мотиваційною основою якого виступають домінування, експансія, забезпечення національного розширеного відтворення шляхом створення нових порівняльних переваг) і політику економічного патріотизму (мотиваційною основою якого виступають відновлення економічного зростання, стримування експансійного потенціалу країн-партнерів, створення нових порівняльних переваг й досягнення сталого розвитку) з виокремленням таких його підтипів, як наднаціональний, локальний, ліберальний, консервативний. Визначено характерні риси політики неомеркантилізму і встановлено способи, в які вона може реалізовуватись. Встановлено, що політика неомеркантилізму продукує антиконкурентні ринкові викривлення, які зачіпають не лише іноземних виробників, але й національних, беручи до уваги ступінь залучення останніх до глобальних ланцюгів створення доданої вартості, і призводить до ринкових дисбалансів внаслідок несправедливої конкуренції.Удосконалено теоретико-методологічні засади дослідження міжнародної економічної політики, що визначається принципами стійкості, ієрархічності, адаптивності, комплементарності, субсидіарності та збалансованості, шляхом включення легітимації як новітнього принципу здійснення міжнародної економічної політики, що передбачає комбінування регуляторних, дерегуляторних та ререгуляторних механізмів впливу на міжнародні економічні відносини, результується в імплементації таких інституційних норм і правил, які прямо чи опосередковано нехтують/спростовують/викривлюють домовленості, що існують на міжнародному/регіональному рівні, призводять до антиконкурентних ринкових деформацій, торговельних й інвестиційних дисбалансів та уможливлюють отримання нових порівняльних переваг. Самолегітимація визначена як атрибутивна характеристика суб'єктів міжнародної економічної політики на мега-, мета- і макрорівнях, що уможливлює реалізацію політики неопротекціонізму.В дисертаційному дослідженні обґрунтовано множинні комбінації реалізації неопротекціонізму через різноспрямовані прояви дерегуляціїрегуляції, інтеграції-дезінтеграції, координації-декоординації, розширенняфрагментації, врівноваження-розбалансування, стимулювання-обмеження, захисту-дискримінації та доцільність застосування неопротекціонізму в політиці економічного розвитку України.Встановлено, що структурними елементами світового господарства як середовища прояву неопротекціонізму виступають: виробничо-інвестиційна сфера діяльності, науково-технічна сфера, сфера міжнародної торгівлі, міжнародні валютно-фінансові та кредитні відносини. Виявлено, що неопротекціонізм в межах міжнародної економічної системи виконує наступні функції: регуляторну (ідеологіний неопротекціонізм; інтеграційний неопротекціонізм; факторний неопротекціонізм; монетарний неопротекціонізм; валютний неопротекціонізм; борговий неопротекціонізм; фінансовий неопротекціонізм; інвестиційний неопротекціонізм); алокаційну (кон'юнктурноформуючий/галузевий неопротекціонізм; інфраструктурний неопротекціонізм; факторний неопротекціонізм; інтеграційний неопротекціонізм; фінансовий неопротекціонізм; інвестиційний неопротекціонізм); дистрибутивну (інституційний неопротекціонізм; фіскальний неопротекціонізм; фінансовий неопротекціонізм; інвестиційний неопротекціонізм); стабілізаційну (монетарний неопротекціонізм; валютний неопротекціонізм; борговий неопротекціонізм; фінансовий неопротекціонізм; інвестиційний неопротекціонізм).Моделювання процесів кластерізації української економіки із використанням бостонської матриці та моделі Леонтьєва дозволило виділити чотири продуктивні кластери: інноваційний (виробництво комп'ютерів, електронної та оптичної продукції; телекомунікації (електрозв'язок); комп'ютерне програмування, консультування та надання інформаційних послуг; професійна, наукова та технічна діяльність; інформація та телекомунікації; видавнича діяльність; виробництво кіно- та відеофільмів; допоміжний (постачання електроенергії, газу, пари та кондиційованого повітря; оптова та роздрібна торгівля; ремонт автотранспортних засобів і мотоциклів; тимчасове розміщування й організація харчування; фінансова та страхова діяльність), традиційний (сільське, лісове та рибне господарство; добувна промисловість і розроблення кар'єрів; переробна промисловість; будівництво; транспорт, складське господарство, поштова та кур'єрська діяльність; виробництво хімічних речовин і хімічної продукції), стратегічний (транспорт, складське господарство, поштова та кур'єрська діяльність; виробництво хімічних речовин і хімічної продукції; автомобіле- та машинобудування; легка промисловість) та визначити галузі-драйвери економічного зростання, в яких можливе отримання високого чистого валового доходу та які безпосередньо впливають на темпи зростання ВВП.Запропоновано методологічний підхід до оцінювання ефективності надання податкових пільг й інших преференцій резидентам індустріальних парків, який, на відміну від існуючих підходів, передбачає використання прикладних моделей загальної рівноваги для ідентифікації пріоритетних галузей-реципієнтів державної допомоги через мережу індустріальних парків у контексті активізації випереджаючого розвитку країни за ключовими макроекономічними показниками, а також визначення оптимального обсягу відповідних преференцій з міркувань сталих надходжень державного бюджету, що дозволило обґрунтувати перелік перспективних стимулів резидентам індустріальних парків для досягнення цілей висхідного руху вітчизняної промисловості ланцюгами доданої вартості й створення замкнутого циклу інновацій в Україні.В роботі проведено оцінку використання системи податкових й інших преференцій для резидентів індустріальних парків з метою відновлення та забезпечення подальшого інноваційного розвитку виробничо-експортного потенціалу України, що дало змогу адаптувати міжнародний досвід використання механізму вільних економічних зон до вітчизняної практики задля створення сприятливого інвестиційного середовища для нових високотехнологічних виробництв у національній економіці на період формування ними конкурентних переваг.

The aim of this report is to provide a broad overview of the current state of gender equality in Tajikistan. While the Europe and Central Asia (ECA) region traditionally surpassed many other regions in terms of gender equality, this advantage has been eroding in recent decades. Particularly in Tajikistan, concerns have been raised that men and women have unequally born the consequences of economic, political, and social transitions after independence in 1991. The report examines several dimensions of gender equality both quantitatively and qualitatively. Tajikistan has set up a legal framework that enshrines principles of equality and non-discrimination, but better implementation results require continued efforts. Prevailing social norms and patriarchal systems of decision-making limit women s ability to make effective choices be it at home or at work. The paper is structured along the following lines. The first section introduces the idea of agency that will remain an important issue throughout the report. This is followed by an analysis of disparities in human capital endowment, including health and education. Gender gaps in the Tajik labor market and entrepreneurial activities of men and women are discussed in the fourth and fifth section. The final section concludes with some policy recommendations that might be beneficial for discussions among policy-makers, civil society actors, and development partners.