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[eng] The main aim of this dissertation consists in evaluating the oral language taught in EFL textbooks considering the influence of the Spoken Production and Interaction descriptors in the Common European Framework of Reference (CEFR). The relevance of the two parameters among practitioners in foreign language education such as textbook writers, publishers, teachers as well as researchers has led us to analyse their adequacy and contribution in the design and content of a representative sample of speaking activities in EFL course books published between 2009 and 2013. Furthermore, this research focusses not exclusively on a pedagogical or language policy perspective, but it contemplates other disciplines such as sociolinguistics, applied linguistics and discourse analysis. The CEFR is approached from a twofold perspective: the foreign language policy and the pedagogical counterparts. First, the CEFR has resulted from the Council of Europe's ratification of the resolutions put forward by Member States in which key notions, such as "plurilingualism", "democratic citizenship" and "interculturality", are inextricably related with the development of foreign language education and policy in Europe. And second, the CEFR has derived from two representative projects sponsored by the Council of Europe, the Threshold Level (van Ek 1976) and the Threshold Level English 1990 (van Ek and Trim 1991), which have laid the foundations for communicative or notional-functional language teaching methodology. Indeed, foreign language education in Europe since the 1970s has highlighted the term "communicative competence" and the four language skills. Thanks to the final document definitely published in 2001 by the Council of Europe, the CEFR has provided new terms such as "communicative language activity" to facilitate the integration of the Common Reference Levels among practitioners in the field. The research methodology that guided this investigation showed quantitatively the fulfillment of the illustrative scales of the two Spoken Production and Interaction descriptors in the speaking activity samples. Moreover, there was a qualitative approach that explored, first, the relevance of the four language skills in the speaking activities in EFL textbooks and the two Spoken descriptors; and second, the degree of interdependence between the speaking activities and the statements of the subscales provided in the two Spoken descriptors. Results show the poor fulfillment of the subscales of the two descriptors in the speaking activity samples. In addition, it is notorious the recurrent and vague content of the Spoken descriptors about language use in EFL academic settings. Furthermore, the explicit use and expected performance of the traditional four language skills in the speaking activity sample contrasts with a reasonable use in the CEFR. This means that there is a wide gap between the content of the two Spoken descriptors and the speaking activity samples because the linguistic model promoted in these kinds of practices originates in the world of written language giving evidence that language is taught as a final product rather than as a process, whereas the two major language modalities, written and oral, are seen as opposites. In conclusion, if we assume that literacies are politically constructed and that the borders between orality and writing have developed as a result of the current changing values of literacy, then, those changes ought to be consequently translated into foreign language education practice. In this sense, the dialogical theory should open its path towards more effective ways of implementing alternative and optimal resources advocating for integrating multiliteracies on behalf of future foreign language policies and education. ; [cat] Aquesta tesi analitza la llengua oral dels llibres de text d'anglès com a llengua estrangera i la seva relació amb els descriptors orals de producció i interacció del Marc Europeu Comú de Referència. L'objectiu consisteix a esbrinar com influeixen aquests descriptors en el disseny i el contingut d'una mostra representativa d'activitats orals publicades entre el 2009 i el 2013. La investigació s'enfoca des de diferents perspectives, com ara l'ensenyament de llengües estrangeres, la sociolingüística, la lingüística aplicada i l'anàlisi del discurs. La metodologia es basa en una anàlisi quantitativa i qualitativa. La recerca quantitativa pretén analitzar el compliment dels descriptors en les activitats orals, mentre que l'enfocament qualitatiu vol, en primer lloc, identificar l'ús de les quatre habilitats lingüístiques en les activitats orals i, en segon lloc, veure quin tipus de dependència hi ha entre el contingut de les activitats orals i els descriptors orals. Els resultats demostren que el grau de compliment dels descriptors en les activitats orals és molt baix i, a més, es repeteixen sovint. D'altra banda, la poca presència de les quatre habilitats lingüístiques en el Marc Europeu contrasta amb l'ús explícit i freqüent que se'n fa a les activitats orals. Si hi afegim l'escassa relació entre el contingut dels descriptors i els objectius de les activitats orals, ens adonem que hi ha una gran distància entre els descriptors i les activitats orals analitzades, perquè aquestes pràctiques es conceben des del llenguatge escrit. En conclusió, el contingut i el disseny de les activitats orals i els descriptors orals del Marc Europeu no tenen en compte que el coneixement prescriptiu d'una llengua no és l'únic que fa possible l'aprenentatge d'un segon idioma, sinó que hi ha factors pragmàtics que intervenen decisivament en les interaccions orals.

[spa] La tesis analiza los cambios en el mundo del trabajo que impactaron no sólo en las legislaciones en los países centrales y periféricos, sino también en sus Constituciones materiales. El derecho al trabajo y en condiciones dignas se ve afectado. Ocurre con nuevas formas de contratación y el uso de la fuerza de trabajo. Además, hay una huida en la responsabilidad por los derechos laborales, sea por la contratación de terceras empresas, sea por el retorno a formas de contratación en el marco civil, socavando las fronteras de la relación de empleo. Se analiza el contenido del derecho al trabajo digno y demás implicaciones en su dimensión individual (derecho a acceder a un puesto de trabajo en condiciones de igualdad, de mantenerse en él con protección jurídica y a no ser despedido sin causa) y en su dimensión objetiva, como obligación del Estado a promocionar políticas de empleo. Se analizan las graves violaciones al derecho al trabajo digno, así considerado porque los instrumentos internacionales conectan el derecho al trabajo a un umbral de condiciones mínimas, sin las cuales no es aceptable, por violar la dignidad humana. Entre esas violaciones, el trabajo forzoso. En la última década, aumentó en casi el doble el número de personas atrapadas en esa condición. Eso requiere una mayor protección a las víctimas. El compromiso de los países en erradicar las peores formas de trabajo infantil hasta 2016, tampoco se cumple, lo que señala que hace falta la voluntad política y la solidaridad internacional. El paradigma del garantismo se impone como un freno a la flexibilidad, usada en nombre del aumento del nivel de empleo que, en verdad, amenaza el trabajo digno, con recortes en los derechos, dañando no sólo las condiciones de trabajo y la manutención del empleo, sino también la democracia y la justicia, por provocar el crecimiento de la desigualdad. La tesis refuta la devaluación del derecho al trabajo propuesta incluso por intelectuales. Se refuerza la necesidad del reconocimiento constitucional e internacional como derecho humano y fundamental, para asegurar su máxima protección, dotado de fuerza normativa que establece límites infranqueables a los poderes públicos y privados, poniendo de relieve el contenido del Estado Social y Democrático de Derecho, anclado en la dignidad de la persona humana y en la inclusión social. Se proponen garantías robustas, incluyendo hard law para las grandes empresas trasnacionales por el gran poder que detentan, a través de sanciones supranacionales que incluyen no sólo la reparación, sino también la prevención, con la paralización de la actividad en caso de graves violaciones a la dignidad humana, como los riesgos a la vida y a la salud de los trabajadores. ; [eng] The thesis analyzes the changes in the labor world impressed not only by legislations in the central and peripheral countries, but also in their interpretations of the Constitutions. The right to the work and in worthy conditions is affected. It happens with new forms of contracting and use of the workforce. In addition, there is an escape in the responsibility for the labor laws, for contracting of third companies, and also for the return to forms of contracting in the civil frame, undermining the borders of the labor relations. The content of the right to the decent work and other implications is analyzed, in its individual and in its objective dimension, as obligation to the State in promoting employment policies. Violations to decent work are analyzed here. The international instruments connect the right to the work to a threshold of minimal conditions, without which it is not acceptable, for violating the human dignity. The forced labor is one example. In the last decade, it increased in almost the double the number of persons caught in this condition. It asks for a major protection to the victims. Also the commitment of the countries in eradicating the worst forms of child labour until 2016 is not fulfilled, which indicates that it is necessary to improve the political will and the international solidarity. The paradigm of the garantismo imposes itself as a brake on the flexibility used in name of the increase of the level of employment but, in effect, threatens the worthy work, with cuts in the rights, damaging not only the conditions of work and the subsistence of the employment, but also damaging democracy and justice, for provoking the growth of the inequality. This thesis refutes the devaluation of the right to work, proposed even by intellectuals. It is necessary to reinforce the need of constitutional and international recognition as a human and fundamental right, to assure maximum protection, endowed with normative force that establishes impassable limits to the public and private power. Thus, emphasizing the content of the Social and Democratic State by the rule of law, anchored in the dignity of the human person and in the social inclusion. Robust guarantees are proposed, including hard law to the transnational companies that often disrespect decent work, across supranational sanctions that include not only the repair, but also the prevention, with the suspension of the activity in case of serious violations to the human dignity, such as the risk to the life and the health of the workers.

The cooperation between Ukraine and the EU in the sphere of education and science in the framework of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement (signed in 2014) is characterized. The political and legal aspects of cooperation between Ukraine and the EU in the sphere of education and science at present time and in the context of the implementation of the provisions of the new agreement are analyzed.The prospects of involvement of our country to the European Education Area in the context of Ukraine's participation in the Bologna process are investigated. The educational programs financed from the budget of the European Commission are aimed at the support providing to the partner countries in reforming higher education according to the principles of the Bologna process. In May 2005 our country signed the Bologna Declaration and become an active participant in these processes.The importance of the study of the educational policy of the EU is also determined by the immediate proximity of Ukraine and the EU and increasing interest in Ukrainian society to the opportunities and prospects of Ukraine's European aspirations at this stage and the positive dynamics of cooperation in education and prospects for implementation of the Bologna process in Ukraine. The last EU enlargement has created a completely new situation on the European continent and brought Ukraine directly to the EU borders, which affects both the relations between Ukraine and the EU, and the development of Ukraine in general.Within the EU educational policy and the EU external assistance programs, the EU is implementing several activities in education, which supplement internal EU programs. Particular attention is paid to the higher education system, which plays a key role in the development of modern society, contributing to the social, cultural and economic development, promoting the pan-ethical and cultural values and preparing the future leaders. Ukraine is also an active member of the European educational programs and projects, including: Tempus, Erasmus Mundus External Cooperation Window, Erasmus Mundus and Jean Monnet Programme.Since 2014 the EU has introduced new programs in education and science such as educational program Erasmus +, uniting all the above-mentioned programs under one roof for the period 2014- 2020, which supports projects, partnerships, events and mobility in education, training, youth and sport, as well as research program Horizon 2020. The concepts, implementation mechanisms of cooperation between Ukraine and the EU in the spheres of education and research in the context of the Association Agreement and on the basis of prospects of Ukraine's participation in these new European programs are described.Thus, besides the actual European integration in education, through the education system the awareness of the broadest ranges of Ukrainian citizenship need of the fullest possible realization of general strategic course of Ukraine's integration into European and international structures to protect its national interests and realization of spiritual and intellectual potential of the Ukrainian people to benefit of present and future generations can be actively generated.Key words: European Union (EU), the educational policy of the EU, the European educational area, Ukraine, EU-Ukraine Association Agreement, Erasmus Mundus, Tempus, Erasmus+, Horison 2020. ; Схарактеризовано співробітництво між Україною та ЄС у сфері освіти і науки відповідно до Угоди про асоціацію між Україною та ЄС, підписаної у 2014 р. З'ясовано політичні і правові аспекти співпраці між Україною та ЄС з питань освіти та науки на сучасному етапі та в контексті імплементації положень нової угоди. Досліджено перспективи залучення нашої держави до Європейського освітнього простору в контексті участі України в Болонському процесі, адже освітні програми, що фінансують з бюджету ЄК, мають на меті надання підтримки країнам-партнерам у реформуванні системи вищої освіти відповідно до принципів Болонського процесу. У травні 2005 р. наша держава підписала Болонську декларацію та стала активним учасником цих процесів.Важливість дослідження освітньої політики ЄС зумовлена також безпосереднім сусідством України і ЄС та зростанням зацікавлення українського суспільства до можли­востей та перспектив реалізації євроінтеграційних прагнень України на сучасному етапі та використання позитивної динаміки співробітництва в освітній сфері та перспектив запровадження Болонського процесу в Україні. Останнє розширення ЄС створило принципово нову ситуацію на Європейському континенті та наблизило кордони ЄС безпосередньо до кордонів України, що впливає як на відносини між Україною та ЄС, так і на розвиток України загалом.У межах освітньої політики ЄС та програм зовнішньої допомоги Європейський Союз впроваджує низку заходів у сфері освіти, які доповнюють внутрішні програми ЄС. Особливу увагу приділено саме системі вищої освіти, яка відіграє ключову роль у розвитку сучасного суспільства, сприяючи соціальному, культурному та економічному розвитку, популяризації загальноєвропейських етичних та культурних цінностей та підготовці лідерів майбутнього. Україна також є активним учасником європейських освітніх програм та про­ектів, серед яких: Темпус, Еразмус Мундус, Вікно зовнішньої співпраці Еразмус Мундус та Програма Жана Моне.З 2014 р. ЄС запроваджує нові програми у сфері освіти та науки – ними стали освітня програма Еразмус+, яка об'єднала усі зазначені програми на період 2014–2020 рр., та підтримує проекти, партнерства, заходи і мобільність у сфері освіти, підготовки, молоді і спорту, а також науково-дослідна програма Горизонт 2020. Описано концепції, механізми реалізації співпраці між Україною та ЄС в освітній та наукових сферах в контексті реалізації угоди про асоціацію на основі використання передового досвіду, а також перспективи участі України у цих нових європейських програмах.Ключові слова: Європейський Союз (ЄС), освітня політика ЄС, європейський освітній простір, Україна, Угода про асоціацію між Україною та ЄС, Еразмус Мундус, Темпус, Еразмус+, Горизонт 2020.

Between 1945 and 2008, the number of internationally-recognised countries grew from 74 to 193 (Spolaore, 2008). More recently, many countries experienced increasing decentralisation. In OECD countries, for example, the number of sub-national governments reached 140,000 in 2014. Moreover, these sub-national governments have an increasing influence in these countries (OECD, 2014). Given these trends towards an increasing decentralisation, this thesis studies two aspects of it: fiscal competition, and the endogenous choice of borders. In terms of fiscal competition, this thesis studies the competition between regional governments to attract one of a firm's new plants. The goal of this analysis is to study the strategic behaviour of the firm in such competitions or location contests. Indeed, in contrast to the existing literature on the subject that considers only firms producing in a single location, the first chapter of this thesis shows that the firm can modify its allocation of production across sites by differentiating the plants, thus attracting larger subsidies. In the second chapter, this thesis studies how the addition of prior investment in infrastructure by the regions before the location contest affects both the competition between the regions, and the behaviour of the firm. In terms of endogenous border choice, this thesis provides two analyses: one empirical and one experimental. In the third chapter, this thesis studies the decision of voters in 213 cities of Quebec to secede from a municipal merger that was imposed to them a few years earlier. The analysis reveals that voters choose secession more when the language and income differences between their own town and the other towns in the same merger are larger. The analysis also reveals that these two effects are not independent. Indeed, income differences have a larger effect when language differences are also large. Given the importance of language differences in the formation of ethnic groups in Quebec, these results suggest that the choice of voters is sensitive to ethnic differences, and not only to differences in preferences for public goods, as suggested by Alesina, Baqir, and Hoxby (2004). Finally, the last chapter presents the results of a laboratory experiment on the relationship between decentralisation and secession. The literature on the subject suggests the existence of two opposite effects. Decentralisation could quell secessionist movements by giving regions more liberty to take their own public goods decisions, but could also provide additional ressources to secessionist movements, which would reinforce secessionist movements. The results of the experiment show that the total effect of decentralisation is to decrease to probability of votes for secession. ; Entre 1945 et 2008, le nombre de pays reconnus internationalement a augmenté de 74 à 193 (Spolaore, 2008). Plus récemment, plusieurs pays ont vécu une vague croissante de décentralisation. Dans les pays de l'OCDE, par exemple, le nombre de gouvernements infranationaux a atteint 140 000 en 2014. De plus, ces gouvernements infranationaux ont une influence croissante dans ces pays (OCDE, 2014). Compte tenu de ces tendances vers une décentralisation croissante, cette thèse étudie deux aspects de celle-ci : la concurrence fiscale, et le choix endogène des frontières. En matière de concurrence fiscale, cette thèse étudie la mise aux enchères de nouveaux investissements par une firme à plusieurs établissements. Le but de cette analyse est d'étudier le comportement stratégique de la firme dans ce type de concurrence. En effet, contrairement à la littérature déjà existante qui ne considère que des firmes qui ne produisent qu'en un endroit, le premier chapitre de thèse montre que la firme peut modifier l'allocation de ses investissements en les différenciant, pour attirer des subsides plus élevés. Dans le deuxième chapitre, la thèse étudie comment l'ajout de coûts en infrastructure pour les régions avant la mise aux enchères affecte la concurrence entre les régions ainsi que le comportement de la firme. En matière de choix endogène des frontières, cette thèse fournit deux analyses: une empirique, et une expérimentale. Dans le troisième chapitre, la thèse étudie la décision d'électeurs dans 213 villes du Québec de quitter une fusion municipale qui leur fût imposée quelques années auparavant. L'analyse révèle que les électeurs choisissent de faire sécession d'autant plus quand les différences de revenus et de langue entre leur ville et les autres villes dans la même fusion sont plus élevées. L'analyse révèle aussi que ces deux facteurs ne sont pas indépendants. En effet, les différences de revenus ont un effet plus prononcé sur le vote sécessionniste lorsque les différences de langue sont aussi élevées. Étant donné l'importance de la langue comme groupe ethno-linguistique au Québec, les résultats de ce chapitre suggèrent que le choix des électeurs est sensible aux différences ethniques, et non seulement à des différences de goût pour les biens publics, comme suggéré par Alesina, Baqir et Hoxby (2004). Finalement, le dernier chapitre présente les résultats d'un expérience en laboratoire sur le lien entre décentralisation et sécession. La littérature sur le sujet suggère l'existence de deux effets contradictoires. La décentralisation pourrait permettre de contrer les mouvements de sécession en permettant aux régions de prendre plus de décisions à un niveau local, mais pourrait aussi fournir des ressources supplémentaires aux mouvements sécessionnistes, ce qui renforcerait les tendances vers la séparation. Les résultats de l'expérience montre que l'effet total de la décentralisation est de diminuer la probabilité de votes pour la sécession.

Since the mid 1990s, more than ten international instruments aimed at fighting foreign bribery have been adopted. Globally, the increased trade has necessitated the establishment of an interstate cooperation likely to respond to the growth of cross-border crime. Furthermore, the harmonization of legislation, through binding international commitments, was the only way to reduce distortions of competition. A turnaround has thus been made: the implicit authorization, or sometimes even the promotion, of 'exceptional commercial costs', has been replaced by the criminalization of bribery.At the European Union level, the single market and open borders justify the adoption of several specific instruments. However, Member States refuse to give up the right to sanction – or not to sanction – which is one of the attributes of sovereignty. The harmonization of anticorruption legislation was therefore influenced by the broader issue of a European criminal law. The provisions intended to fight corruption are enclosed in intergovernmental instruments and strictly limited in order to thwart the possibility of an unwanted 'communautarisation'.Fifteen years later, the implementation of anti-corruption legislation remains uneven and the ineffectiveness of repression in Europe contrasts with the heavy sentences of European companies by foreign courts. The initial strategy, which includes no monitoring mechanism to ensure constant pressure on Member States, shows its limits and is unable to meet the current challenges.This study seeks to understand the new anticorruption dynamics within the area of freedom, security and justice after the 'depilarisation' made by the Lisbon Treaty. It highlights the emergence of a two-tier approach in the fight against corruption. The integration of the fight against corruption at the supranational level should, in the medium term, be limited to the protection of the financial interests of the EU: it translates, firstly, by the adoption of a new directive aimed at harmonizing substantive criminal law and, secondly, by the establishment of a European public prosecutor ensuring effective prosecution. Beyond this single goal, the 'anti-corruption package' of the European Commission does not initiate the necessary rationalization of the existing legal framework. The cornerstone of the new strategy is limited to the adoption of a periodic evaluation mechanism in order to generate, through soft law, additional political will on the part of Member States.In a forward-looking approach, this thesis suggests that the European Union is the appropriate level to lead the fight against corruption. However, its central role can only be achieved through the criminalization of corruption as a eurocrime. ; Depuis le milieu des années 1990, plus d'une dizaine d'instruments internationaux destinés à lutter contre la corruption transnationale ont été adoptés. À l'échelle mondiale, la multiplication des échanges commerciaux a rendu nécessaire la mise en place d'une coopération interétatique susceptible de répondre à l'essor de la criminalité transfrontalière. En outre, l'harmonisation des législations, par le biais d'engagements internationaux contraignants, se présentait comme le seul moyen de réduire les distorsions de concurrence. Un retournement s'est ainsi opéré : l'autorisation implicite, voire la promotion des « frais commerciaux exceptionnels », a cédé la place à la criminalisation de la corruption transnationale.À l'échelle de l'Union européenne, la réalisation du marché unique et l'ouverture des frontières justifient l'adoption de plusieurs instruments spécifiques. Toutefois, les États membres refusent d'abandonner le droit de punir — ou de ne pas punir — prérogative régalienne qui constitue l'un des attributs de la souveraineté. L'harmonisation des législations européennes a par conséquent été influencée par la problématique plus large d'un droit pénal de l'Union européenne en construction. Les dispositions destinées à lutter contre la corruption sont enfermées dans des instruments de nature intergouvernementale et sont strictement limitées afin de faire échec à l'éventualité d'une « communautarisation rampante ».Quinze ans plus tard, la mise en œuvre de la législation anticorruption demeure inégale et l'ineffectivité de la répression en Europe contraste avec les lourdes condamnations des entreprises européennes par des juridictions étrangères. La stratégie initiale, qui ne comprend aucun mécanisme de suivi afin d'assurer une pression permanente sur les États membres, montre ainsi ses limites et s'avère incapable de répondre aux enjeux actuels.La présente étude cherche à appréhender les nouvelles dynamiques anticorruption au sein de l'espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice au lendemain de la « dépilarisation » opérée par le traité de Lisbonne. Elle met en exergue l'émergence d'une lutte contre la corruption à deux vitesses. Ainsi, l'intégration de la lutte contre la corruption au niveau supranational devrait, à moyen terme, se limiter à la protection des intérêts financiers de l'UE : elle se traduit, d'une part, par l'adoption d'une directive d'harmonisation du droit pénal substantiel et, d'autre part, par la mise en place d'un procureur européen garantissant une répression effective. Au-delà de cet objectif isolé, le « paquet anticorruption » de la Commission européenne n'amorce pas la rationalisation nécessaire du cadre juridique actuel. La pierre angulaire de la nouvelle stratégie est limitée à l'adoption d'un mécanisme d'évaluation périodique afin de susciter, par le biais du droit souple, un surcroît de volonté politique de la part des États membres.Aussi, dans une démarche prospective, la présente thèse tend à démontrer que l'Union européenne constitue le niveau adéquat pour mener la lutte contre la corruption. Toutefois, son rôle moteur ne peut se réaliser, dans sa dimension tant répressive que préventive, qu'à travers l'incrimination de l'eurocrime de corruption.

The purpose of this report is to critically analyse and provide recommendations for Australia's detection and legal enforcement framework regarding wildlife smuggling. This will be . done by comparing the framework in Australia with the framework in the UK. This comparison is important because it will allow us to know if Australia's current framework is as effective as it should be. The UK was chosen as a suitable country to compare with Australia because the UK is a country which is well known for its effective Customs agency and stringent penalties regarding wildlife trafficking. Furthermore, the UK, like Australia, it is an island. This means that wildlife smuggling may not occur through land borders and may only occur through sea and airports. This inevitably means that the UK's border protection focus, like Australia, is on its sea and airports. In chapter 1, the report outlines the detection system in Australia. This chapter looks at the role of the Australian Customs Service in combating wildlife trafficking. It high lights the effectiveness of some of the wildlife detection methods utilised by Customs. Methods such as x-rays, detector dogs, intelligence and the Custom hotline are discussed in detail. Furthermore, the chapter concludes by analysing the effectiveness of the system and some of the problems that Australian Customs faces in the fight against wildlife trafficking. It was found that Customs already has a high rate of success in detecting wildlife but still face a shortage of resources to improve their operations. Chapter 2 focuses on the legal framework, prosecution and sentencing of wildlife smugglers. It firstly explores the CITES framework and how this controls the trade of endangered species of plants and animals around the world. The chapter then explores how CITES is implemented in Australia and the sentences available for a breach of the EPBC Act. It was found that the maximum sentence for wildlife smuggling was a fine of$ 110,000 and 10 years imprisonment. The chapter then discuses some of the problems with Australia's current legal framework such as the low level of prosecutions and the low penalties imposed by courts despite stringent maximum penalties. The third chapter turns to focus on the UK and explores the system in the UK. The focus is on the methods used by the UKBA to detect concealed wildlife in the UK's airports. Some of the methods discussed in this chapter include the training received by UKBA officers who deal exclusively with wildlife trafficking and the partnerships that the UKBA have with other agencies in the UK and internationally. This is then followed by an analysis of the effectiveness of and some of the issues with the system in the UK. This analysis shows that, even though it is very difficult to provide accurate estimates, it is thought that the UK has been very successful in detecting hidden wildlife. The chapter also found that the UK faces the same problem as Australia in the lack of adequate resources for their Customs agencies. II Chapter 4 discusses the UK's legal framework used to prosecute and sentence wildlife smugglers. It outlines the UK's implementation of CITES through the European Council's Regulations and through the CEMA, COTES and the WCA Acts. The report then turns to discuss some of the problems that have arisen in the UK. Here it was found that the UK also suffers from some of the same problems as Australia. The prosecution levels are low and up until2002, the fines imposed for these offences were inadequate and have allowed smugglers to continue to profit from this trade. The final chapter aims to provide general recommendations for the improvement of the current system in Australia. It does this by recapping the problems and issues that were seen in the previous chapters and then offering possible solution and recommendations for each issue. With respect to the detection of wildlife smuggling, even though Australian Customs are already extremely successful, the report recommends that more resources be devoted to Australian Customs so that they have adequate staff and equipment to monitor more passengers, luggage and containers. Another suggestion for Australian Customs is that they designate or create a group of officers to educate and assist other officers with wildlife trafficking offences, similar to the UKBA CITES Team. Recommendations proposed to tackle low level of prosecutions are amendments to the EPBC to lower the evidential requirement to prove 'intention' for wildlife import and export offences. With respect to the low fines given, the report recommends that the legislation creating the penalties be amended. The government may look into increasing the range of fines available or fining 3 times the value of the goods similar to what is available in the UK. Furthermore, proper authorities should also publish a sentencing guideline for magistrates to consider when sentencing wildlife criminals. Finally t his report believes that the root cause of the some of the deficiencies in the enforcement of wildlife trafficking in Australia come from within the Australian community. It is because the Australian people as a whole believe that wildlife crimes is not important, that resources are being allocated to other areas and that the judiciary does not perceive wildlife trafficking as a serious crime. Accordingly, this report further recommends that the government alongside other wildlife organisations educate and highlight the importance of Australia's animals and crimes against them.

Maģistra darbs izstrādāts par bērna atpakaļatdošanas izpildi saskaņā ar Padomes 2003. gada 27. novembra Regulu Nr. 2201/2003 par jurisdikciju un spriedumu atzīšanu un izpildi laulības lietās un lietās par vecāku atbildību un par Regulas (EK) NR. 1347/2000 atcelšanu (turpmāk tekstā Briseles IIbis Regula), izvērtējot Latvijas tiesu praksi, tās nostāju lēmuma pieņemšanā, vadoties pēc bērna vecuma un brieduma pakāpes. Darbā analizēta arī Latvijas tiesu prakses un veikta bērna psiholoģisko risku novēršana lēmuma pieņemšanā. Robežu atvēršana un atvieglotie nosacījumi to šķērsošanai ir bijis ļoti nozīmīgs solis turpmākai valstu savstarpējas sadarbības veicināšanai, gan sociālā, gan ekonomikas, gan citās darbības jomās. Līdz ar atvieglotiem ceļošanas un uzturēšanās noteikumiem citā valstī, ir palielinājies izceļotāju skaits, kuri Latviju par savām mājām vairs nedēvē, bet turpina būt tās daļa, proti, tās pilsoņi. Pieaugot citās Eiropas Savienības (turpmāk tekstā ES) valstīs dzīvojošo cilvēku skaitam, veidojas aizvien vairāk internacionālu ģimeņu. Tās ir ģimenes, kuru ģimenes locekļi dzīvo kādā no ES valstīm un kurās viens vai vairāki ģimenes locekļi nav šīs valsts pilsoņi. Šādu internacionālo ģimeņu savstarpējo attiecību sarežģījumu gadījumā, ļoti būtiski ir atrunāt un vienoties savu nepilngadīgo atvašu aizbildniecību, tai skaitā par vietu, kur bērnam būtu jādzīvo. Viens no ES mērķiem ir izveidot drošu tiesisko vidi bērniem, nodrošinot pārskatāmu sistēmu vecāku jautājumu risināšanai un ES pieņemtu tiesas spriedumu vecāku atbildības jautājumos brīvu apriti. Pirmais pasākums savstarpējai spriedumu vecāku atbildības lietās atzīšanai bija Padomes 2000. gada 29. maija Regulas (EK) Nr. 1347/2000 par jurisdikciju un spriedumu atzīšanu un izpildi laulības lietās un lietās par abu laulāto vecāku atbildību par bērniem pieņemšana. Ar Regulu (EK) Nr.1347/2000 noteica saskaņotus jurisdikcijas noteikumus vecāku atbildības lietās un paredzēja spriedumu atzīšanas un izpildes mehānismu vecāku atbildības lietās. Turpinot iesākto, ņemot vērā Komisijas priekšlikumu, tika veikts nākamais pasākums, pieņemot Regulu (EK) Nr. 2201/2003 jeb Briseles IIbis Regulu, ar kuru no 2005. gada 1. marta aizstāja Regulu (EK) Nr.1347/2000. Regulu (EK) Nr. 2201/2003 piemēro no 2005. gada 1. marta. Brisele IIbis neregulē tādus ar laulības šķiršanu saistītus jautājumus, kā mantas sadale un uzturlīdzekļi. Briseles IIbis Regula nosaka tikai jurisdikciju, kuras dalībvalsts tiesā ir lieta ir piekritīga, tas ir, kurā dalībvalsts tiesā iesniedzams prasības pieteikums. Autores darbā tika apskatīta Latvijas tiesu prakse bērna atpakaļatdošanas lietās. Tika veikta Latvijas tiesu spriedumu analīze dažādās bērna vecuma un brieduma pakāpēs, izvērtēts cik nozīmīgs tiesas lēmuma pieņemšanā ir bijis bērna viedoklis un tā psiholoģiskā stāvokļa novērtēšana. Darbā autore secina, ka Latvijas tiesās lēmuma pieņemšanā attiecībā uz bērna atpakaļatdošanu ir konstatējamas nepilnības. ; Master's paper focuses on the accomplishment of child return according to the Council Regulation (EC) 2201/2003 of 27 November 2003 concerning jurisdiction and the recognition and enforcement of judgments in matrimonial matters and the matters of parental responsibility, repealing Regulation (EC) No 1347/2000 (further in text referred as Brussels II bis), by evaluating practice of the courts of Latvia, positions taken while making decisions based on children's age and level of maturity. Master's paper also provides analysis on the practices of Latvian courts and carries out prevention of psychological risks in the child during decision making. Open borders and simplified provisions for crossing them has been very significant step for further cooperation of countries in social, economic and other sectors. By having simplified rules for travelling and residing in other country, the number of those emigrants, who do not consider Latvia their home, but still remain a part of Latvia by holding Latvian citizenship, has increased. As the number of persons living in other member states of the European Union (EU) is growing, more and more international families are being formed. They are the families, whose family members reside in some of the EU member states and whose family members (one or several of them) are not citizens of the country of residence. When complications occur in these international families, it is of utter importance to stipulate and negotiate on the custody of under-age children, including the physical location where they should live. One of the EU's goals is to create safe legal environment for children, by providing clear system for settlement of parents' issues and free circulation of a court decision on parental responsibility matters. First measure on mutual judgment on parents' responsibility matters was adoption of Council Regulation (EC) 1347/2000 of 29 May 2000 on jurisdiction and the recognition and enforcement of judgments in matrimonial matters and in matters of parental responsibility for children of both spouses. Council Regulation (EC) 1347/2000 established harmonized jurisdiction rules in matters of parental responsibility and provided mechanisms of recognition and implementation of judgment in matters of parental responsibility. After taking into account the suggestion of the European Commission, next step was taken, by adopting the Council Regulation (EC) 2201/2003 or Brussels II bis, which replaced Council Regulation (EC) 1347/2000 starting from 1 March 2005. Council Regulation (EC) 2201/2003 has been applied since 1 March 2005. Such aspects of divorce as division of property and child support payments are not subject to Brussels II bis, it establishes within which member states' jurisdiction the case belongs, i.e., where to file the claim. Author of the master's paper also examines the practice of the Latvian court on child return cases.

Цель. Фокус исследования сосредоточен на анализе феномена социальной целостности и практиках его деформации в современном обществе. Характер социальности современной эпохи указывает на те глубинные проблемы и противоречия, которые актуализируют вопрос о ее возможности. Культурный кризис, духовный вакуум, актуализация экзистенциональных проблем современного человека заставляют обратиться к проблеме конструирования, поддержания и функционирования целостности социальной реальности, а также механизмах и практиках ее деформации. Методология. В ракурсе анализа последних приобретает актуальность проблематика желаний, активно инвестирующихся цивилизационным прогрессом в человеческую жизнь. В качестве симулякров естественных механизмов индивидуальной активности потребностей, желания выступают источниками трансформации процесса гармоничного развития личности (культурного потребления) в деструктивную стратегию цивилизации потребительство. В этих условиях само потребление утрачивает свое традиционное значение. Из естественного процесса по удовлетворению потребностей и освоению окружающего мира, оно трансформируется в тотальный разрушительный акт по реализации конкретизированных желаний. Потребление перерастает границы традиционной практики (оно уже не определяется лишь продуктами питания, одеждой, машиной и т.п.). Оно становится активной массовой ориентацией, практикой материализации, основанной на превращении окружающего человека мира в вещь, символ использования. Таким образом, потребление трансформируется в практику тотального потребительства. Научная новизна. В связи с этим, целью исследования выступает анализ потенциала деструктивности потребительства, чей характер становится реальной угрозой целостности как индивидуального мира, так и социальной реальности, поскольку детерминирует разрыв между реальным предназначением вещей и их придуманным смыслом, наделяющим их желаемым эффектом (престижа, власти, материального богатства и т.п.). В этой ситуации актуализируется тенденция, когда вещи утрачивают свое действительное предназначение, а человек свою активную роль. Он больше не творец, создатель качественно новых продуктов, наполняющих его жизнь смыслом, а конформный приспособленец, рутинно воспроизводящий эрзацы, которыми наполняет свою жизнь. Материальное, а не духовное определяет ценность и смысл его жизни, желаемый объект, на получение которого он и направляет все свои силы. Не творческий созидательный труд, а раболепская зависимость от цивилизационных «благ» руководит его выборами. Выводы. Такая деформация гармоничного развития человека и общества, традиционного порядка трансформирует характер человеческих отношений, превращая их в банальную практику потребительства использование. Желание обладать, эксплуатировать, использовать заставляет человека обесценивать окружающую реальность и ее участников, превращает личность в homo economics, калькулирующего свои знакомства, связи, отношения. Именно такая «коммерционализация отношений», преодолевая границы экономической, политической, правовой сфер, посягая на сферу семейных, дружеских отношений, определяет в целом характер современного общества. ; The purpose. The interest of the article focuses on the analysis of the social integrity phenomenon and its deformation practices in the modern society. The character's sociality of the modern era indicates serious problems and contradictions that actualize the possibility of social integrity. The cultural crisis, spiritual vacuum, updated existential problems of the modern humanity forces to turn to the problem of the integrity constructing and maintaining and social reality functioning, as well as to the mechanisms and practices of its deformation. Methodology. Thus, in the analysis of the above mentioned points the problem of desires is getting more relevant, and these desires are actively being invested by the civilization progress in the human life. As simulacra of the natural mechanisms of individual activity (needs) desires help to transform the personality harmonious development process (cultural consumption) in a destructive civilization strategy consumerism. Under these conditions consumption is losing its traditional meaning. From the natural processes of meeting the needs and developing the world it is transforming into a total destructive act that implements certain desires. Consumption grows borders of the traditional practice (it has not been already determined only by food, clothes, car, etc.). It is turning into an active mass orientation; practice of the materialization that is aimed to transform the surrounding world into a thing, a symbol of use. Thus, consumption transforms into a practice of total consumerism. Scientific novelty. In this context, the aim of the research is to analyze the destructive potential of consumerism, which nature is getting a real threat to the integrity of both individual world and social reality. This pattern of consumption determines the gap between a real purpose of the things and their contrived sense that gives them the desired effect (prestige, power, material wealth, etc.). In this situation, we can see updating of the tendency when things lose their true purpose, and man loses his active role. He is no longer a creator of qualitatively new products that fill his life with meaning. He is a conformal trimmer who routinely plays ersatz and fills his live with them. Material aspects rather than spiritual ones determine the value and meaning of human's life, they represent a desired object that he wants to receive. His choice is ruled not by creative work, but by the civilization "benefits" bondage. Conclusions. Such deformation of harmonious development of the man and society, and of the traditional order transforms nature of the human relations to turn them into a banal practice of consumerism usage. The desire to own, exploit, use makes a human to devalue surrounding reality and its members, turns a human into a homo economics, who calculates his circle of friends, communication, relationships. Exactly such "commercialization of relationship" overcomes the limits of the economic, political and legal spheres and encroaches on the family, friendship sphere to determine the whole character of the modern society.

В статье анализируется то, как официальные концепции «модернизации», «рынка», «патриотизма» воспринимаются и используются предпринимателями; как участники рынка артикулируют рыночные правила и как оценивают протекционистские меры правительства. Мы утверждаем, что представление о «правильном рынке» и допустимых методах его регулирования в России неоднородно и имеет специфику в разных секторах экономики. Выбор в пользу либерализма, его победа над экономическим патриотизмом не является безусловной целью или ценностью среди бизнесменов и политиков. Равно как нет консенсуса по поводу патриотизма, – разные агенты конструируют это понятие на разных основаниях. В статье представлена попытка изучить представления предпринимателей о базовых конструктах реформы в России – рынке, патриотизме, инновациях исходя из их опыта ведения бизнеса. ; In this article we argue that concepts such as "market competition", or "national economy", or "economic partiotizm" do not exist per se. Instead they are intertwined into much broader strands that are classified into three different models, which are used to legitimatize economic action: the market model, the strategic model, and the innovation model. Each model has its own and inner coherence but each of them embodies different conceptions and visions of the state and economic policy. The present article, focusing on micro-level and on grass-root representations, examines how those official conceptions (market, patriotism, innovation) are perceived and reformulated by entrepreneurs and professionals. We pay greater attention to the different ways in which actors articulate the various market rules and protection measures implemented in Russian economy. One of the main contributions of this article is to show the way interviewees articulate various models. The market model is consistent, powerful and legitimate in actors' rhetoric; it strongly supports their autonomy from the state. We show, however, that the strategic model promoted by the elites' discourse is characterized by unsustainability, porosity and inefficiency. That does not mean that business actors eschew patriotism per se, but rather that they reject its official definition, with the ensuing state domination of business. Patriotism is, instead, reformulated and integrated into another space of meaning, the innovation model, built up from below, which distinguishes it from public programmes promoting innovations. Patriotism, as demonstrated, is invoked when dealing with public authorities, thereby allowing private interests to be introduced into the public sphere. The market model, which refers to the core liberal theory profound dichotomy between state and economy. State intervention per se is ineffective and illegitimate, whereas the market is more efficient, but also morally superior to all other forms of social transactions. Many of our interviews illustrate this great divide between state and business. This rhetoric is specific to small entrepreneurs deprived of any access to state support and subsidies. Market boundaries are totally dissociated from national borders. The relevant economic space is that of each specific commodity market in which the different actors are specialised. However, there are significant differences between the attitudes and opinions of representatives of the various sectors: the agricultural business as more national oriented contradict to the sector of electronics as more global oriented. There is no consensus at all about the positive role of patriotism in the economy as has been demonstrated in this article. On the contrary, patriotism is seen as being unrealistic, ineffective and often illegitimate. In actors' rhetoric, the market discourse is dominant. We examine how actors articulate liberal market values and situations of protection. In the interviews, two forms of protection from competition are sharply distinguished: protection is seen as illegitimate when it is bound up with the political sphere, but legitimate when it springs from productive structures and is shaped, for example, by natural impediments. Although patriotism is presented as incompatible with the market model, it can be endorsed by actors playing the role of citizen. This discourse express great tensions between the economic efficiency promoted by the market model and the patriotic rhetoric espoused by political leaders. Patriotism endorses a larger vision, one that encompasses the global interests of Russia in all their diversity. In practice, business actors are very wary about the leitmotif of patriotism, which seems to be a mere political label. The discourse of business actors undermines the rhetoric of the authorities, which vacillates between strategic interests and market rules. Such discourse is used to accuse large corporations of benefitting from vested interest positions, unlike small firms which are bound by market rules. The political rhetoric of economic patriotism, instead of bringing communities together, and then consolidating them, has the opposite effect: it splits society into blocs, opposing powerless people to elites, bureaucrats and business professionals. We would like to shows how different interests can be combined, how heterogenous actors succeed in building appropriate justifications and in bringing them onto the public scene. The strategic rhetoric is often accused of masking real corporate interests. Economic patriotism comes across as a hollow concept. Actors' discourse promotes liberalization on the global scale and protectionism in more specific contexts. This contradiction does not mean that the actors are insincere: their discourses are not false in themselves, it is just that they are pronounced in different spaces and contexts. Such multi-level discourse explains why it is so difficult to identify a coherent rhetoric of economic transactions.

This paper represents the attempt of the authors to point to the political consequences of the long-term use of the violence on the Balkan by the Albanian separatist terrorist movement towards the Serbs. Its aim is also to point to the great mistakes of western powers which have continuously encouraged the Albanians on the Balkan to use violence. In the second part of the XX century, they have the most directly encouraged the national prepotency of the Albanians, by encouraging them to conduct the Albanian terror, whose ideology is Albanism, and the form is the ultra-right or fascistic terrorism. It took the most intense form in the second half of the XX century and at the beginning of the XXI century, when the political consequences of that violence warn and threat to the security of the region. The threat to the security of the Balkan at the beginning of the XXI century is even more expressed, and the violence over Serbia by some western powers is even more intense. Since the formation of the Serbian state on the Balkan, the Serbs have always struggled only for the existence and survival. By analyzing the historical documents about the expatriation of the Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija in the last three centuries (1690-2006), one can conclude that from the former Old Serbia (today Kosovo and Metohija), approximately 1.150.000 Serbs have been violently expelled, about 200.000 have been killed, and about 150-200.000 have been converted to Islam. In the Middle Ages there was no special name for this area, except for the general name Serbia. At the beginning of the XXI century, the Albanian separatist terrorist movement represents the great threat to the security on the Balkan, especially after the seizure of 10.887 km2 of the territory of Serbia with the help of the western allies. The Serbs have the constitutional and historical right on Kosovo and Metohija, which is always older than the ethnic right, and the international law is also on the side of Serbia, because the UN Charter forbids the violent seizure of parts of sovereign states. The size of a national community is not determined by its size within one part of the state, but in comparison to the state as a whole, and according to that criteria, the Albanians constitute the national minority in Serbia. No national minority in the world has had the right to its own state. A national community cannot declare itself a nation or a national minority. The political consequences of the effects of the Albanian separatist terrorist movement on the Balkan at the beginning of the XXI century warn UN and EU, because the disintegration processes on the Balkan haven't been finished, according to their opinion, and it is well known that the change of the borders is followed by long and exhausting wars. ; Ovaj rad je pokušaj autora da ukažu na političke posledice dugotrajne primene nasilja na Balkanu od strane albanskog separatističko terorističkog pokreta prema Srbima. Takođe, da se ukaže na velike greške zapadnih sila koje su u kontinuitetu ohrabrivale Albance na Balkanu da primenjuju nasilje. U drugoj polovini XX veka, one su najdirektnije podsticale nacionalnu prepotentnost Albanaca, ohrabrujući ih da sprovode albanoteror čija je ideologija albanizam a forma ultradesni ili fašisoidni terorizam i to najintenzivnije u drugoj polovini XX i na početku XXI veka kada političke posledice toga nasilja upozoravaju i prete bezbednosti regiona. Pretnja bezbednosti Balkana je na početku XXI veka još izraženija, a nasilje nad Srbijom od strane nekih zapadnih sila još intenzivnije. Od nastanka Srpske države na Balkanu Srbi su se uvek borili samo za postojanje i opstanak. Analizom istorijskih dokumenata o proterivanju Srba sa Kosova i Metohije u poslednja tri veka (1690-2006) može se zaključiti da je iz nekadašnje Stare Srbije (današnje Kosovo i Metohija), nasilno proterano oko 1 150 000 Srba, da ih je oko 200 000 pobijeno i 150-200 000 albanizovano, odnosno prevedeno u islamsku veru. U srednjem veku nije postojalo posebno ime za ovu pokrajinu, osim opšteg imena Srbija. Na početku XXI veka albanski separatističko teroristički pokret predstavlja veliku pretnju bezbednosti na Balkanu, posebno nakon otimanja uz pomoć njihovih zapadnih saveznika 10887 kvadratnih kilometara teritorije Srbije. Srbi imaju ustavno i istorijsko pravo na Kosovu i Metohiji, koje je uvek starije od etničkog prava, a i međunarodno pravo je na strani Srbije, jer Povelja OUN zabranjuje nasilno otimanje delova suverenih zemalja. Brojnost jedne nacionalne zajednice se ne određuje njenim brojnim stanjem u okviru jednog dela države, već njenim brojnim stanjem u okviru cele države, pa i na osnovu tog kriterijuma Albanci su nacionalna manjina u Srbiji. Nigde u svetu do sada nacionalna manjina nije imala pravo na svoju državu. Jedna nacionalna zajednica ne može sama za sebe određivati da li je narod ili nacionalna manjina. Političke posledice delovanja albanskog separatističko terorističkog pokreta na Balkanu na početku XXI upozoravaju OUN i EU, jer se dezintegracioni procesi na Balkanu po njihovom mišljenju još nisu završili, a poznato je da svako menjanje granica prate dugotrajni i iscrpljujući ratovi.

Esta obra está compuesta básicamente por los materiales de un curso que es parte de la asignatura "Historia de las Constituciones" dentro del Programa del Grado en Derecho de la Universidad Carlos III de Madrid. ; Certain attributes of American life hold a special attraction to people all over the world, regardless of their social or political beliefs. Often those familiar features are simple banalities of that 'American way,' while more profound and remarkable traits of that complex nation seem to have gone almost unnoticed outside its borders, although their prevalent influence is evident. Current technology, business ways, commerce, culture, etc., are all deeply marked by that country 'ways.' Unquestionably, the American constitutional system is one of these hidden traits that, regardless of the circumstances, is present all over our –so called– Western world. Nevertheless, it is, for most and to most, unknown. Responses to the previous works by this author –Orígenes del constitucionalismo americano and Nosotros, el Pueblo de los Estados Unidos– hinted of a possible interest by law students at the Universidad Carlos III de Madrid for an elective course on American constitutionalism. Thus, that was the reason behind El constitucionalismo americano, as a textbook for that course. Drafted around seven themes, they cover from the beginning of the seventeenth century and the fundamental laws that English settlers brought with them at their early landings on the American continent, to the constitutional Amendments and U.S. Supreme Court decisions of the second half of the twentieth century. Thus, the history of the United States has been divided into seven periods: the British colonial period; the American Revolution; the Federalist effort; the early Amendments and Supreme Court decisions; the Civil War and Reconstruction era; the Progressive era and the New Deal; and the Civil Rights period. For each period, some of the main relevant constitutional events get analyzed. Each theme includes a historical and legal presentation of the period, followed by the primary sources directly related to the events described. Assuming the targeted students may not be very familiar with the overall history of the United States, brief biographical notes are added for the most prominent personalities mentioned in the narrative. As a textbook, each theme includes a number of questions for the students to develop. (Incidentally, the course made it to OpenCourseWare, where its English version got a somewhat good response, receiving one of the organization's awards for 2013.) This work was part of the author's PhD effort. ; Determinados aspectos de la sociedad norteamericana muestran tener una atracción especial para todo el mundo, al margen de creencias políticas y sociales. A menudo esas características tan familiares son las más frívolas del 'American way', mientras que rasgos más profundos e importantes de esa compleja nación parecen pasar desapercibidos más allá de sus fronteras, aunque su influencia sea manifiesta. La tecnología, negocios, comercio, cultura, etc., actuales están todos profundamente marcados por los 'ways' –maneras– de ese país. Sin duda alguna el sistema constitucional norteamericano es uno de esos 'rasgos ocultos' que, al margen de circunstancias locales y pequeños detalles, es omnipresente en lo que llamamos 'el mundo occidental'. Las respuestas a anteriores trabajos del autor –Orígenes del constitucionalismo americano and Nosotros, el Pueblo de los Estados Unidos–hicieron entrever un posible interés por parte de los estudiantes de Derecho de la Universidad Carlos III de Madrid hacia una asignatura optativa sobre el constitucionalismo norteamericano. De ahí surgió, como manual para ese curso, El constitucionalismo americano. Redactado en siete temas, cubre desde los inicios del siglo XVII y las normas fundamentales que los colonos ingleses llevaron a sus primeros asentamientos, hasta las Enmiendas y decisiones del Tribunal Supremo norteamericano sobre derechos civiles en la segunda mitad del siglo XX. De esta forma, la historia de los Estados Unidos se ha dividido en siete periodos: el periodo colonial británico, la revolución americana, el proceso federalista, las primeras Enmiendas y decisiones del Tribunal Supremo de los Estados Unidos, la guerra civil y la Reconstrucción, la era progresista y el New Deal, y el periodo de los derechos civiles. En cada periodo se estudian algunos de los eventos constitucionales más relevantes y de carácter universal. Cada tema incluye una presentación histórica y jurídica del periodo, seguida de las fuentes primarias relacionadas directamente con los eventos descritos. Suponiendo que los estudiantes a quienes va dirigido el manual podrían no estar muy familiarizados con la historia general de los Estados Unidos, se han añadido unas breves notas biográficas sobre los personajes mencionados en la narrativa. Al ser un manual de trabajo, se han incluido algunas cuestiones sobre los temas tratados para que los estudiantes pueden desarrollar los conocimientos aprendidos. (A título anecdótico, la versión on-line del manual en inglés recibió en 2013 uno de los premios de OpenCourseWare.) Este trabajo ha sido parte de los estudios doctorales del autor.

Índice La planificación metropolitana en la 'era de la gobernanza'. La planificación en la 'era de la gobernanza'. ¿El final del intermedio de la 'era de la gobernanza'? Bibliografía selectiva.ResumenSe trate del poder local o de las políticas públicas, el periodo que empieza a principios de los años 1980 está marcado por una evolución importante entre 'era del gobierno' y 'era de la gobernanza'. Esta última 'era' se caracteriza por una recomposición del papel del Estado, por la pérdida de centralidad de las autoridades públicas en los sistemas de actores que se abren a la sociedad civil y por la naturaleza cada vez más intersectorial de los problemas a los que se enfrentan las metrópolis. La planificación espacial sigue esta evolución de la acción pública aplicándose a territorios más amplios, tratando de amoldarse a los contornos de las zonas metropolitanas funcionales, integrando más actores y volviéndose más intersectorial mediante innovaciones procedurales que se dan en la mayoría de los países.Pero la 'era de la gobernanza' no es necesariamente el porvenir de las metrópolis europeas. En primer lugar, existe un problema de efectividad y eficacia de las políticas públicas que los dispositivos mismos de la gobernanza no resuelven. En segundo lugar, existe un problema de implicación y de participación de los actores económicos y sociales, y de la población misma, en las políticas públicas. En tercer lugar, al desdibujar las fronteras entre lo político y lo económico, entre lo público y lo privado, la 'era de la gobernanza' suscita numerosas críticas. Por último, al negar el conflicto, se revela incapaz de producir las decisiones necesarias de cara a las demandas de las poblaciones urbanas.Todos estos elementos hacen plausible la hipótesis según la cual la 'era de la gobernanza' sólo es un intermedio que está llegando a su fin y que puede dar lugar a dos evoluciones. La primera, que no se aborda en el artículo, ve cómo las metrópolis europeas evolucionan hacia una ingobernabilidad estructural debido al crecimiento de la conflictividad de la sociedad urbana causada por la fragmentación que se desarrolla en ella (fragmentación en el seno de los sistemas políticos, económicos y sociales; fragmentación también en las relaciones entre estos sistemas). La segunda evolución posible, que se aborda en el artículo, pone el énfasis en la emergencia de nuevos actores hegemónicos cuya configuración puede variar según los países y las metrópolis consideradas. En este último caso, la planificación aparece como el lugar donde se lleva a cabo la constitución de estos nuevos actores hegemónicos y, a la vez, como lo que está en juego con ella.Para tratar estas cuestiones, el artículo utiliza principalmente estudios empíricos elaborados sobre ciudades francesas, italianas, británicas, españolas y holandesas, en el marco de las investigaciones dirigidas por el autor.AbstractBoth for local power and public policies, the period that started in the early eighties saw a major shift from the 'government era' to the 'governance era'.The latter's characteristics are a recomposition of the role of the State, a loss of centrality for the public authorities in stakeholder systems that open themselves to civil society and the growing intersectorality of the problems metropolises are confronted to. Spatial planning follows this evolution of public action and tries to shape itself according to the functional metropolitan areas outlines, to integrate more and more stakeholders and to become more intersectoral through procedure innovations which happen in most countries.However, the 'governance era' is not necessarily bound to be the future for European metropolises. In the first place, there is an efficiency problem concerning public policies that is not being solved through governance's own devices.Then, there is also a problem as far as economic and social stakeholders, as well as the population itself, are concerned, when it comes to implicating themselves in and participating to public policies.Thirdly, since it blurs the borders between politics and economics, between public and private matters, 'governance era' has been subject of much criticism. Last but not least, since it denies the existing conflict, it appears unable to produce the necessary measures that would address the demands of urban dwellers.All these elements give weight to the hypothesis according which the 'governance era' is only a transition period that is reaching its end and that might evolve in two directions.The first possible evolution, which is not addressed in this article, would see European metropolises evolve towards a structural ungovernability due to growing conflictivity in urban society as a result of the fragmentation that happens within it (a fragmentation within political, economic and social systems, and also a fragmentation in the relationships between these systems).The second possible evolution, which is addressed in this article, would emphasize the emergency of new hegemonic stakeholders whose configuration may vary according to countries and metropolises. In the latter case, planification would appear as the place where these new hegemonic stakeholders would constitute themselves as well as what is at stake.To address these questions, the article draws upon empirical studies dealing with French, Italian, British, Spanish and Dutch towns within the framework of the author's research.

[spa] A diferencia de la importancia de las investigaciones que, tradicionalmente, han dado protagonismo al mundo andino, son muy pocos los estudios que, desde el ámbito disciplinario de la historia, han abordado los territorios y las sociedades de las denominadas tierras bajas. En Bolivia, esto significa referirse, fundamentalmente, a la Amazonía que era percibida como "tierras baldías", sin dueño, al margen de la civilización y susceptibles de ser ocupadas. En este sentido, desde mediados del siglo XIX, la amazonía boliviana pasó a ser administrada por el recién creado departamento del Beni, cuya historia sólo ha sido abordada recientemente y focalizada en acontecimientos del siglo XX. No obstante, se desconocen los aspectos más significativos de la historia socioeconómica y política del Beni durante la etapa de construcción de Bolivia como estado-nación siendo el estudio de este proceso el objetivo general de la tesis. Entendiendo que la conformación y consolidación del estado boliviano pasaba por el control de la amazonía, este trabajo aborda los avances y retrocesos producidos en el proceso de construcción del departamento del Beni, a través de las distintas políticas desarrolladas por el Estado. Ello ha permitido comprender los aspectos más importantes de la región beniana desde 1842, año de la creación del departamento, hasta el establecimiento definitivo de sus límites interestatales e interdepartamentales, en 1938. Así, se han analizado los programas y disposiciones estatales que pretendían nacionalizar la amazonía, siendo de especial interés aquellas que perseguían la exploración y colonización del territorio, la organización político-administrativa del departamento y su definición jurisdiccional; se han considerado también las relaciones, actitudes y prácticas desarrolladas por los grupos dirigentes, los grupos de poder local y regional y las poblaciones indígenas en el ejercicio de sus derechos y el acceso a las cotas de poder político y económico, que permitieron la construcción de la sociedad regional; y, finalmente, se han identificado las principales transformaciones de carácter socioeconómico de la región y, por ende, en la gestión de los recursos naturales y la tierra. Los principales aportes de esta investigación radican en la disección de las políticas estatales relativas hacia el Beni, y el uso y apropiación de éstas por parte de la sociedad local (blanco-mestiza e indígena) en el contexto de construcción del estado-nación boliviano. De ello se desprende que la construcción del departamento y de la sociedad beniana fue posible, fundamentalmente, por el control privado de los recursos naturales y económicos -tierras, ganadería, bosques- existentes en la región por parte de los actores locales y regionales en detrimento, en la mayor parte de las ocasiones, del Estado y también de las poblaciones indígenas. En fin, consideramos que la investigación realizada muestra la incapacidad de todos los gobiernos bolivianos para desarrollar sus políticas orientalistas –defensa de la soberanía, colonización del territorio, etc.- siendo lo acontecido en el Beni, buen indicador de la debilidad e incapacidad de los dirigentes bolivianos para incorporar la amazonía a la república a lo largo del siglo XIX e inicios del siglo XX. ; [eng] "For a history of Beni. A socioeconomic, political and ideological study of the Bolivian Amazon, centuries XIX-XX." SUMMARY: There are very few studies that approach, from the discipline of history, to the territories and the societies of the lowlands. In Bolivia, refers principally to the Amazon, perceived as "the uncultivated lands" that must be occupied. From the middle of 19th century, the Bolivian Amazon was administrated by the department of Beni, whose history in the republican era has been poorly approached. Thus, the general aim of this thesis is the study of the most significant political and socioeconomic aspects of the history of Beni during the construction of Bolivia as nation-state. The control of the Amazon was basic for the consolidation of the Bolivian nation-state. Through diverse policies developed by the State, this thesis examines the progress and setbacks in the construction of the department of Beni, since 1842, the year of the department's creation, until the final demarcation of their borders in 1938. It analyzes the government programs and regulations that wanted to nationalize the Amazon through the exploration and colonization of the territory, political and administrative organization of the department of Beni and its jurisdiction. Also considers the relationships, attitudes and practices developed by the local and regional groups and indigenous peoples in the exercise of their rights and access to political positions and economic power. And finally, identifies the main socioeconomic transformations in the region and in the management of natural resources and land. The main contributions of this research are in the dissection of state policies concerning the Beni, and the use and the appropriation of them by local society (white-mestizo and indigenous) in the context of construction of the Bolivian nation-state. Thus, the construction the department of Beni and their society was possible mainly by the private control of natural and economic resources of the region -land, livestock and forests- by local and regional groups against, in occasions, the State and indigenous populations. In short, the history of Beni shows the weakness and inability of Bolivian leaders to incorporate the Amazon to the republic during the 19th and early 20th century.

The paper looks back at the history of communication analysing this historical issue in the context of social structures and social institutions. In terms of chronological limits, the research attempts to date back to the period of the 16th-17th centuries; in respect of regional borders, it encompasses the Duchy of Biržai (hereinafter referred to as the "DB"), whereas in terms of socio-structural aspects, the study attempts to analyse the society of the Duchy. The subject of the thesis is the society of the Duchy of Biržai in the reign of the Radvilas during the 16th-17th centuries; the issue under analysis is the structure of this society and the social communication maintaining it. It is attempted to identify the types of contacts binding the afore-mentioned local society, the origins of those links, the manner of manifestation of the social contacts within the DB community, which were common to the entire Grand Duchy of Lithuania (hereinafter referred to as the "GDL"), and the specific contacts inherent to this domain only as well as the social formations created by these contacts apart from those determined by the estate-based society. The paper seeks to identify how far-reaching could have been and actually were the horizons of the contacts of the DB residents at the level of Biržai domain, the level of the GDL and the international level. The research of the contacts maintained should be useful in answering the question of how the centres of public communication (estate, church, castle, town, etc) pursued their activities and what inherent characteristics defined them. Finally, the analysis of social communication may provide background for discussing cultural contacts and interactions in future. Major problematic concepts employed in the research are communication and local society. The aim of the thesis is the analysis of communication of the DB society, which operated in the context of immediate institutional and social interaction. Following the remaining sources, the attempt is made to reconstruct the social structure of the DB and the social relations supporting it. The aspect of communication is chosen for the analysis as the manifestation of local processes evolving within the DB. The paper seeks to identify to what extent a certain communicative code of the DB society, i.e. a set of rules and mechanisms, which is standardized for that local community and thus allows the coexistence of its social groups and their adequate adjustment to one another, can be identified. The communicative code links all major communicative elements – the channel (forms), context (environment, settings) and participants. The sources do not allow the identification of the entire content and meanings of social communication but enables the reconstruction of its forms and structure. The relevancy of research of the society and communication of the Duchy of Biržai in the reign of the Radvilas during the period from 1589 to 1655 can be defined on the basis of at least four aspects. In a conceptual sense, the research is relevant as the venture in historical regionalistics oriented towards the knowledge about the entire, even if local, society. None of the local communities of the estate-owned domain of the GDL in the 16th–mid-17th centuries has been the object of a separate research up until now. It should be noted that the research deals with a relatively early, socially and ethno-confessionally heterogenic micro-society with limited references in historical sources. The objective of methodological individualism applying the micro-historic method is to encourage the identification of rules of social structure and its functioning out of the numerous similar research studies of local communities in future. The new aspect of research in this paper is the attempt to synthesise separate fields of historical acquisition (social, military, religious, economic, cultural fields). The conducted research may contribute to the search for the criteria of historical regionalisation. The novelty of the research reveals in the problematics under analysis (communication research). Attention paid to inter-group relations and social daily practices of those groups is not common in historiography. The communication research enables a better identification of the peculiar character of the society of the early New Ages and the context of the period and thus extends the information network of the 16th-17th century society. The results of research will be of use for the researchers engaged in social communication studies as the sample of communicative history stimulating the research of the systems of communication of other local communities. The factographical novelty of the research reflecting in the introduction of the new data into scientific circulation is worth mentioning as well. Numerous archival sources employed for the first time should supplement the historiographical depository of the Radvilas family and may encourage the research of other periods as well as create preconditions for writing the entire history of the DB (1547-1811) in future. In terms of the use of the new data, the paper may be found valuable and interesting for the researchers of the history of war, church, economy and society. Another relevant aspect of the paper is the fact that it contributes to the correction of inaccuracies of historical "myths" since the findings do not always confirm the tendencies of the GDL history documented in academic syntheses and historiography.

The paper looks back at the history of communication analysing this historical issue in the context of social structures and social institutions. In terms of chronological limits, the research attempts to date back to the period of the 16th-17th centuries; in respect of regional borders, it encompasses the Duchy of Biržai (hereinafter referred to as the "DB"), whereas in terms of socio-structural aspects, the study attempts to analyse the society of the Duchy. The subject of the thesis is the society of the Duchy of Biržai in the reign of the Radvilas during the 16th-17th centuries; the issue under analysis is the structure of this society and the social communication maintaining it. It is attempted to identify the types of contacts binding the afore-mentioned local society, the origins of those links, the manner of manifestation of the social contacts within the DB community, which were common to the entire Grand Duchy of Lithuania (hereinafter referred to as the "GDL"), and the specific contacts inherent to this domain only as well as the social formations created by these contacts apart from those determined by the estate-based society. The paper seeks to identify how far-reaching could have been and actually were the horizons of the contacts of the DB residents at the level of Biržai domain, the level of the GDL and the international level. The research of the contacts maintained should be useful in answering the question of how the centres of public communication (estate, church, castle, town, etc) pursued their activities and what inherent characteristics defined them. Finally, the analysis of social communication may provide background for discussing cultural contacts and interactions in future. Major problematic concepts employed in the research are communication and local society. The aim of the thesis is the analysis of communication of the DB society, which operated in the context of immediate institutional and social interaction. Following the remaining sources, the attempt is made to reconstruct the social structure of the DB and the social relations supporting it. The aspect of communication is chosen for the analysis as the manifestation of local processes evolving within the DB. The paper seeks to identify to what extent a certain communicative code of the DB society, i.e. a set of rules and mechanisms, which is standardized for that local community and thus allows the coexistence of its social groups and their adequate adjustment to one another, can be identified. The communicative code links all major communicative elements – the channel (forms), context (environment, settings) and participants. The sources do not allow the identification of the entire content and meanings of social communication but enables the reconstruction of its forms and structure. The relevancy of research of the society and communication of the Duchy of Biržai in the reign of the Radvilas during the period from 1589 to 1655 can be defined on the basis of at least four aspects. In a conceptual sense, the research is relevant as the venture in historical regionalistics oriented towards the knowledge about the entire, even if local, society. None of the local communities of the estate-owned domain of the GDL in the 16th–mid-17th centuries has been the object of a separate research up until now. It should be noted that the research deals with a relatively early, socially and ethno-confessionally heterogenic micro-society with limited references in historical sources. The objective of methodological individualism applying the micro-historic method is to encourage the identification of rules of social structure and its functioning out of the numerous similar research studies of local communities in future. The new aspect of research in this paper is the attempt to synthesise separate fields of historical acquisition (social, military, religious, economic, cultural fields). The conducted research may contribute to the search for the criteria of historical regionalisation. The novelty of the research reveals in the problematics under analysis (communication research). Attention paid to inter-group relations and social daily practices of those groups is not common in historiography. The communication research enables a better identification of the peculiar character of the society of the early New Ages and the context of the period and thus extends the information network of the 16th-17th century society. The results of research will be of use for the researchers engaged in social communication studies as the sample of communicative history stimulating the research of the systems of communication of other local communities. The factographical novelty of the research reflecting in the introduction of the new data into scientific circulation is worth mentioning as well. Numerous archival sources employed for the first time should supplement the historiographical depository of the Radvilas family and may encourage the research of other periods as well as create preconditions for writing the entire history of the DB (1547-1811) in future. In terms of the use of the new data, the paper may be found valuable and interesting for the researchers of the history of war, church, economy and society. Another relevant aspect of the paper is the fact that it contributes to the correction of inaccuracies of historical "myths" since the findings do not always confirm the tendencies of the GDL history documented in academic syntheses and historiography.