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In the mid-1970's rubber tapper leaders Chico Mendes and Wilson Pinheiro reformulated strategic objectives of the rubber tappers' movement, from protesting and denouncing violent dispossession of families and deforestation to defending rubber tappers' forest territories and diversified land use. This strategic turn laid the basis for the rubber tappers' transformation from a solely class-based union movement to one that incorporates a specific cultural identity associated with land and resource uses defined as opposed to the government-sponsored socio-environmentally destructive development model. The rubber tappers' conceptual transformation of "extractivism", from an archaic, outdated and primitive economic activity into an alternative for a modern, sustainable development model, based in their distinct culture, mirrored and paralleled the emergence of identity-based social movements globally. It also mirrored the re-emergence of "submerged" indigenous ethnicities and subsequent "ethnogenesis" of allegedly extinct or forgotten indigenous peoples, in both cases contrary to the assumptions and predictions of both policy and some anthropological theory. The rubber tappers' definition of extractive reserves as collective land rights – and access to technology, social services and markets on terms in some measure controlled by the communities – in exchange for environmental and forest protection enabled significant territorial gains (parallel to indigenous territories), as well as proliferation of extractive reserve analogues in both environmental and land reform policy. Alliances with indigenous peoples and environmentalists were central to the development of this vision. The model of collective rights, with access to technology, services and markets could have very broad applicability for poor populations globally, in light of climate change and other environmental crises, if at-scale incentives for climate change and other environmental mitigation can be created.

Configuring students as consumers and higher education as a commodity have been widely suggested as ways to empower students and improve efficiency. This critical autoethnography challenges the assumptions and implications of modeling education after free market economic principles. Personal perspectives on the promotion and tenure process, students confronting the marketplace, and exemplary mentoring accompany poetic reflections on market-infused university life.

Este artigo analisa a expansão do ensino superior nos países chamados BRICS. A aspiração crescente pelo ensino superior obriga os governos a gerir os custos de funcionamento desse sistema. As respostas de cada país variam com sua história, cultura e regime político. Todos eles enfrentam problemas semelhantes, como escassez de recursos e o poder político de atores do sistema de ensino superior e fora dele. Cinco dilemas se apresentam aos países: 1) expansão, igualdade de acesso e diversificação das matrículas, taxas de participação, o número e os tipos de instituições; 2) limitações financeiras; 3) regulação do ensino superior privado; 4) como fazer com que as instituições de ensino superior prestem mais contas a seus alunos, funcionários e à sociedade como um todo; e 5) qualidade e relevância social da aprendizagem e pesquisa em instituições de ensino superior. Utilizando dados e evidências das pesquisas mais recentes, o artigo mostra respostas comuns, com algumas exceções em cada caso: diversificação institucional; políticas de ação afirmativa; crescimento das matrículas nas ciências sociais, humanidades, profissões sociais e Educação; pouco sucesso nas políticas de internacionalização.