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Section I: Philosophical, Theoretical & Historical Overview Of The Responsibility To Protect -- Chapter I: Introduction -- Chapter II: Responsibility-to-Protect and a Tri-dimensional Methodology: Exploring the Epistemic-Morality of an Interventionist -- Chapter III: From Peacekeeping to the Responsibility to Protect: Unpacking the Genealogy and History of the RtoP Doctrine in the International Humanitarian System -- Section II: Theory & Practice Of The Responsibility To Protect In Africa -- Chapter IV: A Critical Reflection of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's Responsibility to Protect Intervention in Libya -- Chapter V: Horizontal Inequality - Armed Violence and the Responsibility to Protect in Africa: The Cote d'Ivoire Experience -- Chapter VI: Insurgency, Responsibility to Protect at the Expense of Local Protection in the Civilian Joint Task Force in the North-Eastern Region of Nigeria -- Chapter VII: The Sahel Region and the Dilemma of Civilian Protection: A Challenge to the Responsibility to Protect -- Chapter VIII: The Anglophone – Cameroon Conflict and the Responsibility to Protect -- Chapter IX: The Responsibility to Protect and International Community Response to the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria -- Chapter X: From Regionalization of Peacekeeping to the Responsibility to Protect in Africa: The Gambia Experience -- Chapter XI: The US Foreign Policy and the Responsibility to Protect in Africa -- Section III: Emerging & contending issues from the pratice of the responsibility to protect in africa -- Chapter XII: The African Union, Responsibility to Protect and the Mantra of African Solutions to African Problems -- Chapter XIII: Implementing the RtoP: Coordinating Approaches Between the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and the International Criminal Court (ICC) -- Chapter XIV: Peace Enforcement In The Face of International Military Intervention -- Chapter XV: The Media, Armed Conflict, and the Responsibility to Protect -- Chapter XVI: Exploring the Legal Discourse on the Practice of the Responsibility to Protect in Africa -- Chapter XVII: Responsibility to Protect and the Avoidance of the Responsibility: Ending Atrocity Crimes in Northern Nigeria -- Chapter XVIII: Environmental Challenges, Climate Change and the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) In Africa -- Section IV: Institutionalization, consolidation & prospects of the responsibility to protect in africa -- Chapter XIX: From the Sustainable Development Goal 16 to the African Union's Silencing the Guns Agenda: Why is it so Difficult to Achieve Sustainable Peace and Stability in Africa? -- Chapter XX: Can the Responsibility to Protect Doctrine Act as a Deterrent against Mass Atrocity and Human Rights Infringement in Africa? -- Chapter XXI: The Responsibility to Protect (RtoP): Norm Institutionalization, Issues, and Challenges -- Chapter XXII: Responsibility to Protect: From Contestation to Internationalization.

This book interrogates the nature of elections and election violence in African countries. It traces the causes of the governance menace to multiple factors that are not limited to poverty, unemployment, media etc. The book clearly documents how election violence cripples' nation building process across many African countries. Consequently, it reveals that states have lost their manifest destiny of national transformation in Africa because they cannot guarantee that legitimate candidates, who should win elections; will rise to power due, to the widespread manipulation of violence at all levels of electoral engineering. The chapters rely on the cases and changing dynamics of elections and electoral violence in the different Nigerian states. It traces the origins of elections, the nature and patterns of a number of past elections as well as the role of youths, judiciary, electoral umpire, social media, gender etc on the changing nature of elections in Nigeria. Dr Kelechi Johnmary Ani is a lecturer in the Department of History and Strategic Studies, Alex Ekwueme Federal University Ndufu-Alike, Ikwo, Ebonyi State, Nigeria. His areas of research include peace, conflict and African political history. He is currently a post doctoral research fellow in the School of Public Management, Governance and Public Policy, University of Johannesburg, South Africa and was a doctoral external examiner for the Graduate School of Business and Leadership, University of KwaZulu- Natal, South Africa. Prof Victor Ojakorotu, who currently Deputy Director, School of Government Studies, Mafikeng at North West University, Mafikeng, South Africa. His research interests are African Politics, Nigeria, Conflict and Peace, Environmental Politics and Security. He is widely published in internationally accredited academic journals on the vexing subject of the Niger Delta. Some of books he has published on the Niger Delta are Contending Issues in the Niger Delta of Nigeria, Fresh Dimensions on the Niger Delta Crisis of Nigeria, Checkmating the Resurgence of Oil Violence in the Niger Delta of Nigeria and Anatomy of the Niger Delta Crisis: Causes, Consequences and Opportunities for Peace.

Abstract
Despite the challenges that have greeted Responsibility to Protect (R2P) interventions in Africa, the need to authorise R2P remains compelling. Drawing from secondary sources, this study interrogates the R2P intervention in the Central African Republic (car) from within the frame of the 'consequentialism' and 'deontology' debate, contending issues, and the extent to which such interventions enhance or inhibit further institutionalisation of the doctrine. Though the existing peacekeeping mission – which was further amplified by the mobilisation of R2P via UN Security Council Resolution 2127 – reflects the deontological position of halting attacks against the civilian population, the emerging issues and relapse into deadly conflicts in the post-intervention era amplifies consequentialism's main criticisms. The study concludes that the R2P experience in car highlights the value of both theoretical positions. However, it is imperative for the consequentialist position to strengthen its arguments for civilian protection by considering the moral argument of the deontologist. This is key to improving armed intervention through the phases of planning, implementation, and post-intervention for the purposes of achieving sustainable peace.

Existing studies on the Myanmar-Rohingyan crisis have explored the contending issues from a narrow perspective. This underscores the need for broader engagement by interrogating the veracity of the claims of mass atrocities against the Rohingyans, nonauthorization of the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP), and implications for consolidating and internalizing the RtoP norm. This study argues that, while the acts of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and ethnic cleansing against the Rohingyans satisfies four of the crimes upon which RtoP can be authorized, its nonauthorization suggests that in spite of its commitment to "Never Again," the international community is yet to come to terms with issues bordering on mass atrocity and civilian protection. This inaction amidst widespread atrocities against the Rohingyans explains why the RtoP is not only contested, but also risks the chances of further nonutilization and institutionalization. Thus, the possibility that the RtoP would remain valuable depends on how the international criminal court and the global community prosecute those culpable of atrocities against the Rohingyans, adopt a clear rule of establishing when mass atrocity has been perpetuated and demand RtoP intervention, and ensure that these interventions are guided by the principle of Jus in Bellum and Jus ad Bello.

The Amnesty policy was devised by the Nigerian government to take-off militants from attacking oil pipelines in Niger-Delta. This was with the view to promoting development in the region. While studies have examined the influence of the Amnesty policy on the empowerment of repentant militants, little is known about how governance failure in the implementation of the policy provokes the formation of anti-state organizations and its contributions to development in the region. This research addresses this gap by examining the role of the Nigerian government in the implementation of the amnesty policy, and identify, if any, failure in the implementation of the policy, provokes the resurgence of anti-state organizations in the region. The study used a qualitative research design and findings indicated that the formation of the Niger-Delta Avengers; an anti-state organisation, was due to the government's inaction to effectively implement the amnesty policy as expected. Furthermore, results showed that the Nigerian government was more interested in protecting its oil pipelines and wells than the development of the area. The paper concludes that the Amnesty policy is a conduit pipe for corruption by successive representatives of Nigerian government.

History and memories of African liberation cannot be complete without the mention of some women who, through many means in many places, resisted colonialism, slavery and apartheid. Prominent amongst them are Funmilayo Kuti of Nigeria, Muthoni wa Kirima of Kenya and Miriam Makeba of South Africa who all engaged in different resistance politics in ensuring that Africa was liberated. Using the life history approach, this paper takes a behavioural exploration into the similarities and distinctions in their politics, with a view to making certain generalizations considered useful for the final journey of African liberation currently being embarked upon: Decolonization. One generalization is that certain socialization patterns aided the success of these women's struggles. The other is that the different means and environments of their resistance notwithstanding, the trio of Kuti, wa Kirima and Makeba took advantage of some intertwined dominant global ideas to command local and international supports. We recommend that today's girls and women of Africa should explore both of these for achieving their diversified individual goals while at the same time emphasising the indivisibility and final liberation of Africa.

The role of Nigeria in conflict resolution and peacekeeping efforts in Africa and other parts of the world cannot be overemphasised. The country has contributed more than 200,000 soldiers to peacekeeping missions around the world since independence. These efforts have earned it much respect in the council of nations and the recognition as being the 'giant of Africa'. Also, Nigeria has been regarded as a 'regional hegemon' by some scholars because of its population size, comparatively large economic and human resources, and a bigger and well-equipped armed forces, equal in numerical strength to the armed forces of all the other countries in West Africa combined. The country played a very important role at spearheading the formation of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Ceasefire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) in the 1990s. It has contributed the highest fund in defraying the costs of ECOMOG deployment to Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea-Bissau, Cote d'Ivoire and Mali. This study analyses the hegemonic tendencies of Nigeria in the sub-region of West Africa. It argues that although the country is the most populous and the biggest economy in the sub-region but it does not possess the military, economic and the international support to function as a hegemonic power in West Africa.