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The purpose of this study is to examine the premise that increased Internet access leads to higher levels of governmental transparency. In so doing, we assess the impact of geographic, demographic, socioeconomic, and institutional factors on governmental transparency in 816 out of 1055 counties in the twelve Midwestern states. The findings from the most extensive ordered logistic model show that total land area, population density, percentage of minority population, educational attainment, and the council–manager form of government are statistically associated with higher levels of government transparency at the county level via the Internet.

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Examines whether the increased presence ("descriptive representation") of African-American lawmakers in the MI state legislature has actually made a difference in the operation of this body & in the policies that it has enacted into law, particularly those relevant to black issues. The ability of the Mississippi Black Caucus to "substantively" represent the black community is evaluated, drawing on official government statistics & newspaper accounts to analyze the roll-call voting of black & white Republicans & Democrats, 1980-2000. The proportion of black legislators chairing legislative committees or serving on important policy-relevant committees is also examined, along with their ability to form coalitions with white lawmakers. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Examines whether the increased presence ("descriptive representation") of African-American lawmakers in the MI state legislature has actually made a difference in the operation of this body & in the policies that it has enacted into law, particularly those relevant to black issues. The ability of the Mississippi Black Caucus to "substantively" represent the black community is evaluated, drawing on official government statistics & newspaper accounts to analyze the roll-call voting of black & white Republicans & Democrats, 1980-2000. The proportion of black legislators chairing legislative committees or serving on important policy-relevant committees is also examined, along with their ability to form coalitions with white lawmakers. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

AbstractThe debate over possible bias in the use of deadly force has recently been exacerbated by highly publicized killings of African American males around the country. While much research has been conducted examining police behavior, little has been done to investigate the impact of race on police behavior. This article aims to answer this question: are white police officers more likely to use lethal force on minority suspects or people of a specific race? To answer this question, the authors construct a data set of all confirmed uses of lethal force by police officers in the United States in 2014 and 2015. They find that although minority suspects are disproportionately killed by police, white officers appear to be no more likely to use lethal force against minorities than nonwhite officers.

Surveys African-American representation in the legislatures of 6 southern states -- AL, LA, NC, SC, TN, & VA -- for the period 1980-2000. Statistical data from various issues of Black Elected Officials: A National Roster & state legislative records are used to chart increases in the numbers of blacks in both the house & senate cambers of each state legislature; explore black leadership (particularly in terms of serving as committee chairs or vice-chairs); & determine the strength of black caucuses. Significant gains by African Americans in terms of descriptive representation (actual numbers) in the legislatures of each of these states are documented, though their gains in leadership status are less clear & vary by state; their future hopes of gaining such status range from "relatively positive" (LA & TN) to "bleak" (VA & SC). References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Summarizes this examination of African American presence & power in southern state legislatures, focusing on AK, FL, GA, MI, TX, during the last two decades of the 20th century. Gains in descriptive (actual numbers) & substantive (ability to adequately speak for the interests of black constituents) representation are compared. Also explored are the function & power of black caucuses; black coalitions with white legislators; black attainment of positions of power (chairpersonship of significant committees); & black voting patterns & their influence on policies, particularly those relevant to the black community. Despite regionwide patterns, there remains much interstate variation in both descriptive & substantive representation of southern African-American legislators; several factors related to each state's unique political culture that can explain these differences are explored. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Summarizes this examination of African American presence & power in southern state legislatures, focusing on AK, FL, GA, MI, TX, during the last two decades of the 20th century. Gains in descriptive (actual numbers) & substantive (ability to adequately speak for the interests of black constituents) representation are compared. Also explored are the function & power of black caucuses; black coalitions with white legislators; black attainment of positions of power (chairpersonship of significant committees); & black voting patterns & their influence on policies, particularly those relevant to the black community. Despite regionwide patterns, there remains much interstate variation in both descriptive & substantive representation of southern African-American legislators; several factors related to each state's unique political culture that can explain these differences are explored. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Surveys African-American representation in the legislatures of 6 southern states -- AL, LA, NC, SC, TN, & VA -- for the period 1980-2000. Statistical data from various issues of Black Elected Officials: A National Roster & state legislative records are used to chart increases in the numbers of blacks in both the house & senate cambers of each state legislature; explore black leadership (particularly in terms of serving as committee chairs or vice-chairs); & determine the strength of black caucuses. Significant gains by African Americans in terms of descriptive representation (actual numbers) in the legislatures of each of these states are documented, though their gains in leadership status are less clear & vary by state; their future hopes of gaining such status range from "relatively positive" (LA & TN) to "bleak" (VA & SC). References. K. Hyatt Stewart