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Olympic impact/legacy analysis as a research area has become a frequently discussed topic in the sociology of sport literature in general and in event management in particular since the 2000s. Although Olympic impact/legacy analysis has increased in volume, many studies still face methodological challenges (e.g. failure to adopt rigorous theoretical frameworks or overlooking additionality). The aim of this article is to unpack the logic of stakeholders in a critical evaluation of two London 2012 legacy programmes, critically reviewing the outcomes sought, and the actions adopted to achieve those outcomes, with reference to the concepts of programme theory, action theory and process tracing. We seek to redress the shortcomings of previous Olympic legacy claims which have failed to link theoretically informed accounts of the nature of Olympic-led/Olympic-inspired outcomes to explanations of the specific causal mechanisms that account for the generation of such outcomes.

pt. 1. Theoretical perspectives and methodologies -- pt. 2. Globalisation, governance, partnerships and networks in sport policy -- pt. 3. Elite sports policies -- pt. 4. Development, sport and joint policy agendas -- pt. 5. Social theory and sports policy

This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in International Journal of the History of Sport on 28/05/2015, available online: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/09523367.2015.1040223. ; One of the key features of the Olympic movement is its universalistic appeal, particularly in the sense that it has sought to establish itself as a platform for universal interaction and promotion of universal values. In this paper, we consider the nature, feasibility, and implications of the IOC's promotion of its universalist position in terms of the ethical standards it promotes in relation to universal principles of good governance. A major problem in this respect is the culturally diverse set of constituencies that are incorporated within the Olympic movement, such that the imposition of 'one size fits all' policies may be impractical and in many instances undesirable. The authors of this paper therefore argue that although universal agreement is often impractical, general agreement may often be established. The paper therefore presents an approach to balancing centrally promoted principles of good governance with local preferences in terms of the weighting to be given to particular values within the operationalization of good governance. This approach, based on the Analytic Hierarchy Process technique, developed by Thomas Saaty and widely employed in decision-making with regard to evaluating and weighting alternatives, is introduced here in the context of the evaluation of National Sport Federations in Iran. The paper highlights ways in which this technique allows for the expression of local priorities within the general framework of good governance principles in ways which satisfied both global and local priorities. In effect, it is a practical example of what Robertson has termed glocalization. The paper concludes by applying this framework to an evaluation of the National Federation (NF) of Football in Iran as an example of how this technique will be used for the purposes of ranking NFs in terms of performance with respect to elements of good governance which will inform both self-assessment by the NF and the decision-making process for allocation of funds by government to NFs in Iran in the future.

This article examines the clientelistic relations which underpinned the activities of the Greek state in the field of sports policy between 1981 and 1993. It focuses on aspects of the patronage that existed between the governments of the two major political parties and some of the national governing bodies (NGBs) that control specific sports. More specifically, the study analyses the forms of political patronage employed in support of sports organizations, the processes through which such patronage is exercised, and the impacts of such support on the budgets of particular NGBs. The study employed structured interviews with key national sporting and political figures and documentary analysis of budgets of NGBs. The article demonstrates how particular parties have systematically favoured certain NGBs when they have been in office. The article concludes with a review of reasons for the continued existence of clientelistic relationships in the contemporary context.

This paper reports the findings of the first stages of a research project which investigates the organisational structures of the National Governing Bodies of Sport (NGBs) in Britain and the strategic management styles which these organisations employ.

The authors evaluate the role of sport in the construction of a symbolic project for the city of Sheffield. They seek to illustrate that although in regime analyses, the ideological dimensions of the activities of regimes in urban governance are often neglected, regime approaches can provide appropriate frameworks through which to analyze the mobilizing of interests behind the development of a symbolic project, a new image for the city (as a city of sport). The authors conclude that the nature of postmodern politics is such that analysis of symbolic projects is key to understanding regime activity in deindustrializing urban contexts.

The aim of this article is to outline the manner in which the Pan-Arab Games reflect the tensions within the pan-Arab project of political and cultural unity. Within the movement there has been a traditional cleavage between those advocating the political unification between Arab states and those promoting inter-Arab-nation-state cooperation. The Pan-Arab Games were established by the League of Arab Nations in 1953 as means of expressing cultural unity between Arab peoples across nation-state boundaries. As an institution it is founded therefore on a philosophy of ethno-cultural group identity (based on race and language), rather than on territorial divisions (such as continental games) or philosophies of multi-culturalism and universalism (as is the case for the Olympic Games). The history of the Pan-Arab games has been fraught with difficulties, largely (though not exclusively) founded in the conflict between Israel and the Arab states, as well as the more recent wars in the Gulf and in Afghanistan. The article provides an historical analysis, identifying the implications of these conflicts and the associated divisions in the pan-Arab movement reflected in the recent history of the Games, in particular those held in the Lebanon in 1997 and in Jordan in 1999. It argues that the Games provide a useful lens through which to identify the contradictions of Arab nationalism and pan-Arabism.