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It is the sovereign's responsibility to bring prosperity, thus he is able to raise a tax, the proceeds of which enable him to maintain an army assigned to the defense of the kingdom. If nothing comes to stop the race this virtuous mechanism, this Circle of Justice, has a vocation to reproduce infinitely. The circle is omnipresent in the Iranian Mirrors of princes of the 11th and 12th centuries, and two of their most eminent specimens, the Sīyar al-Molūk and the Naṣīḥat al-Molūk capture in the Sasanid era a period when the rulers, elected by God and inhabited by justice, are instituted as models. The subsumed sequences of the circle actually predate the Sassanid period and, to keep us at Hammurabi of Babylon (1792-1750 BC), the "code" associated with it as a sovereign called by the gods to, pastor, bring prosperity and protection to the herd in his care. In this long history of the circle the role of the Sasanids will not have been negligible since it would have been their return to perpetuate the objectives assigned to them (prosperity and protection) through the royal treasury or tax. Would it be a product of royal ideology the circle deserves examination in that it testifies precisely to the time, the eras, which saw it invoked in principle of government. Our research thus proposed to identify references to the Circle of Justice during the Sasanid era, to re-establish them in their religious, political and social environments and to identify their scope, before following its evolutions in Iranian space during the first centuries of Islam until shortly before the Mongol invasion, a total of more than 9 centuries. ; Il incombe au souverain d'apporter la prospérité, il est ainsi à même de lever un impôt dont le produit lui permet d'entretenir une armée affectée à la défense du royaume. Si rien ne vient en enrayer la course ce mécanisme vertueux, ce Cercle de justice, a vocation à se reproduire à l'infini. Le cercle est omniprésent dans les Miroirs des princes iraniens des XIe et XIIe siècles et deux de leurs plus ...

It is the sovereign's responsibility to bring prosperity, thus he is able to raise a tax, the proceeds of which enable him to maintain an army assigned to the defense of the kingdom. If nothing comes to stop the race this virtuous mechanism, this Circle of Justice, has a vocation to reproduce infinitely. The circle is omnipresent in the Iranian Mirrors of princes of the 11th and 12th centuries, and two of their most eminent specimens, the Sīyar al-Molūk and the Naṣīḥat al-Molūk capture in the Sasanid era a period when the rulers, elected by God and inhabited by justice, are instituted as models. The subsumed sequences of the circle actually predate the Sassanid period and, to keep us at Hammurabi of Babylon (1792-1750 BC), the "code" associated with it as a sovereign called by the gods to, pastor, bring prosperity and protection to the herd in his care. In this long history of the circle the role of the Sasanids will not have been negligible since it would have been their return to perpetuate the objectives assigned to them (prosperity and protection) through the royal treasury or tax. Would it be a product of royal ideology the circle deserves examination in that it testifies precisely to the time, the eras, which saw it invoked in principle of government. Our research thus proposed to identify references to the Circle of Justice during the Sasanid era, to re-establish them in their religious, political and social environments and to identify their scope, before following its evolutions in Iranian space during the first centuries of Islam until shortly before the Mongol invasion, a total of more than 9 centuries. ; Il incombe au souverain d'apporter la prospérité, il est ainsi à même de lever un impôt dont le produit lui permet d'entretenir une armée affectée à la défense du royaume. Si rien ne vient en enrayer la course ce mécanisme vertueux, ce Cercle de justice, a vocation à se reproduire à l'infini. Le cercle est omniprésent dans les Miroirs des princes iraniens des XIe et XIIe siècles et deux de leurs plus ...

It is the sovereign's responsibility to bring prosperity, thus he is able to raise a tax, the proceeds of which enable him to maintain an army assigned to the defense of the kingdom. If nothing comes to stop the race this virtuous mechanism, this Circle of Justice, has a vocation to reproduce infinitely. The circle is omnipresent in the Iranian Mirrors of princes of the 11th and 12th centuries, and two of their most eminent specimens, the Sīyar al-Molūk and the Naṣīḥat al-Molūk capture in the Sasanid era a period when the rulers, elected by God and inhabited by justice, are instituted as models. The subsumed sequences of the circle actually predate the Sassanid period and, to keep us at Hammurabi of Babylon (1792-1750 BC), the "code" associated with it as a sovereign called by the gods to, pastor, bring prosperity and protection to the herd in his care. In this long history of the circle the role of the Sasanids will not have been negligible since it would have been their return to perpetuate the objectives assigned to them (prosperity and protection) through the royal treasury or tax. Would it be a product of royal ideology the circle deserves examination in that it testifies precisely to the time, the eras, which saw it invoked in principle of government. Our research thus proposed to identify references to the Circle of Justice during the Sasanid era, to re-establish them in their religious, political and social environments and to identify their scope, before following its evolutions in Iranian space during the first centuries of Islam until shortly before the Mongol invasion, a total of more than 9 centuries. ; Il incombe au souverain d'apporter la prospérité, il est ainsi à même de lever un impôt dont le produit lui permet d'entretenir une armée affectée à la défense du royaume. Si rien ne vient en enrayer la course ce mécanisme vertueux, ce Cercle de justice, a vocation à se reproduire à l'infini. Le cercle est omniprésent dans les Miroirs des princes iraniens des XIe et XIIe siècles et deux de leurs plus ...

It is the sovereign's responsibility to bring prosperity, thus he is able to raise a tax, the proceeds of which enable him to maintain an army assigned to the defense of the kingdom. If nothing comes to stop the race this virtuous mechanism, this Circle of Justice, has a vocation to reproduce infinitely. The circle is omnipresent in the Iranian Mirrors of princes of the 11th and 12th centuries, and two of their most eminent specimens, the Sīyar al-Molūk and the Naṣīḥat al-Molūk capture in the Sasanid era a period when the rulers, elected by God and inhabited by justice, are instituted as models. The subsumed sequences of the circle actually predate the Sassanid period and, to keep us at Hammurabi of Babylon (1792-1750 BC), the "code" associated with it as a sovereign called by the gods to, pastor, bring prosperity and protection to the herd in his care. In this long history of the circle the role of the Sasanids will not have been negligible since it would have been their return to perpetuate the objectives assigned to them (prosperity and protection) through the royal treasury or tax. Would it be a product of royal ideology the circle deserves examination in that it testifies precisely to the time, the eras, which saw it invoked in principle of government. Our research thus proposed to identify references to the Circle of Justice during the Sasanid era, to re-establish them in their religious, political and social environments and to identify their scope, before following its evolutions in Iranian space during the first centuries of Islam until shortly before the Mongol invasion, a total of more than 9 centuries. ; Il incombe au souverain d'apporter la prospérité, il est ainsi à même de lever un impôt dont le produit lui permet d'entretenir une armée affectée à la défense du royaume. Si rien ne vient en enrayer la course ce mécanisme vertueux, ce Cercle de justice, a vocation à se reproduire à l'infini. Le cercle est omniprésent dans les Miroirs des princes iraniens des XIe et XIIe siècles et deux de leurs plus ...

It is the sovereign's responsibility to bring prosperity, thus he is able to raise a tax, the proceeds of which enable him to maintain an army assigned to the defense of the kingdom. If nothing comes to stop the race this virtuous mechanism, this Circle of Justice, has a vocation to reproduce infinitely. The circle is omnipresent in the Iranian Mirrors of princes of the 11th and 12th centuries, and two of their most eminent specimens, the Sīyar al-Molūk and the Naṣīḥat al-Molūk capture in the Sasanid era a period when the rulers, elected by God and inhabited by justice, are instituted as models. The subsumed sequences of the circle actually predate the Sassanid period and, to keep us at Hammurabi of Babylon (1792-1750 BC), the "code" associated with it as a sovereign called by the gods to, pastor, bring prosperity and protection to the herd in his care. In this long history of the circle the role of the Sasanids will not have been negligible since it would have been their return to perpetuate the objectives assigned to them (prosperity and protection) through the royal treasury or tax. Would it be a product of royal ideology the circle deserves examination in that it testifies precisely to the time, the eras, which saw it invoked in principle of government. Our research thus proposed to identify references to the Circle of Justice during the Sasanid era, to re-establish them in their religious, political and social environments and to identify their scope, before following its evolutions in Iranian space during the first centuries of Islam until shortly before the Mongol invasion, a total of more than 9 centuries. ; Il incombe au souverain d'apporter la prospérité, il est ainsi à même de lever un impôt dont le produit lui permet d'entretenir une armée affectée à la défense du royaume. Si rien ne vient en enrayer la course ce mécanisme vertueux, ce Cercle de justice, a vocation à se reproduire à l'infini. Le cercle est omniprésent dans les Miroirs des princes iraniens des XIe et XIIe siècles et deux de leurs plus ...

COVER -- TITLE PAGE -- ORIGINS OF THE SAVARAN -- SASSANIAN ARMY ORGANIZATION AND REFORMS -- COSTUMES, INSIGNIA, AND COATS OF ARMS -- SUPPORT AND AUXILIARY TROOPS -- SAVARAN DEVELOPMENT, DEPLOYMENT, AND TACTICS -- THE SAVARAN IN BATTLE -- SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY AND FURTHER READING -- THE PLATES -- INDEX -- IMPRINT.

The representation of legitimacy in Sassanian coins (Kavad I and Zamasp eras)In each era, social, cultural and political aspects, and their changes have a prominent role on the creation of the Governmental artworks that tries to act as a public media to show their power and legitimacy trends. This study wishes to survey the symbols of Sassanian coins and the role of this visual media from the power and legitimacy point of view during Kavad I (r. 488-531 AD) and Zamasp (r. 496-499 AD) eras, as a challenging period of the Sassanid dynasty. We try to show how Sassanid kings used artworks, especially coins, because of their spreads to transfer their legitimacy messages, thus they used it as the most principal media to show the power and its changes to publics. The result shows the changes during the first reign of Kavad I and after his deposing by clergies due to supporting the Mazdakites doctrine, raise of Zamasp to the throne and the second reign of Kavad I that they used various icons and symbols rooted in Zoroastrian beliefs to show their power and legitimacy according to condition changes. The emphasis of Kavad I on astrologic signs as the symbol of charisma and, in contrast, the representation of Zamasp, the successor of Kavad I after deposing, in the form of receiving diadem as a sign of his superiority and power, and the reuse of traditional symbols of legitimacy by Kavad I in the combination of diadem as the representation of his legitimacy after his second reign are some documents of visual changes of this challenging period. Wizerunkowa legitymizacja władzy na monetach Sasanidów (za Kavada i za I Zamaspa)W każdej epoce zmienne czynniki społeczne, kulturowe i polityczne mają istotne znaczenie dla tworzenia dzieł sztuki, które w sferze publicznej mają się stać nośnikiem legitymizowania przez sprawujących rządy ich władzy politycznej. Celem niniejszego studium jest zbadanie symboli przedstawionych na monetach bitych przez władców z dynastii Sasanidów i ich roli jako medium wizualnego w legitymizowaniu władzy w trudnym dla Sasanidów okresie za panowania Kawada I (488-531) i Zamaspa (496-499). Chcemy pokazać, w jaki sposób obaj królowie sasanidzcy w przekazie społecznym wykorzystywali dzieła sztuki, przede wszystkim monety, jako podstawowe medium dla ugruntowania legitymizowanych zmian na tronie. W rezultacie podjętych badań ustalono, że wobec zmiany sytuacji w pierwszym okresie panowania Kawada I i po jego obaleniu przez kapłanów z powodu wspierania przez króla nauk Mazdaka, po osadzeniu na tronie Zamaspa i w czasie drugiego panowania Kawada I wykorzystywane były różne wizerunki i symbole, zakorzenione w zaratusztranizmie, po to by umocnić władców i legitymizować ich władzę, adekwatnie do zachodzących zmian. Podkreślenie przez Kawada I roli znaków astrologicznych jako symbolu charyzmy, z drugiej zaś strony przedstawienie wizerunku Zamaspa – następcy usuniętego z tronu Kawada – jako tego, który otrzymuje diadem na znak jego zwierzchności i władzy, jak też ponowne wykorzystanie przez Kawada I tradycyjnych symboli legitymizacji w powiązaniu z diademem wyobrażającym go jako prawowitego władcę w drugim okresie jego panowania – to niektóre ze świadectw dokumentujących przemiany wizerunkowe w okresie trudnych wyzwań.

Este artículo toma como punto de partida diferentes teorías sobre el pensamiento, en especial las que James George Frazer esbozó en La Rama Dorada. Por esta vía, se busca dar protagonismo a ciertos aspectos de la historia de la Persia sasánida que, al ser analizados a través de estas teorías, muestran el impacto que tuvieron las creencias primitivas. Eran unos credos que influyeron en muchos aspectos de su vida, pero en este estudio solo mostramos su papel en las órdenes o decisiones, victorias, fracasos y sueños de los sasánidas que influyeron, de manera sustancial, en su política interior y exterior ; This article uses various theories that exist about thought, especially the theories of James George Frazer in the Golden Branch as a turning point. In this way, it tries to give prominence to the certain aspects of the history of sassanid Persia, which after analyzing through these theories, they show the impact of primitive beliefs in Sassanid age. Creeds that affected in many aspects of their lives, but in this research we only show their role in the commands or decisions, victories, defeats and dreams of the Sassanids that substantially had influenced their domestic and foreign policies. ; Dieser Artikel baut auf verschiedenen Theorien des Denkens auf, insbesondere auf denjenigen die von James George Frazer in Der Goldene Zweig dargelegt wurden. Auf diese Art und Weise sollen bestimmte Aspekte der Geschichte des persischen Sassanidenreiches hervorgehoben werden, welche durch eine derartige Analyse die Auswirkungen primitiver Glaubensformen veranschaulichen. Diese Glaubensformen beeinflussten viele Bereiche des alltäglichen Lebens. In dieser Studie zeigen wir allerdings ausschließlich ihre Rolle in den Befehlen oder Entscheidungen, Siegen, Niederlagen und Träumen der Sassaniden auf, welche wiederum einen wesentlichen Einfluss auf deren Innen- und Außenpolitik hatten.

Feudalism -- Iran- History ; Despotism -- Iran ; Sassanids ; Iran -- History -- To 640

This paper analyzes the function of historiography in the formation of religious identity in Late Antique Iran. The main focus will be the models of Church-State relation generated by the East-syriac historiography of the Fifth and Sixth Centuries. First we will concentrate in the different ways in which the modern Historians characterized the place of the Church in the Sasanian religious and political Order. Secondly, we will consider some models of kingship produced by the Christian Historians of the Sasanian Empire. These models, far from expressing the actual marginality of the Christian community, revealed the tensions generated by the building of religious barriers (Christina/pagan, Orthodox/Heretic) in a World characterized by ambiguity. To sum up, these models were ways of representing specifically Christian pattern of authority and identity related to the particular conditions of the Iranian Society. ; Para acceder al Dossier utilice el link: http://revistascientificas.filo.uba.ar/index.php/AcHAM/article/view/2655 ; El propósito de este trabajo será analizar el papel del discurso histórico en la constitución de las identidades religiosas en el mundo iranio tardoantiguo. El eje de análisis estará centrado en los modelos de relación entre monarquía e Iglesia generado por la historiografía cristiana en lengua siríaca producida entre los siglos V y VI. El objetivo será doble. En primer lugar, haremos un breve esbozo de las diferentes maneras en que la historiografía moderna ha definido el lugar de la Iglesia en el orden social y político sasánida. En segundo lugar, consideraremos algunos modelos de monarquía generados en la literatura producida por la historiografía cristiana del Imperio sasánida. Dichos modelos, lejos de representar una marginalidad efectiva de la comunidad cristiana, expresaban las tensiones generadas en torno a la constitución de barreras confesionales (cristiano/pagano, ortodoxo/hereje) en un mundo caracterizado por múltiples ambigüedades. En concreto, esos modelos funcionaban como ...

This paper analyzes the function of historiography in the formation of religious identity in Late Antique Iran. The main focus will be the models of Church-State relation generated by the East-syriac historiography of the Fifth and Sixth Centuries. First we will concentrate in the different ways in which the modern Historians characterized the place of the Church in the Sasanian religious and political Order. Secondly, we will consider some models of kingship produced by the Christian Historians of the Sasanian Empire. These models, far from expressing the actual marginality of the Christian community, revealed the tensions generated by the building of religious barriers (Christina/pagan, Orthodox/Heretic) in a World characterized by ambiguity. To sum up, these models were ways of representing specifically Christian pattern of authority and identity related to the particular conditions of the Iranian Society. ; El propósito de este trabajo será analizar el papel del discurso histórico en la constitución de las identidades religiosas en el mundo iranio tardoantiguo. El eje de análisis estará centrado en los modelos de relación entre monarquía e Iglesia generado por la historiografía cristiana en lengua siríaca producida entre los siglos V y VI. El objetivo será doble. En primer lugar, haremos un breve esbozo de las diferentes maneras en que la historiografía moderna ha definido el lugar de la Iglesia en el orden social y político sasánida. En segundo lugar, consideraremos algunos modelos de monarquía generados en la literatura producida por la historiografía cristiana del Imperio sasánida. Dichos modelos, lejos de representar una marginalidad efectiva de la comunidad cristiana, expresaban las tensiones generadas en torno a la constitución de barreras confesionales (cristiano/pagano, ortodoxo/hereje) en un mundo caracterizado por múltiples ambigüedades. En concreto, esos modelos funcionaban como mecanismos de construcción y representación de patrones específicamente cristianos de autoridad e identidad acomodados a las condiciones de la sociedad irania.