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While much of our attention has focused on the demographic changes that attend immigration, less attention has been paid to how immigration is affecting the politics of host societies. This dissertation examines why immigrants participate in their host countries' politics at different rates even when they face common institutional and linguistic barriers. While non-naturalized immigrants are often barred from voting and standing for office, they sometimes participate in less conventional ways. They may, for example, volunteer, sign petitions, and participate in boycotts and protests.Their participation rates in such activities, however, vary dramatically across countries, regions,and even within immigrant cohorts. Even after accounting for diversity in their socioeconomic backgrounds and the integration contexts in which they reside, immigrants must often overcome substantial linguistic and logistical challenges in order to participate in these activities, particularly in the years immediately following their arrival. Likewise, even when immigrants are interested in host-country politics, the high cost of participation might encourage them to "pass the buck" to earlier arrivals, immigrant leaders, or natives possessing superior knowledge and resources. Indeed, it remains unclear to date why some immigrants integrate into their host countries' politics more fully than others despite these constraints.Scholars have proposed a number of theories addressing variation in immigrants' host country political participation, emphasizing factors such as host countries' integration policies, the density of immigrants' social networks, and immigrants' political socialization. To date, however, substantial differences across immigrants remain unexplained even upon accounting for these factors.This dissertation examines the covariates of immigrants' host-country participation. I argue that, all else equal, immigrants perceiving linked fate— a sense that their life chances are tied to those of others—are more likely than others to participate in their host countries' politics. Specifically, I extend and generalize U.S. theories of linked fate to immigrants in Europe, arguing that linked fate can enhance such individuals' political efficacy—their belief that they can have an impact on politics, either individually or through their groups—and facilitate their mobilization.To test these hypotheses, I conducted an original survey of 613 first-generation immigrants from Italy and Turkey in three Swiss cantons with significantly different integration policies. I find that individuals perceiving linked fate with other immigrants on the basis of their foreign origins may be more likely than others to engage in Swiss politics. Likewise, Sunni Muslims perceiving linked fate with other Muslims may participate in politics more often than other Sunnis. In addition, I find preliminary evidence that linked fate increases political participation by increasing immigrants' probability of in-group mobilization and enhancing their sense of internal efficacy—the sense that they understand how to participate in politics.To my knowledge, this dissertation represents the first comparative analysis of the relationship between immigrants' linked fate and host-country political behavior in continental Europe. My findings challenge the predominant hypothesis that immigrants identifying with minority ethnic or religious groups participate in host-country politics to improve their self-esteem. They are also robust to variations in immigrants' origins, socioeconomic characteristics, and the integration contexts in which they reside. Ultimately, this dissertation suggests that the linked fate concept provides important insight into how immigrants' identities shape their political incorporation.

Societies and communities with relevant number of immigrants are subjected in the long-term to deep structural re-organization processes which might provide for the re-distribution of power at both local and central levels, to a re-organization of existing elites and their influence and the emergence of new elites, as well as for the emergence of new order. Our approach has been inspired by the Brexit scenario as a key complexity context of how the issue of immigrants has been involved in the political party competition in UK. The history of the rise and decay of the UKIP party (Allchorn and Evans, 2018; Evans, Gould and Norman, 2019) for almost two decades since 1993 when it has been founded (Hunt, 2014), has been therefore considered as a typical scenario for the emergence of relevant changes in the UK society and polity as a host for immigrants. UK model of immigrant integration has been considered for decades as the best amongst the integration models in several other countries of Europe like France, Germany and Netherlands which are immigration target countries. Nonetheless, UK has shocked the world when a majority of the British people voted Brexit and revealed deep concerns with immigration. Our approach is aimed at modelling the changes induced by the immigration issues when involved in elections and party competition as a means to reveal the role played by the immigration in the emergence of complex changes in the host polity. Such complex changes emerge as a long-term side-effect of political power (re)distribution in a host society and polity and reveal the dimensions of society and polity structural change and re-organization processes because of political party competition, elections, political power distribution in the Government and political elites' dynamics. The Artificial Polity Model is employed in the simulation of the political organizations facing deep structural changes. Simulation modelling has been based on the case studies of UKIP history and Brexit.

International audience ; The spectacular nature of the migration crisis in 2011 can undoubtedly be seen as a singular and exceptional episode. It was in fact an important, though somewhat spasmodic, element in the migration policy followed over the last twenty years between Europe and North Africa.To support this hypothesis, this article will review the issues involved in readmission agreements between EU Member States and North African countries as a way of controlling migration, after a discussion of dual migratory flows that are on the increase: illegal departures towards Europe and the arrival of a Sub-Saharan population in North Africa since the 1990s. In addition, it will attempt to analyse the reinforcement of migratory controls in North Africa which were set up in 2003 when the EU decided to fix its external borders through the integration of new members. In addition to participating in the policy for cooperation over border controls and humanitarian aid, North African countries were now part of a wider – Mediterranean-wide – process as they found themselves becoming countries of destination and transit for populations from the South. Today, as work begins on drafting new constitutions, some of these countries, such as Tunisia, are reflecting on the terms of new national legislation on the rights of refugees.

INTERACT - Researching Third Country Nationals' Integration as a Three-way Process - Immigrants, Countries of Emigration and Countries of Immigration as Actors of Integration ; The fulltext pdfs are available upon request to migration@EUI.eu during the embargo period (until 6 October 2019) ; This paper aims at exploring how countries of origin can affect migrants' socio-cultural integration in multicultural European societies. Socio-cultural integration is considered through the lenses of different kinds of social interactions between migrants and host society namely: intermarriages, interethnic friendship, interethnic relations in workplaces, and encounters in the neighbourhood. The literature review highlighted that these social interactions prove to depend on a multiplicity of factors related mainly to the destination country (such as residential segregation, degree of racism and acceptance, opportunities for encounters and neighbourhood effects) and of individual factors related to the migrant (such as demographic characteristics, migration trajectory and length of residence and work position). The impact of countries of origin and transnational links is more difficult to assess considering that little research has directly dealt with the issue. However, the paper shows that some non-state actors such as family members and some state-actors such as Ministries or consulates, may have an influence on the social interactions of emigrants abroad even though this influence can be indirect. The paper tries to map actors and related actions including very specific cases like family pressure to discourage intermarriage or broader ones through programmes targeting diaspora which may have an empowerment effect on emigrants and thus foster their socio-cultural integration. Finally, through the paper, some specific case studies on transnational ties and integration are presented and several hypotheses and questions for further research are highlighted. ; INTERACT is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union.