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THE AUTHOR HERE SUGGEST THAT IF ONE SEEKS SOCIAL JUSTICE HE IS STRUGGLING, CONSCIOUSLY OR UNCONSCIOUSLY, AGAINST THE LOGIC OF CAPITALISM. IMPLICIT IN THE IDEAL OF SOCIAL JUSTICE IS A DIFFERENT TYPE OF ECONOMIC SYSTEM, ONE WHICH EXISTS NOWHERE IN THE WORLD AT THIS TIME. AS MARK ENVISIONED, THE FALSE NATURE OF CAPITALISM WILL BE REVEALED OVER TIME. MARK LOOKED TO THE EMERGENCE OF NEW RELATIONS BETWEEN PEOPLE IN PRODUCTION, TO A SOCIETY CHARACTERIZED BY THE ASSOCIATION OF FREE AND EQUAL PRODUCERS.

A rapidly accelerating phase of capitalism based on asymmetrical personal data accumulation poses significant concerns for democratic societies, yet the concepts used to understand and challenge practices of dataveillance are insufficient or poorly elaborated. Against a backdrop of growing corporate power enabled by legal lethargy and the secrecy of the personal data industry, this paper makes explicit how the practices inherent to what Shoshana Zuboff calls 'surveillance capitalism' are threats to social justice, based on the normative principle that they prevent parity of participation in social life. This paper draws on Nancy Fraser's theory of 'abnormal justice' to characterize the separation of people from their personal data and its accumulation by corporations as an economic injustice of maldistribution. This initial injustice is also the key mechanism by which further opaque but significant forms of injustice are enabled in surveillance capitalism—sociocultural misrecognition which occurs when personal data are algorithmically processed and subject to categorization, and political misrepresentation which renders people democratically voiceless, unable to challenge misuses of their data. In situating corporate dataveillance practices as a threat to social justice, this paper calls for more explicit conceptual development of the social harms of asymmetrical personal data accumulation and analytics, and more hopefully, attention to the requirements needed to recast personal data as an agent of equality rather than oppression.

Triumphant capitalism seems nowadays to be a fact of nature, requiring no name and admitting, as Margaret Thatcher famously put it, of "no alternative." Neither American Capitalism nor Transcending Capitalism shrinks from "naming the system," as perplexed New Leftists once struggled to do when trying to articulate their own alternative. But having named it, neither book takes as its primary task to define or fully describe that economic and sociocultural system. Rather, both are concerned principally with how twentieth-century American intellectuals, broadly construed, oriented and addressed themselves to the idea of capitalism in light of their respective historical moments' shifting economic and social realities. Some reformist thinkers came to deny the efficacy of "capitalism" for describing a political–economic order which they believed to be rapidly passing away; their rivals to the right, meanwhile, mounted a reinvigorated defense of the term and its classical implications. While Daniel Bell announced in his 1960 essay on "The End of Ideology in the West" that post-World War II intellectuals had achieved a "rough consensus" on the desirability of the welfare state and political pluralism, the essays in American Capitalism suggest a more complicated picture. The "age of consensus," that favorite punching bag of recent historians of the United States, takes a few more ritual knocks in the Lichtenstein volume. But the book's essays, in conjunction with Howard Brick's monograph, do establish that the lively discourse on the future of American society which proceeded in the aftermath of World War II was also part of a continuous debate that ran across most of the century's course. Bell suggested one theme of that debate when he argued that Western intellectuals must turn their attention away from political economy in order to address "the stultifying aspects of contemporary culture," which could not be adequately framed in traditional right-versus-left terms. If Bell's generation, along with the younger New Left thinkers who were soon to appear, found the contradictions of capitalism to be decreasingly pressing, they would find sufficient challenge when they engaged instead with the knotty social and cultural issues of modern America.

Cover -- Frontmatter -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Social Democracy as a Historical Phenomenon -- The Decision to Participate -- Democratic Capitalism and Political Participation -- Electoral Participation and Class Organization -- The Promise of Elections -- Social Democracy and the Working Class -- The Electoral Dilemma -- Reform and Revolution -- Economic Projects and Political Realities -- The Compromise -- The Abandonment of Reformism -- Economic Bases of Class Compromise -- Social Democracy and Socialism -- Proletariat into a Class: The Process of Class Formation -- Introduction -- Scientific Socialism as of 1890 -- Who Are the "Proletarians"? -- Proletarianization and Class Structure -- And Where to Fit the "Middle Class"? -- The Process of Class Formation -- Democratic Capitalism and the Organization of Workers as a Class -- Conflicts About Class -- Surplus Labor and the "Middle Class" -- Conclusion -- Postscript: Methodological Individualism and the Concept of Class -- Party Strategy, Class Organization, and Individual Voting -- Political Parties and the Voting Behavior of Individuals -- The Dilemma of Class-Based Parties -- The Electoral Trade-Off -- Party Strategies and Their Consequences -- Choice and Necessity -- Are Socialist Leaders Vote-Maximizers? -- Historical Patterns of Class Voting -- Further Evidence -- Conclusion -- Appendix -- Material Bases of Consent -- Introduction -- Capitalism, Hegemony, and Democracy -- Reproduction of Consent of Wage-Earners -- Accumulation and Legitimation -- Conjunctures and Crises -- Breakdown of Consent and Force -- Material Interests, Class Compromise, and the State -- Introduction -- The Problem Defined -- The Form of Class Compromise -- Conditions of Class Compromise -- Beyond Capitalism -- Class Conflict and the State -- Democratic Capitalism at the Crossroads.

"Capitalism and its Critics offers an accessible account of major theories of capitalism from the industrial revolution to the present day. The book provides a comprehensive account of the economic and social thought of key theorists from Adam Smith and Karl Marx to David Harvey and Thomas Piketty. Capitalism has long been the subject of passionate debate, and today such contestations are perhaps more timely than ever. For its advocates, capitalism brings democracy and freedom and is the cornerstone of modernity and of progress. For its critics, capitalism is based on the exploitation of labour and is responsible for the destruction of the environment as well as colonialism. Whether capitalism survives the century, or whether an alternative social system emerges, may very well determine the fate of humanity. Capitalism and its Critics gives a comprehensive critical analysis of the most important theorists of capitalism, including Adam Smith, Karl Marx, Max Weber, Joseph Schumpeter, Karl Polanyi, F.A. Hayek, J.M. Keynes, David Harvey, and Thomas Piketty. The book discusses some of the main debates about capitalism and considers alternatives in the twenty-first century. The twelve chapters are loosely chronologically organised around the main approaches and historical phases in the history of capitalism. Central themes of the book are the ideas of capitalist crisis and of tensions between democracy and capitalism in the making of modernity. A highly readable, informative and engaging text, Capitalism and its Critics is essential reading for anyone interested in understanding capitalism and its alternatives"--

This is the final version of the article. Available from the publisher via the link in this record. ; A rapidly accelerating phase of capitalism based on asymmetrical personal data accumulation poses significant concerns for democratic societies, yet the concepts used to understand and challenge practices of dataveillance are insufficient or poorly elaborated. Against a backdrop of growing corporate power enabled by legal lethargy and the secrecy of the personal data industry, this paper makes explicit how the practices inherent to what Shoshana Zuboff calls 'surveillance capitalism' are threats to social justice, based on the normative principle that they prevent parity of participation in social life. This paper draws on Nancy Fraser's theory of 'abnormal justice' to characterize the separation of people from their personal data and its accumulation by corporations as an economic injustice of maldistribution. This initial injustice is also the key mechanism by which further opaque but significant forms of injustice are enabled in surveillance capitalism—sociocultural misrecognition which occurs when personal data are algorithmically processed and subject to categorization, and political misrepresentation which renders people democratically voiceless, unable to challenge misuses of their data. In situating corporate dataveillance practices as a threat to social justice, this paper calls for more explicit conceptual development of the social harms of asymmetrical personal data accumulation and analytics, and more hopefully, attention to the requirements needed to recast personal data as an agent of equality rather than oppression.