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"In the service of peace" : reflexive multilateralism and the Canadian experience in Bosnia / Erin Carrière, Marc O'Reilly, and Richard Vengroff -- British attitudes towards the Bosnian situation / Robert J. Wybrow -- U.S. public opinion on intervention in Bosnia / Steven Kull and Clay Ramsay -- Raison d'état or raison populaire? the influence of public opinion on France's Bosnia policy / Marc Morjé Howard and Lise Morjé Howard -- Russian decision-making regarding Bosnia : indifferent public and feuding elites / Eric Shiraev and Deone Terrio -- Massacring in front of a blind audience? Italian public opinion and Bosnia / Paolo Bellucci and Pierangelo Isernia -- Innocence lost : the Netherlands and the Yugoslav conflict / Philip Everts -- German public opinion and the crisis in Bosnia / Karin Johnston -- Public opinion and the Bosnia crisis : a conclusion / Eric Shiraev and Richard Sobel

Peace in the Middle East is the ever-elusive holy grail of diplomacy, a goal that much of the wider world fervently wishes to achieve. Modern efforts to achieve a formal, broad-based set of peace treaties between Israel and its various Arab neighbors, as well as a solution to the Palestinian homeland question, have ultimately foundered after some early promise and hard-won negotiating breakthroughs. Entrenched political interests, lack of good faith and mutual trust, domestic security concerns, and popular opposition have generated headwinds and a blame game too powerful to overcome. The full range of proposals, opinions, and analysis across the long history of the peace effort is contained here, allowing readers to survey the process and evaluate its competing agendas and debates

Armed groups have played a predominant role in the violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law committed in conflict settings. The increase in the number of non-international armed conflicts during the past decades has emphasised the need to address the multiple legal challenges posed by the actions of armed groups. In particular, there is considerable uncertainty regarding the framework of responsibility for armed groups in international law. While much has been written regarding their international (primary) obligations, the possibility of developing a responsibility framework for armed groups under international law has been underexplored. Consequently, the aim of this book is to examine how the principles of international responsibility could be developed and adjusted to account for armed groups as collective entities.00This general aim has been divided into three specific objectives. First, the book analyses the concept of responsibility in international law and assesses the legal and practical reasons in favour of developing such a regime for armed groups. Second, it examines the viability of establishing a responsibility regime for armed groups based on rules of attribution. Third, it explores the possible legal consequences of responsibility applicable to armed groups, with a particular focus on the obligation to provide reparations to victims. In doing so, this book will argue that certain non-traditional sources of international law could be used to interpret and adapt international law to the current conditions of contemporary armed conflict

Three decades have passed since the beginning of the war, which ravaged Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), and the state finds itself once again in the quagmire of partitioning. In terms of high diplomacy, it is described as the worst crisis since the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement (1995), which still needs to be consolidated and fully legitimised. The international document that stopped the bloodshed and, at the same time, plunged the state into a tortuous citizenship abyss made of political contradictions, together with an institutional framework instrumentalised as a fertile ground for stabilitocracy and geostrategic influence games. The war in Ukraine has revived the international community's interest in BiH, forcing it to take firmer stances. This article aims to analyse the recent events in BiH and the European Union (EU)'s strategy in light of its complex relationship based on coherence and inconsistency and the idea of security. The research questions whether the EU will take advantage of the lessons learned in the bloody nineties to resolve frozen conflicts. Answers are provided through an argumentative research design comprising a qualitative analysis of the institutional structure of BiH and the review of the interrelationships between the state and the triggers of local, regional and international instability with a special focus on the EU. The Ukraine scenario shows how quickly frozen conflicts start burning.

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to examine individual differences in the susceptibility to pluralistic ignorance of avoidance among Japanese by measuring the value of social harmony.Design/methodology/approachTwo studies were conducted to examine the effects of a concern for social harmony on pluralistic ignorance of conflict avoidance among Japanese, hypothesizing that the pluralistic ignorance of avoidance will occur more frequently among those with a low regard for the value of social harmony than those with a high regard.FindingsConsistent with the hypothesis, pluralistic ignorance occurred only among Japanese participants with a low regard for the value of social harmony and not among those who valued it highly.Originality/valueThese findings suggest that those who have a different stance from the cultural value feel a normative pressure by the biased perception of others' behavior due to pluralistic ignorance, which, as a result, works to preserve the predominant cultural value.

Sovereign states remain the primary units of analysis in conflict research. Yet, the empirical record suggests that the international system includes a wider range of actors whose behavior is relevant for conflict outcomes. This article introduces De Facto States in International Politics (1945-2011), a new data set dedicated to understanding the behavior of de facto states-separatist statelike entities such as Abkhazia. I begin by explaining why de facto states deserve attention. Further, I provide a definition of the de facto state that separates it from cognate phenomena. Thereafter, I offer an overview of the data set and illustrate its utility by demonstrating how it contributes to the literatures on war and state making, civil war, and rebel governance. (International Interactions (London)/ FUB)

International audience ; The long process of stabilization of the labor force, which was gradually gained by long struggles of the labor movement in the Twentieth Century and materialized by the progressive building of the labor law and an important social legislation, was halted by a new precarization process at the end of 1970s. This process affected the way labor conflicts could occur. The segmentation of the labor market into two parts, between stable workers - those who have a stable full-time job provided by a good social welfare - and precarious workers who are put in a various cumulative situations of job insecurity, part-time jobs or temporary work, makes more complicated the emergence of unified struggles of these differentiated types of workers.

International audience ; The long process of stabilization of the labor force, which was gradually gained by long struggles of the labor movement in the Twentieth Century and materialized by the progressive building of the labor law and an important social legislation, was halted by a new precarization process at the end of 1970s. This process affected the way labor conflicts could occur. The segmentation of the labor market into two parts, between stable workers - those who have a stable full-time job provided by a good social welfare - and precarious workers who are put in a various cumulative situations of job insecurity, part-time jobs or temporary work, makes more complicated the emergence of unified struggles of these differentiated types of workers.