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This article focuses on the influence of the (educational) policy of the Third Republic and the specific conceptions of citizenship that were implied in the reshaping of primary education. Particular attention will be drawn to the way children, as future citizens, were being addressed and 'moulded' through the then popular education practices, against the background of a severe assimilationist language policy and a fierce battle against religious institutions. One of its consequences certainly concerns the non-recognition, educationally as well as politically, of the problem of 'immigrants'. The expansive definition of French citizenship vis-à-vis immigrants, with strong roots in the jus soli approach, implied that no special educational measures were taken to 'adapt' the Flemish, non-native speakers to their new situation, while at the same time a number of pragmatic motives on the part of the (children of) migrants themselves strengthened their integration and assimilation.

Contrary to Durkheim's idea about suicide during wartime, the Netherlands had high suicide rates in 1940 and 1945. To explain these findings, we propose the social integration theory, according to which, people who expect to be excluded from society are more likely to commit suicide. We examine this idea using individual-level data on suicide in the Netherlands during the Second World War, assuming that Jews expected to be excluded by the occupying German forces, whereas political delinquents expected punishment after the war. In support of our theory, we found high suicide rates among Jews at the beginning of the war and high suicide rates among political delinquents when the Netherlands was liberated. These findings support the proposed theory and call for refinement of Durkheim's ideas.

In this article I describe how contemporary Swedish literature which thematizes cultural diversity is understood within a powerful discourse about the so-called multicultural society, centred on an opposition between a culturally homogenous past and a culturally diverse present, and emphasizing the phenomena ethnicity and identity. I also try to suggest an alternative way of relating literature to a society characterized by diversity. This suggestion is based on Walter Benn Michaels' and Nancy Fraser's analyses of the epoch of "posthistoricism" and "the postsocialist condition" respectively, and my argument is that the study of the relationship between literature and diversity should be undertaken from a transformative/deconstructive perspective.

María José Falcón y Tella invites us on a fascinating journey through the world of law and literature, travelling through the different eras and meeting eternal and as such current issues such as justice, power, resistance, vengeance, rights, and duties. This is an unending conversation, which brings us back to Sophocles and Dickens, Cervantes and Kafka, Dostoyevsky and Melville, among many others. 0There are many ways to approach the concept of ?Law and Literature?. In the classical manner, the author distinguishes three paths: the Law of Literature, involving a technical approach to the literary theme; Law as Literature, a hermeneutical and rhetorical approach to examining legal texts; and finally, Law in Literature, which is undoubtedly the most fertile and documented perspective (the fundamental part of the work, accorded more time than the others, lies in this direction). This volume offers an introduction to this enormous field of study, which was born in the United States over a century ago and is currently taking root in the European continent

The novelty of this study is that it empirically tests four hypotheses of the Dutch Disease in the Azerbaijan economy while systematically controls for other possible explanations of the observed processes over the period 2000–2007. The study concludes that an "absolute de-industrialization" has not taken place in Azerbaijan, rather the country suffers from a "relative de-industrialization" in the non-oil tradable sector. Additionally, the paper shows that the non-tradable sector has substantially expanded during the 2000–2007 period. Analysis also presents that the government expenditures have created a "spending effect", which is more crucial than the "resource movement effect". Furthermore, it was found that rapid increases in the wages and the non-tradable prices have led to appreciation of the real exchange rate in Azerbaijan. Finally, the study reveals that foreign direct investments inflow to the oil sector is harmful for non-oil exports and therefore, it contributes to deepening of resource, or oil, dependence. Findings in this paper support the view that to obtain a diversified economy with a long-term balanced growth development of the nonoil tradable sector should be of the major focus for the policymakers.

The novelty of this study is that it empirically tests four hypotheses of the Dutch Disease in the Azerbaijan economy while systematically controls for other possible explanations of the observed processes over the period 2000-2007. The study concludes that an 'absolute de-industrialization' has not taken place in Azerbaijan, rather the country suffers from a 'relative de-industrialization' in the non-oil tradable sector. Additionally, the paper shows that the non-tradable sector has substantially expanded during the 2000-2007 period. Analysis also presents that the government expenditures have created a 'spending effect', which is more crucial than the 'resource movement effect'. Furthermore, it was found that rapid increases in the wages and the non-tradable prices have led to appreciation of the real exchange rate in Azerbaijan. Finally, the study reveals that foreign direct investments inflow to the oil sector is harmful for non-oil exports and therefore, it contributes to deepening of resource, or oil, dependence. Findings in this paper support the view that to obtain a diversified economy with a long-term balanced growth development of the non-oil tradable sector should be of the major focus for the policymakers. [Copyright The Regents of the University of California; published by Elsevier Ltd.]

Bourdieu and Literature is a wide-ranging, rigorous and accessible introduction to the relationship between Pierre Bourdieu's work and literary studies. It provides a comprehensive overview and critical assessment of his contributions to literary theory and his thinking about authors and literary works. One of the foremost French intellectuals of the post-war era, Bourdieu has become a standard point of reference in the fields of anthropology, linguistics, art history, cultural studies, politics, and sociology, but his longstanding interest in literature has often been overlooked. This study explores the impact of literature on Bourdieu's intellectual itinerary, and how his literary understanding intersected with his sociological theory and thinking about cultural policy. This is the first full-length study of Bourdieu's work on literature in English, and it provides an invaluable resource for students and scholars of literary studies, cultural theory and sociology.

ABSTRACT Populism studies tend to understand populism as a purely political phenomenon (MUDDE; KALTWASSER, 2017; MÜLLER, 2016). To categorize someone as a populist or not, is in many cases solely based on an evaluation of discourse, style or even ideology. It is much rarer to see approaches to populism that focus on the relation between politics and media and digital media in particular (welcome exceptions are CESARINO 2019 e SILVA, 2019). Throughout this contribution, I will argue that we cannot understand populism in full without focusing in detail on how populists and others actually construct the populist voice, how they communicate themselves on different platforms as the 'true representatives of the people'. This inevitably means taking the changing media landscape into account as a key-context that shapes contemporary populism. The hybrid media system, its media logics, affordances and its culture of connectivity need to be considered when trying to make sense of populism and politics in general in the 21st century.

This article reconstructs a crucial episode in the relationship between the English crown, its subjects and the kingdom's immigrant population. It links the murder of about forty Flemings in London during the Peasants' Revolt in June 1381 to the capital's native cloth workers' dissatisfaction with the government's economic immigration policy. We argue that, in the course of the fourteenth century, the crown developed a new policy aimed at attracting skilled workers from abroad. Convinced that their activities benefited the common profit of the realm, the crown remained deaf to the concerns of London's native weavers, who claimed that the work of exiled Flemish cloth workers in the city encroached on their privileges. Confronted for more than twenty-five years with political obstruction, the native weavers increasingly resorted to physical aggression against their Flemish counterparts, which came to a dramatic conclusion in 1381. The dissatisfaction of London's cloth workers and the massacre of the Flemings thus had much in common with the frustrations over the royal government's policy that had been fermenting for decades among many other groups in society: all came to the surface during the Peasants' Revolt.

AbstractDetecting agency problems is an important task when assessing the effectiveness of a nonprofit organization's governance. A first step is to examine the objectives of principals and agents and determine whether there is a systematic difference between them. Using a discrete choice experiment, we identify the objectives of board chairpersons (principals) and headmasters (agents) of Flemish nonprofit schools. We find systematic differences between the two groups. Of the seven possible objectives set out in the experiment, six are relevant for both headmasters and board chairpersons. For four of these, the preferences of both groups differ significantly. Whereas ideological values play an important role for both the board and the headmaster, they are significantly more important for the board. Both parties dislike having a large number of pupils, and the disutility is larger for the board. With respect to job satisfaction and pupil satisfaction, we find the opposite: while the board is prepared to give up pupil and job satisfaction in favor of the other objectives, these two objectives score very high on the priority list of the headmasters.