Search results

En 2008 se han iniciado varias vías de reforma del Derecho local, tanto en las Comunidades Autónomas como en el Estado. Las propuestas de reforma se desarrollan en un nuevo contexto competencial, el marcado por los nuevos Estatutos de Autonomía de 2006-2007, que reparten el «régimen local» entre el Estado y las Comunidades Autónomas no sólo con la técnica bases-desarrollo (como hasta ahora) sino también con el reconocimiento de algunas materias de competencia exclusiva autonómica. En este nuevo marco competencial se deben articular ahora las propuestas. Pese a la fragmentación del cuadro competencial, es conveniente que tanto los estudios académicos como los partidos políticos actúen con una visión global de las reformas necesarias, con independencia de a quién corresponda luego la competencia para ponerlas en marcha. En el estudio se apuntan algunas necesidades o conveniencias de reforma, y se ha ido identificando, materia a materia, a quién corresponde acometerlas: Estado, Comunidades Autónomas, o las propias entidades locales. Como resultado, y aunque con importantes matices, se va definiendo un cuadro funcional en el que al Estado corresponde definir, sobre todo, la forma de gobierno; a cada Comunidad Autónoma (en especial, Andalucía, Cataluña y Aragón) le corresponde el grueso del régimen local: estructura de la planta local; competencias y potestades, relaciones interadministrativas, bienes, empleo público local. Finalmente, a cada entidad local corresponde regular, casi en exclusiva, la organización administrativa propia (incluyendo los instrumentos de empleo público). ; Several drafts of bills on local government law —both of the State and of the Autonomous Communities— have been proposed along 2008. The new drafts take place in the new scheme of powers established by the new Statutes of Autonomy of 2006-2007 The new Statutes have assigned competences on local government not only under the classical scheme «basic versus secondary» legislation, but also devolving certain matters as «exclusive» of the Autonomous Communities. That is the new competencies framework in which any proposition of reform on local government makes sense. Though the fragmentation of competences, both scholars and parties should keep on holding a global conception of local government nevertheless what authority (State or regional) is called to pass any suggested reform. The present study identifies certain fields of local government where reforms are needed; and also precise which authority is competent for any reform (the State, the Autonomous Communities or even the local council themselves). As a result —and nevertheless the significant nuances in this field— a general scheme of competences can be drafted: the central State should mainly regulate the «government system». Any Autonomous Community —specially Andalusia, Catalonia and Aragon— is enabled to regulate the main contents of local government: type and number of local councils; powers of local governments; monitoring and relationships between local councils and central and regional governments; public property; and civil servant in local councils. Finally, every local council should define its internal organization, this including the own employment scheme

Nepal is currently experiencing a political stalemate as its Constituent Assembly (CA) could not write a constitution and its extended four-year term ended prematurely following a court ruling due to a lack of political consensus (on issues of state restructuring and form of governance). The peace process has yet to reach a satisfactory conclusion after a decade of war waged by Maoists. Presently, Nepal's caretaker government aims to hold new CA elections, whereas the opposition is asking for the prime minister's resignation. Overall, governance is deteriorating, there is diminishing accountability and service delivery is failing. Moreover, the central government is increasingly failing to reach out to citizens living in the periphery. Some politicians and opinion-makers see the increase in political aspirations of various ethnic groups (especially those related to ethnic federalism and a socio-economic restructuring of the state) as a cause of the current crisis and blame those who have mobilised demands for inclusive democracy. Economic growth has been slow – the peace process did not provide any substantial peace dividends. The local governments (LGs) are losing their legitimacy – as they are not elected – and there are increasing allegations of corruption within the transitional structures. Still, mechanisms of local and community governance are very important elements for Nepal's transition to sustained peace. Nepal has more than 50,000 community organisations (COs) and about 4,000 local and municipal governments. Community-based development initiatives, despite their challenges, are often effective in socialcapital formation, providing employment, creating local infrastructure and peace-building. Reforms aiming to empower the communities and raise their awareness level have been satisfactory. LGs, despite their internal disarray, are creating more and more citizen forums and COs for this purpose. Strengthened LGs and COs can complement the overall situation of peace and development by expanding social capital and applying the principles of good governance. They can help smooth the way during the current transition process and absorb the shocks of uncertainties from the state-restructuring process in Nepal. But the current programmes for strengthening local and community governance are facing serious challenges in their implementation. They suffer from gaps in credibility and the lack of commitment from politicians and bureaucrats. There are also issues of poor linkage and coordination between various levels and agencies as well as a lack of empathy and outreach towards the citizens. A numberof reforms are required to improve the overall governance situation in Nepal and make the LGs and COs more effective. Important reforms are: Local governance reforms: immediate elections for LGs, even if it is only for a transitional period; planning and budgeting of LGs linked with demand mobilization of citizens, fiscal transparency throughpublic hearings and budget education; inclusion of diverse ethnic and disadvantaged groups in government structures through affirmative action programmes. Compact with people: strengthen ward citizen forums and community organisations; enact a law for community empowerment; discourage politicization of community organisations; invest more in social mobilisation. Peace and development framework: conflict-sensitive approaches to development; development works for conflict-affected areas; plan for faster and inclusive economic growth.

Administrative and territorial reform in Ukraine is coming to an end. In the socio-economic life of the country, this reform contributed to the establishment of local self-government, in urban planning activities began spatial planning, the main task of which is the development of comprehensive plans for spatial development of the territories of united territorial communities. According to the current legislation, the main subject of local self-government in Ukraine is a united territorial community. Adoption of the Law 711-IX "On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine on Land Use Planning" provides for the development of special urban planning documentation, which extends its effect to the community, which in turn allows the united territorial community to determine the planning and development of its own territory. Law 711-IX also introduces a new type of urban planning documentation - a comprehensive plan for the spatial development of the territory of the united territorial community. In order to successfully implement this project, it is necessary to assess all the challenges and risks in the field of administrative services, medicine, education, road and engineering infrastructure, environmental protection and cultural heritage when drawing up a community spatial development plan in modern conditions. The main problem in drawing up comprehensive plans is the spatial organization of agricultural areas and the interests of the peasant farmer, a representative of the middle class, whose opinion should be taken into account through surveys and analysis of his social and industrial activities, including taking into account his domestic and economic interests. When drawing up comprehensive spatial development plans, the project team should involve community specialists (architect, land surveyor), as well as community proxies (priests, teachers) who know regional issues, history and traditional crafts of the territories and will defend their development. As many community residents as possible should participate in the discussion and approval of project proposals for a comprehensive plan, in order to prevent resistance and understand the need to implement it. ; Адміністративно-територіальна реформа в Україні завершується. В соціально-економічному житті країни ця реформа посприяла утвердженню місцевого самоврядування, в містобудівній діяльності започаткувала просторове планування територій, основне завдання якого розробка комплексних планів просторового розвитку територій об'єднаних територіальних громад. Відповідно до чинного законодавства основним суб'єктом місцевого самоврядування в Україні є об'єднана територіальна громада. Прийняття Закону 711-IX «Про внесення змін до деяких законодавчих актів України щодо планування використання земель» передбачає розроблення спеціальної містобудівної документації, яка поширює свою дію на територію громади, що в свою чергу дозволяє об'єднаній територіальній громаді визначати напрямки планування та забудови власної території.Закон 711-IX також запроваджує новий вид містобудівної документації — комплексний план просторового розвитку території об'єднаної територіальної громади. Для успішної реалізації цього проекту необхідно при складання плану просторового розвитку громади в сучасних умовах передбачити усі виклики та ризики у сфері адміністративних послуг, медицини, освіти, дорожньої та інженерної інфраструктури, охорони навколишнього середовища та пам'яток культурної спадщини. Основною проблемою при складанні комплексних планів залишаються просторова організація аграрних територій та інтереси селянина-господарника, представника середнього класу, думка якого повинна бути врахована через опитування та аналіз його соціальної та виробничої діяльності, зокрема врахування його побутових та господарчих зацікавлень та надання їм пріоритетів. При складанні комплексних планів просторового розвитку до проектної групи необхідно залучати спеціалістів громади (архітектора, землевпорядника), а також уповноважених від громади довірених осіб (священика, учителя), які знають регіональні проблеми, історію та традиційні промисли територій та стануть на захист їх розвитку. В обговоренні та погодженні проектних пропозицій комплексного плану повинні брати участь якнайбільше мешканців громади, для запобігання супротиву та розуміння необхідності його виконання.

"This work assesses the various meanings attached to calls for police reform in the public discourse on social media, providing readers with a greater appreciation of the assumptions, empirical claims, and rhetorical nuances that underpin the current dialogue about police policy. Drawing upon an intersectional theoretical and mixed-methods approach, the authors look at what it means to "defund" or "abolish" the police, as well as the definition of community policing. The death of George Floyd in 2020 resulted in national and international protests during which some members of the public began to demand "abolishing" or "defunding" the police, ideas previously put forth in academic arenas. However, these public protests were often presented in rhetorical ways that differed from the academic roots of the ideas. This book takes a deep look into what it means to "defund" or "abolish" the police, drawing upon academic origins of the concepts while at the same time examining how the public has used Twitter to define and discuss these ideas. The authors identify frameworks built around the concepts, discuss facts and perspectives that have contributed to these ideas, and explain how quantitative methods can be used to illustrate the most prominent frames. This book incorporates both quantitative and qualitative means of research in an examination of Twitter, and brings clarity to the conversation surrounding the abolish the police, defund the police, and community policing concepts. It is suitable for undergraduate to graduate-level college courses in criminology, sociology, policing, race in America, communication, social media, and research methods"--

В статье ставится ряд вопросов, требующих решения в ходе реформы местного самоуправления. Рассматриваются правовые средства решения этих вопросов, называются меры, обеспечивающие функциональное назначение местного самоуправления. ; A number of questions, demanding their settlement during reform of local government, are put in the article. This refers to improvement of relationship between selfgoverning authorities and state authorities, explanation of the constitutional norms governing these relations. Author analyzes changes of the federal legislation on local selfgovernment according to which organizational insulation of selfgoverning authorities and state authorities is defined in a new way. The measures aimed at providing a functional purpose of local government are offered in the article. Need of restriction of the state powers delegated to local governments, the sense of matters of local significance decided by local selfgovernments, arguments for specification of the list of matters of local significance are given. Need of joint actions of selfgoverning authorities and state authorities to solve social and economic problems under condition of strict demarcation of their powers is also proved.

Criminal justice expenditures have more than doubled since the 1980s, dramatically increasing costs to the public. With state and local revenue shortfalls resulting from the recent recession, the question of whether crime control can be accomplished either with fewer resources or by investing those resources in areas other than the criminal justice system is all the more relevant. Controlling Crime considers alternative ways to reduce crime that do not sacrifice public safety. Among the topics considered here are criminal justice system reform, social policy, and government policies affecting alcohol abuse, drugs, and private crime prevention. Particular attention is paid to the respective roles of both the private sector and government agencies. Through a broad conceptual framework and a careful review of the relevant literature, this volume provides insight into the important trends and patterns of some of the interventions that may be effective in reducing crime

Benin experienced a long period of political instability and economic challenges after achieving its independence in August 1960. In 1991 a new government initiated far-reaching reforms aimed at the creation of a market-based economy, resulting in significant liberalization of Benin's political and economic system. Growth fluctuated in the range of 4-6 percent until 2000, after which it began to trend downwards, fluctuating largely in response to variation in the exchange rate as well as to movement in the prices of cotton, Benin's main export, and oil, a major import. Benin benefited from support under the Environmental and Social Assessment Framework (ESAF) and Poverty Reduction and Growth (PRGF) facilities, the latter continuously since 1993. According to an independent ex-post review (International Monetary Fund 2004), program implementation during 1993-2003 was broadly successful. Real economic growth averaged 5 percent and fiscal consolidation improved as key initial challenges arising from the Government's low revenue collection and high wage bill were addressed. But overall progress in structural reform was mixed. Initial efforts to liberalize the economy and reduce government intervention were successful, and there was progress in introducing far-reaching reforms in the cotton sector. A new poverty reduction growth facility was approved in August 2005.

Despite the government's decades-long enforcement efforts, violations of land laws and regulations remain a serious problem in China. Local governments have often been blamed. This article identifies a previously overlooked reason for large-scale violations, by examining the enforcement behavior of the central government. It argues that the government enforces land regulations selectively, depending on the violators' political status. The article focuses on the national policy prohibiting new golf course construction, finding that golf course developers connected with high-level political élites are more likely to violate the prohibition and survive subsequent enforcement actions by the central government. This finding contributes to the literature on regulatory enforcement in authoritarian regimes and has broad implications for reforms in China. (China J/GIGA)

In the period from 2009-2020, South Africa has witnessed the rise of "lawfare". Lawfare is understood as the judicialisation of politics - turning to the courts and the use of the law to resolve broadly political matters. This thesis explores the unfolding implications of the judicialisation of politics for judicial legitimacy. In the displacement of the political into the judicial the reach of the courts is expanded and the legitimacy of courts engaging in a "political" role is questioned. Situated in the field of judicial-political dynamics, the interplay between law and politics is observed through the adoption of a historical-institutionalist model. This thesis identifies the causes of the judicialisation of politics and then traces its consequences for broader constitutional stability and the impact on the judicial institution. Guidelines for the Court to navigate lawfare to achieve institutional resilience and maintain judicial legitimacy are then proposed. Judicialisation of politics is caused primarily through the failures of the other branches of government to fulfil their assigned constitutional role. Institutional imbalance in a dominant party democracy means that opposition parties and civil society organisations are left with little recourse but to appeal to the Court to be a constitutional bulwark. The Court is then compelled to step into the breach and fill the accountability vacuum. In identifying the causes of judicialisation, a fuller understanding of Lawfare emerges, expanding current scholarship beyond its traditionally abusive characterisation. It posits a duality to Lawfare in that it can be both an abuse of law and a last line of defence. Through observing the judicial political interactions, a trajectory from the judicialisation of politics to the politicisation of law is mapped. The politicisation of law sees political power refocused on the courts, exposing them to political aggression and attack by the dominant party. The judicialisation of politics that seeks accountability from recalcitrant political actors asks much of the courts, at a time when ensuring executive oversight is the most dangerous, because of the ease with which a hostile executive in a dominant party democracy can implement measures that may undermine the independence of the judiciary. The Constitutional Court has shown a remarkable ability to navigate this era of Lawfare, remaining resolute under fire. However, the more successful the Court is in holding the line against executive abuse of power, the more the judicial route is identified as a powerful weapon to achieve more abusive political objectives. The relationship between Lawfare and legitimacy is identified as a wicked problem that demands expanding boundaries to observe the courts influence on the political environment, and the political environment's influence on the judicial role and its legitimacy. Through advancing a multi-dimensional paradigm of judicial legitimacy, the dialectics of judicial legitimacy are shown to be aggravated by the judicialisation of politics. In this respect it is argued that where the foundations and assumptions on which legitimacy is predicated shift, legitimacy must be re-examined. It is therefore argued that in a culture marked by an impunified disregard of non-judicial regulatory enforcement and increasing non-compliance with judicial orders, the impulse to preserve legitimacy through a detached, formalist stance will not be sufficient. Judicial legitimacy must be relocated in the ability of the Court to be responsive. Pulled into the role of judicial statesmanship, the Court must adopt a robust approach to assertively uphold the rule of law. In tracking the unfolding consequences of the judicialisation of politics, the Court is asked to resolve matters beyond its institutional capabilities. Absent the normative commitment to the rule of law, the internationalisation of constitutional norms, and the political interest to implement remedial orders, the Court is unable to effect workable relief. In tracing the dangers of the continued trend of Lawfare, the thesis sketches a downward spiral of reputational strength of the Court and a decline in democratic responsibility. This leads to an inability to achieve effective reform that ends in disenchantment, questioning the faith placed in the Constitution. It depicts how the Constitutional Court as 'constitutional saviour' can unravel into constitutional blame. The Constitutional Court has been able to hold the line in this era of Lawfare and repel assaults on its integrity and efforts to undermine its independence. However, without a broader culture of commitment to the rule of law, civil education and a suffusion of constitutional responsibility beyond the judiciary, the Court will not be able to continue to shoulder the weight of what is asked of it. This research depicts a circular model of Lawfare and legitimacy, where Lawfare is predicated on judicial legitimacy, but an overreliance on Lawfare will destroy judicial legitimacy.

Aprovechando las decisiones tomadas en Costa Rica por un grupo de jueces, en el marco de la pandemia global por el Covid-19, este paper analiza la situación de la ejecución penal para personas adultas en el país. Más allá de que las disposiciones jurisdiccionales levantaran cierta polémica entre algunos sectores políticos y mediáticos, desde el punto de vista constitucional, adquieren una enorme relevancia que merece ser tratada con detenimiento. Contrario a lo que ocurre en casi todos los ordenamientos jurídicos, en Costa Rica, se carece de una ley de ejecución de la pena para personas adultas. Esto es así pese a que, en 1994, una reforma legislativa ordenó que el tema debía ser regulado mediante una ley especial de conformidad con un voto de la Sala Constitucional de 1992, debido a que, desde la promulgación del Código Penal en 1970, se carecía de dicha regulación. En 2015, el tribunal constitucional reiteró que la normativa era necesaria y dispuso que la Asamblea Legislativa tenía la obligación de discutirla y votarla. En la actualidad, algunas competencias, administrativas y judiciales, se han regulado vía decreto ejecutivo o gracias a las propias decisiones jurisdiccionales. Algunas propuestas de ley de ejecución de la pena han sido tramitadas en el Congreso, pero hasta ahora ninguna de ellas ha prosperado. En este sentido, en el artículo se analizarán las implicaciones constitucionales que supone la ausencia de una ley de ejecución penal para personas adultas con arreglo al principio de reserva de ley. También los límites que podrían atribuirse a los jueces de ejecución de la pena y el rol que están desempeñando, de acuerdo a conceptos desarrollados por el derecho constitucional y la ciencia política –como neoconstitucionalismo o activismo judicial- a partir del caso concreto, por la emergencia epidemiológica de 2020, en la protección de principios constitucionales, como el de tutela judicial efectiva, el de humanidad y el de prohibición de tratos o penas crueles y degradantes, entre otros. ; Taking advantage of the decisions made by a group of Costa Rican judges during the Covid-19 global pandemic, this paper analyzes the situation of adults serving a criminal conviction in the country. Going beyond the jurisdictional dispositions that raised certain controversies in some political groups and the media, from a constitutional point of view, they acquire an enormous relevance that deserves to be treated carefully. Contrary to what happens in most legal systems, Costa Rica has not had a law on the enforcement of criminal convictions since the approval of the Penal Code in 1970. It is this way despite the fact that, in 1994, a legislative reform of the criminal code mandated that the execution of sentencing would be regulated by law. This was consistent with a constitutional chamber ruling in 1992. In 2015, the constitutional tribunal reiterated that the norm is necessary and ordered the Legislative Assembly to discuss and vote on it. At present, some administrative and judicial functions have been regulated through executive order or by jurisdictional decisions. Some bills focused on criminal convictions have gone through Congress but none have become law. This article addresses the constitutional implications of the absence of a specific law regarding the execution of criminal sentences. We will also analyze the roles and limits of judges in these matters, using concepts of constitutional law and political science such as neo-constitutionalism or judicial activism. Finally, we will examine the judges´ work during the epidemiological emergency in defending constitutional principles, such as effective judicial protection, human dignity, and the prohibition of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, amongst others.

The article examines one of the main institutes of criminal law: crime. It is emphasized that a significant reform of the political system, models of the functioning of the economy, and the direction of social policy that occur in a particular state, always requires corresponding changes in all branches of legislation. Such processes are also characteristic of Ukraine today, in which for several years there have been attempts at reforming transformations of the main processes of state building, and therefore changing the law as a certain normative "tool" for the implementation of such intentions is an objective necessity. In our country such changes apply to all branches of the law, including criminal law. Such changes relate to (should relate to) all institutes of criminal law, but there are some that are fundamental, which determine its content, subject, main function and its other features. One of the main, pivotal institutions of criminal law is crime. Attention is drawn to the existing foreign practice of defining this institute. States areclassified according to their existing rules for defining the concept of crime.It is established that today there are two main ways of determining this institution: formal and formal-material, and also are indicated a number of countries in whose legislation this institute is not officially defined. Special attention is drawn to the national practice of defining the concept of crime, starting with more than 170 years of history of its definition in Ukraine, its definition in the next four Criminal Codes and ending with its definition in the current Criminal Code. A number of intermediate definitions and a final conclusion are proposed, based on the thesis that the importance of a legislative definition of crime is an important condition for its application, scientific and practical interpretation, and doctrinal analysis. ; У статті досліджується один з основних інститутів кримінального законодавства: злочин. Підкреслюється, що значне реформування політичного устрою, моделі функціонування економіки, спрямованості соціальної політики, які відбуваються у конкретній державі, завжди потребують відповідних змін у усіх галузях законодавства. Такі процеси характерні сьогодні і для України, у якій вже низку років відбуваються спроби реформаторських перетворень основних процесів державного будівництва, і тому зміна законодавства як певного нормативного «інструменту» здійснення таких намірів є об'єктивною необхідністю. Тому і в нашій державі такі зміни торкаються усіх галузей законодавства, в тому числі і кримінального законодавства. Такі зміни у цьому законодавстві торкаються (повинні торкатися) усіх інститутів кримінального законодавства, але є декілька, які, безумовно, є основними у цій галузі законодавства, бо саме вони визначають її зміст, предмет, основну функцію та інші її ознаки. Одним з основних, стержневих інститутів кримінального законодавства є злочин. Звертається увага на існуючу зарубіжну практику визначення цього інституту. Класифікуються держави в залежності від існуючих у них правил визначення поняття злочину. Встановлюється, що сьогодні існує два основних способу визначення цього інституту: формальний та формально-матеріальний, а також є низка країн, в законодавстві яких цей інститут офіційно не визначається. Спеціальна увага звертається на національну практику визначення поняття злочину, починаючи з понад 170 річної історії його визначення на теренах України, його визначення у чотирьох наступних Кримінальних кодексах і закінчуючи його визначенням в чинному Кримінальному кодексі. Відзначено особливості визначення злочину у чинному кодексі, яке «складається» так би мовити з положень низки кримінально-правових норм. Пропонується низка проміжних визначень та остаточний висновок, в основі якого простежується теза, що важливість законодавчого визначення поняття злочину є важливою умовою для його застосування, науково-практичного тлумачення, доктринального аналізу.

La proliferación de instrumentos internacionales de lucha contra el terrorismo ha planteado importantes desafíos jurídicos, tanto al Derecho internacional como al Derecho europeo. Uno de los terrenos donde han aparecido cuestiones más complejas e intrincadas ha sido en la dialéctica entre la salvaguarda de la seguridad y la garantía de los derechos fundamentales de los individuos. En el plano europeo, la aplicación de las sanciones del Consejo de Seguridad de Naciones Unidas contra Al Qaeda ha dado lugar a una importante jurisprudencia del Tribunal de Justicia de la UE por su trascendencia tanto para la definición de las relaciones entre el Derecho europeo y el Derecho internacional, como para la determinación de la estructura "constitucional" del propio Derecho europeo. El trabajo concluye que las modificaciones que introduce la Resolución 1989 (2011) del Consejo de Seguridad en el sistema de sanciones contra Al Qaeda constituyen sin duda un punto y aparte en la articulación de las llamadas sanciones inteligentes en las Naciones Unidas. Con esta revolucionaria reforma, el CSNU pretende dar respuesta a las numerosas críticas que este régimen había suscitado desde su creación, ya que implicaba patentes conculcaciones de varios derechos fundamentales. En este nuevo contexto, creemos que el TJ haría bien en adoptar a partir de ahora una postura de deferencia hacia los órganos de las Naciones Unidas encargados de gestionar la lista, al menos en los asuntos en que el Comité 1267 siga las recomendaciones del Ombudsman, aunque se reserve el derecho a «remediar» la conculcación del derecho a la tutela judicial en los casos muy excepcionales en los que siga constatándose su patente violación (si es que ello se produce). Se evitaría así la colisión con el sistema de seguridad colectiva establecido en la Carta de las Naciones Unidas, que cuenta a los Estados europeos entre sus principales valedores ; The proliferation of international instruments against terrorism has raised significant legal challenges, in both international law and European law. One of the areas where more complex and intricate issues have appeared has been in the dialectic between safeguarding security and guaranteeing the fundamental rights of individuals. At the European level, the implementation of UN Security Council sanctions against Al Qaeda has given rise to important case law of the European Court of Justice because for the definition of the relationship between European law and international law, and for the determination of the 'constitutional' structure of European law itself. This paper concludes that the changes introduced by Security Council Resolution 1989 (2011) in the sanctions against Al Qaeda have certainly been a turning point in the so called UN smart sanctions. With this revolutionary reform, the UN Security Council seeks to respond to the many criticisms that the previous system had raised since its establishment because it involved clear breaches of several fundamental rights. In this new context, we believe that the European Court of Justice would do well to adopt in the future a position of deference to the UN bodies responsible for managing the terrorist list, at least in cases in which the 1267 Committee follows the recommendations of the Ombudsman, even if the Court reserves the right to remedy the violation of the right to judicial protection in the very exceptional cases where a clear violation continues. This would avoid a collision with the collective security system established by the UN Charter, which has European states among its leading supporters.

Die massiven Mobilitätsbeschränkungen in der Schengen-Zone, die die EU-Staaten infolge der Corona-Pandemie verhängt haben, sollen ab Mitte Juni aufgehoben werden. Wenn in der Zeit danach keine zweite Infektionswelle ausbricht, kann unter deutscher Ratspräsidentschaft der Ausstieg aus allen verbliebenen Binnengrenzkontrollen ge­lingen. Die Reform der Schengen-Verordnung, die seit der Migrationskrise überfällig ist, kann neu angestoßen werden. Der Zusammenhang zwischen sicheren Außen­gren­zen und interner Freizügigkeit ist spätestens seit diesem Frühjahr neu zu bewer­ten. Zudem müssen gesundheitlich begründete Personenkontrollen besser abgestimmt werden. Es dürfte jedoch schwerer werden, für den kommenden EU-Pakt für Migra­tion und Asyl einen Kompromiss zu finden. Der Zugang zu Asylverfahren ist trotz der nationalen Verantwortung für die öffentliche Gesundheit unbedingt zu gewährleisten. (Autorenreferat)

In this research, we study the mediation between political, administrative and social actors to manage asylums requests. Then we analyze the actions around the situation of the Afghan asylum seekers in France, via the sociology of translation.The theory of Sociology of translation gives us an explanatory model of action, problems of organization between different actors of a sector in different situations. Based on this theory, our research aims ultimately to see how actors of the networks for asylum seekers find a convergence.In the network of actors through the meaning of the sociology of translation, after demonstrating that there is a mediation, we analyze the nature. Then, our research develops on the networking between the theories of social representations (and intercultural) and a sociological survey that includes questionnaires, interviews and direct and participatory observation to understand communicational issues of actors in the context of asylum in France around reform since 2013 until today. Finally, we analyze the communication challenges of the reform of asylum through the concept of public space, then we call the theory of translation to find a convergence model. With this theoretical framework, we will emphasize the role of the Ministry of the Interior: as mediator or translator within the meaning of the sociology of translation, it took on reform of the law of asylum and made the connection between the actors of the network from 2013. ; Dans cette recherche, nous étudions la médiation entre acteurs politiques, administratifs et sociaux, pour la gestion des demandes d'asile. Nous analysons ensuite les jeux d'acteurs autour de la situation des demandeurs d'asile afghans en France, via la sociologie de la traduction.La théorie de la sociologie de la traduction nous donne un modèle explicatif de l'action, des problèmes d'organisation entre différents acteurs d'un secteur dans différentes situations. Basée sur cette théorie, notre recherche vise finalement à voir comment les acteurs des réseaux pour les demandeurs d'asile trouvent une convergence. Dans le réseau d'acteurs au sens de la sociologie de la traduction, après avoir démontré qu'il existe bien une médiation, nous en analysons la nature. Ensuite, notre recherche se développe sur la mise en relation entre les théories des représentations sociales (et interculturelles) et une enquête sociologique qui inclut des questionnaires, des entretiens et l'observation directe et participative pour mieux comprendre les enjeux communicationnels des acteurs de la demande d'asile en France, autour de la réforme depuis 2013 jusqu'à aujourd'hui. A la fin, nous analysons les enjeux communicationnels de la réforme d'asile grâce au concept d'espace public, puis nous convoquerons la théorie de la traduction pour trouver un modèle de convergence. Fort de ce cadre théorique, nous insisterons sur le rôle du ministère de l'intérieur : en tant que médiateur ou traducteur au sens de la sociologie de la traduction , celui-ci a pris en main la réforme du droit d'asile et a fait le lien entre les acteurs du réseau depuis 2013.